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Horizons Volume 5 Issue 1 Article 23 12-18-2020 Construction of a Localist Hong Kong Identity using Cantonese Asako M. Moody University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa Follow this and additional works at: https://kahualike.manoa.hawaii.edu/horizons Part of the Asian Studies Commons Recommended Citation Moody, Asako M. (2020) "Construction of a Localist Hong Kong Identity using Cantonese," Horizons: Vol. 5 : Iss. 1 , Article 23. Available at: https://kahualike.manoa.hawaii.edu/horizons/vol5/iss1/23 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Kahualike. It has been accepted for inclusion in Horizons by an authorized editor of Kahualike. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Construction of a Localist Hong Kong Identity using Cantonese Asako M. Moody Ethnic Studies 301 (Ethnic Identity) Mentor: Dr. Jonathan Okamura This paper examines the Hong Kong population’s attitude towards Cantonese, Putonghua and English after the 1997 handover to explain how a local identity is being constructed through Cantonese. This paper uses existing data from previous interviews conducted by linguists in Hong Kong researching Cantonese and Mainland Chinese immigrant students’ attitudes towards these three languages to demonstrate the construction of a local Hong Kong identity. The students’ responses suggest that the vernacular language, Cantonese, is a central component of Hong Kong culture and that the people of Hong Kong use Cantonese language resources to construct a localist identity that is unique from their recently acquired ‘motherland,’ the People’s Republic of China. However, the construction of this identity also affects respectively their attitudes towards English as a globally superior and Putonghua as a culturally inferior language. The attitudes of Hong Kong locals to these three languages facilitate the construction of a unique identity that is reaffirmed through Cantonese slogans and songs in the 2019 protests against the extradition bill and universal suffrage. By affirming a local Hong Kong identity in Can- tonese and English, the people of Hong Kong are advocating for their rights as a Special Administrative Region (SAR) of China, namely universal suffrage, voicing opposition to the proposed extradition bill and police brutality. a central component of Hong Kong culture, the people of Hong Introduction Kong construct a localist identity that is unique from their re- cently acquired ‘motherland,’ the People’s Republic of China The population of Hong Kong’s attitude towards Cantonese, (PRC), where Mandarin/Putonghua dominates. However, the Putonghua and English after the 1997 handover can explain construction of this identity also entails an attitude or belief how a local identity is being constructed and asserted through that English is a more prestigious language than Putonghua, Cantonese. By asserting the vernacular language Cantonese as despite the latter’s legal status as the ‘nationalist language’ of My name is Asako Moody and I am a BA student in World Comparison History. This is my final pa- per for ES 301: Ethnic Identity course. During the course, the protests in Hong Kong were escalating and catching worldwide attention. Growing up in Macau, a Special Administered Region just like Hong Kong, I wanted to discuss the unique ethnic identity that Hong Kong has that distinguishes itself from China. Instead of solely focusing on the protestors’ advocations, I discuss the different attitudes toward Cantonese and Mandarin that Hong Kong locals have which significantly affects their construction of a local identity different from China. I hope that this paper sparks interests in the complexity of the Hong Kong protests and the ethnic identity of Hong Kong locals. Horizons, Vol. 5, 2020, pp. 112–117 Copyright © 2020 by the University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa 112 Moody Construction of a Localist Hong Kong Identity using Cantonese 113 the PRC (Gu and Tong 2011, 504). The attitudes of Hong Kong completely withdrawn (BBC November 2019). According to the locals to these three languages facilitate the construction of a protestors, the withdrawal of the extradition bill in November unique identity that was reaffirmed through Cantonese slo- was all “too little, too late” and the Cantonese slogan, “Five de- gans and songs in the 2019 protests against the extradition bill mands, not one less!” (五大訴求 缺一不可) became a rallying and universal suffrage. By affirming a local Hong Kong identity cry among the protestors (BBC November 2019). The five de- in Cantonese and English, the people of Hong Kong are advo- mands reiterate the autonomy granted to Hong Kong by the cating for their rights as citizens of a Special Administrative Sino-British Joint Declaration and were as follows: “to withdraw Region (SAR) of China, namely universal suffrage (pou syun the proposed extradition bill, for the protests not to be character- 普選), voicing opposition to the proposed extradition bill and ized as a riot, amnesty for arrested protestors, an independent police brutality. inquiry into alleged police brutality, and the implementation of complete universal suffrage” (BBC November 2019). Reiterating the five demands, another spearheading slo- 2019 Protests in Hong Kong gan of the protests in Hong Kong is “Restore Hong Kong, revolution of our times,” (光復香港 時代革命). The slogan The protests in Hong Kong were originally sparked by the pro- advocates for a democratic Hong Kong with free jurisdiction posal of an extradition bill in April 2019. The extradition bill and election rights, while uniting the advocacy under a power- would allow foreign nationals wanted for crimes in territories ful form of localism that would constitute a “revolution of our such as Hong Kong, Taiwan and Macau to be sent out of coun- times” (Higgins 2019). However, another significant expres- try to Mainland China to face trial, even if the nations had no sion of this slogan is that it is read in the vernacular language formal extradition treaty (BBC June 2019). The opponents of of Hong Kong, Cantonese, rather than Putonghua (which is the bill believed that the bill would expose Hong Kong to “un- the commonly spoken language in China). The importance of fair trials and violent treatment,” while giving China greater reciting this slogan in Cantonese is emphasized by a spray- influence over Hong Kong to target pro-democracy activists painted version of it outside of the legislative council (Higgins and journalists to face trial in China (BBC June 2019). Though 2019). The text itself uses written traditional Chinese charac- the government responded that the bill intended to “plug the ters, “光復香港 時代革命” as opposed to simplified Chinese loopholes” that made Hong Kong a safe haven for criminals, characters, “光复香港 时代革命,” which are commonly used opponents believed it would expose people in Hong Kong to in Mainland China. More significantly, the pinyin (Romanized China’s deeply flawed judicial system and further erode the spelling for transliterating Chinese) written on top of the text judicial independence that was established in the Sino-British reads in Cantonese, “kwong fak Heung Kong si doi gak ming” Joint Declaration signed in 1984 before Britain handed Hong as opposed to a Putonghua reading of the slogan which would Kong back over to China (BBC June 2019). The declaration be “guang fu Xiang Gang shi dai ge ming.” The decision made stated Britain’s intention to return the colony of Hong Kong to spray paint the slogan in traditional Chinese with Cantonese back to mainland China while holding China accountable for pinyin asserts the localist pride of a Hong Kong local popula- implementing a “high degree of autonomy except in foreign tion by utilizing the vernacular language over the language of and refenced affairs” under its own Central People’s govern- their national leaders. ment (Constitutional and Mainland Affairs Bureau 1984). In effect, Hong Kong as an SAR would be separate from the People’s Republic of China and a 1,200-person committee (in Cantonese in Hong Kong lieu of Hong Kong’s 7.2 million residents) is allowed to elect the Chief Executive (Lee and Sing 2019, 4). However, many Though Cantonese is not a widely spoken language, it is cen- of the members of the electing committee are rich investors tral to the identity and pride of people in Hong Kong. Accord- who have immigrated from Mainland China, giving the local ing to the Hong Kong Census and Statistics Department, as of population a very small voice in the “democratic” elections (Lee 2016, 88.9 percent of the Hong Kong population over the age and Sing 2019, 7). of five were speaking Cantonese as their ‘usual language’ (The In opposition to the extradition bill, the protests initial- Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region ly consisted of peaceful marches and demonstrations across Census and Statistics Department 2017). Because Hong Kong popular areas in Hong Kong. However, as the violent clashes was a British Colony until 1997 and, as such, had adopted En- between protestors and police increased, the protests began glish as the primary language of the educational and judicia- to strongly advocate for the implementation of universal suf- ry systems, Hong Kong is regarded as a bilingual society (Lai frage while condemning mainland China’s increased influence 2011). Even today, Hong Kong still has many education institu- over Hong Kong. After a week of protests in April 2019, Hong tions that integrate Cantonese learning with English. However, Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam said the bill would be
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