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Reappropriating Danish History in Bernardino De Rebolledo's First "Selva Dánica" Kluge, Sofie

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Reappropriating Danish History in Bernardino De Rebolledo's First University of Southern Denmark "Qu'assi Saxo le nombra" Reappropriating Danish History in Bernardino de Rebolledo's First "Selva Dánica" Kluge, Sofie Published in: Nordic Journal of Renaissance Studies Publication date: 2017 Document version: Final published version Citation for pulished version (APA): Kluge, S. (2017). "Qu'assi Saxo le nombra": Reappropriating Danish History in Bernardino de Rebolledo's First "Selva Dánica". Nordic Journal of Renaissance Studies , 12, 231-238. Go to publication entry in University of Southern Denmark's Research Portal Terms of use This work is brought to you by the University of Southern Denmark. Unless otherwise specified it has been shared according to the terms for self-archiving. If no other license is stated, these terms apply: • You may download this work for personal use only. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying this open access version If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details and we will investigate your claim. Please direct all enquiries to [email protected] Download date: 04. Oct. 2021 “Q U’ASSI S AXO LE NOMBRA”: Reappropriating the theatrum historiae Danorum in Rebolledo’s First Selva Dánica Af Sofie Kluge In 1655, the Spanish soldier and diplomat Bernardino de Rebolledo (1597– 1676), ambassador to Philip IV in Denmark from 1648 to 1661, published his versified history of Denmark, the first Selva dánica [Danish Wilderniss] with Peter Morsing in Copenhagen. In this poem, a Catholic reappropriation of Danish history vis-à-vis the more factual, protomodern and, above all, Protestant accounts proposed by Christian IV’s royal Dutch historio- graphers, Johannes Meursius and Johannes Pontanus, the Spanish poet- historiographer can be seen to enter into a more or less conscious elective affinity with the father of Danish historiography: the great – Catholic – Saxo Grammaticus. In 1655, the Spanish soldier and diplomat Bernardino de Rebolledo (1597– 1676. Fig. 1),1 ambassador to Philip IV in Denmark from 1648 to 1661, published his Selvas dánicas [Danish Wildernisses] with Peter Morsing in Copenhagen (Fig. 2 & 3). This article concerns the first of the two poems: Rebolledo’s history of Denmark versified in a fashionable Southern metre and artfully wrought in his homeland’s most sophisticated poetic style. A hybrid of poetry and historiography; Scandinavian in content and Hispanic in style; addressing a Northern Protestant context yet deeply impregnated by Counterreformation theology, this strange and uneven work has – as I have discussed elsewhere2 – fallen between two stools and remains to this day 1 Rebolledo began his military carrier in Italy in 1611. In 1628, he became a knight of the Order of Santiago and, in 1630, he was honoured with the title of gentilhombre del Cardinal Infante Don Fernando. His achievements as a diplomat include: the negotiation with Hungary carried out in 1636, on the part of the German Emperor, earning him the title of Count of the Holy Roman Empire; the negotiation, on the part of the Spanish Crown, of the Treaty of Westphalia (1647); and his negotiation, on the part of Frederik III, of the Treaty of Roskilde (1654). The latter came into place because of Rebolledo's personal friendship with Christina of Sweden whose conversion to Catholicism he instigated (Sáez 2014, Mortensen 1999 and Corredera Nilsson 2016). 2 Kluge 2016. 231 GOD LATIN – FESTSKRIFT TIL PETER ZEEBERG Renæssanceforum 12 • 2017 • www.renaessanceforum.dk Sofie Kluge: Rebolledo’s First Selva Dánica largely neglected by both Spanish and Danish scholars, literary specialists and historians.3 However, even though Rebolledo’s mediocre Culteranist silvas4 may impress literary scholars just about as little as his schematic and repetitive historiographical narrative (neither characterized by antiquarian erudition nor by the elegant flow of the narration)5 will excite scholars of Renaissance historiography, the poem is in fact a highly interesting cultural historical document. It can be seen as a Catholic reappropriation of Danish history vis- à-vis Johannes Meursius’ Historia Danica (1630) and Johannes Pontanus’ Rerum Danicarum Historia (1631), both commissioned by Christian IV as part of his ambitious cultural political programme.6 Fig. 1. Anonymous artist: Bernardino de Rebolledo. Retratos de españoles ilustres (1791). 3 Tellingly, the most comprehensive studies date from the 19th century (Bendixen 1859 and Gigas 1883(a)) and the Sankt Andreas Bibliotek in Copenhagen, main Catholic library in Denmark, holds only three Rebolledo-related materials: a first edition of the Selvas dánicas; Gigas 1883(a); and the Ælnoth issue containing Mortensen’s article. 4 The silva is a Spanish Renaissance verse form consisting of an “asymmetric combination of hendecasyllables, or of hendecasyllables and heptasyllables, with freely disposed con- sonant rhyme” (Domínguez Caparrós 1999, 390) and especially associated with “the Spanish Homer”, Luis de Góngora (1567–1621) who used it in his Soledades [Solitudes], scandalously combining heroic and bucolic styles. Culteranismo, a contraction of culto [cultured] and luteranismo [Lutheranism], was the pejorative term used to describe the ornamental and ostentatious poetic style associated with Góngora. 5 The poles of classical historiography as described by Momigliano 1990, 29–50. 6 Skovgaard-Petersen 2001. 232 GOD LATIN – FESTSKRIFT TIL PETER ZEEBERG Renæssanceforum 12 • 2017 • www.renaessanceforum.dk Sofie Kluge: Rebolledo’s First Selva Dánica In his endeavour to eclipse the Dutch historiographers’ more factual, proto- modern and, above all, Protestant accounts, Rebolledo can be seen to enter into a more or less conscious elective affinity with the father of Danish historiography: the great – Catholic – Saxo Grammaticus. Indeed, the first Selva dánica presents itself as a polemical reappropriation of the trans- cendental and eschatological medieval theatrum mundi that was not only the inevitable backdrop of the Gesta danorum and the determinating lens through which Spanish Golden Age writers (literary authors as well as historio- graphers) approached the historical world; it had also recently been Protestantised in the so-called Carion’s Chronicle which exercised a huge influence on Danish Renaissance historiography.7 Put simply, the first Selva dánica sets out to counter the Melanchton-inspired presentation of the Reformation as the zenith toward which Danish History was moving from the beginning of time found in Meursius’ and Pontanus’ histories of Denmark. This interweaving of eschatological and confessional perspectives becomes manifest in the conspicuous frame narrative established in chapter I recounting a theological debate that took place at the University of Copenhagen the year before the publication of Rebolledo’s poem. On this occasion, the Copenhagen-based Jesuit Gottfried Francken reportedly refuted the “error libertino” of the Protestant philosopher and royal physician Henning Arnisæus (1570–1636) in the presence of the king and all the “Doctas Caueças del Senado” [Learned Heads of the Senate],8 an event which is interpreted in the text as a divine sign bringing “esperanças/De no remoto fin de tantos males” [hopes/Of a no remote end to so many evils].9 These hopefully soon ending evils are then explicated in the following seventy pages which describe all the violent deaths, brutal wars, incest, vicious tyrants, fratricides and patricides marring Dania through the centuries from the time of Dan: the stories of the tyrant Lother who dethroned his brother Humble and “En sangre se baño de la Nobleza” [Bathed himself in the blood of the Nobility, 12]; Hadding who, banished by his father Suibdager, returned to kill his begetter and his other offspring along with two of his grandchildren; Helge who “Tubo vn Hijo en su Hija” [Had a Son by his own Daughter, 18], eventually killing himself; and much more of the same kind. As Rebolledo duly notes on various occasions, these stories are largely drawn from Saxo (“Qu’assi Saxo le nombra”, 30, et al.); yet they are at the same time clearly impregnated by the confessional perspective of the frame narrative polemically casting Danish history as a pagan-heretic horror 7 Skovgaard-Petersen 1998, 158–167. 8 In Rebolledo’s account, Arnisæus argued that the soul came from human material (“de materia humana procedida”, Rebolledo 1655, 8–9. 9 Rebolledo 1655, 11. 233 GOD LATIN – FESTSKRIFT TIL PETER ZEEBERG Renæssanceforum 12 • 2017 • www.renaessanceforum.dk Sofie Kluge: Rebolledo’s First Selva Dánica scenario only briefly interrupted by short periods of peace during Catholic dominion (e.g., during the reign of Queen Margrethe I, 1388–1412). Though implicit throughout the narrative in the narrator's interspersed commentaries,10 the confessional-cum-eschatological perspective explicitly reappears in the final exhortation to Frederik III to return to Catholicism, bringing the poem full circle. Fig. 2. Title page of the 1st edition. Fig. 3. Frontispiece of the 1st edition. The Royal Library, Copenhagen. Narratological speaking, the framework of the first Selva dánica thus creates two separate if interrelated levels of representation: the here-and-now of the narrator, steeped in confessional controversy; and the retrospective historiographical narrative unfolding in the virtual θέατρον that is created in between the opening polemic and the closing supplication to
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