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The Work: Dealing and Violence in the War on Drugs Era

Will Cooley

In , ve heroin dealers victimized by assailants led for benets from the state of Maryland’s Criminal Injuries Compensation Board. In one example, a claimant was wounded and his roommate killed in a home invasion that netted the thief $ in marijuana and $ in heroin. The dealer sought $, . in expenses and lost wages from his regular job. The board was part of a national movement to attend to crime victims, but the sellers’ requests ran headlong into another trend: the demonization of dealers as the root cause of drug problems. The executive director dismissed them as “pushers,” and commented that “getting shot is a risk of the trade.”1 If drug peddlers wanted to regulate their market, the bureaucrat implied, they would have to do so on their own terms. He got his wish. Over the following decades, participants in the illicit narcotics industry produced calamitous amounts of serious violence, contributing to a steep rise in crime that profoundly affected the American political landscape. To deal with increasing crime, the United States vastly expanded the scope of its criminal justice system at the local, state, and federal levels. Incarceration rates had been steady from the s to the s, but from to the number of inmates in state and federal prisons rose from approximately , to . million, creating the world’s largest penal system.2 The debate over the development of mass incarceration has broken down into three broad camps. Structuralists argue that the shift to punishment was a race- and class-based effort to control despised peoples.3

The author thanks the following people for suggestions and comments: James Barrett, Randi Storch, the Walsh Works-in-Progress Group, and the anonymous readers for Labor. The article is dedicated to the late Eric Schneider: scholar, mentor, friend. . Narcotics Control Digest, April , , box , folder , American Social Health Association Records, University of Minnesota Libraries Social Welfare History Archives, Minneapolis, Minnesota; “States Move to Compensate Victims of Violent Crime,” New York Times, October , . . National Research Council, Growth of Incarceration in the United States, . . H. A. Thompson, “Why Mass Incarceration Matters,” Parenti, Lockdown America; Hinton, From the War on Poverty to the War on Crime; Alexander, New Jim Crow.

Labor: Studies in Working-Class History, Volume 15, Issue 2 DOI 10.1215/15476715-4353704 © 2018 by Labor and Working-Class History Association

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Downloaded from https://read.dukeupress.edu/labor/article-pdf/15/2/77/531007/0150077.pdf by SUNY AT CORTLAND user on 29 May 2018 78 15.2 LABOR Others, while deploring the staggering and counterproductive growth of the carceral state, note that the punitive turn was conditioned by escalating violent crime.4 A third faction—generally ignored by academics but carrying a great deal of weight with the public—contends that a harsh state was necessary and benecial in confronting cultural threats.5 This essay demonstrates that drug prohibition has been a prime driver of violence as workers in the informal economy engaged in rational market regulation. Most carceral state scholars have produced top-down studies that have not examined life on the ground, particularly in the lucrative, frenzied drug trade. In the absence of an examination of the lived experience of narcotics workers, a curious consensus has emerged downgrading the importance of the war on drugs, as commentators argue that those convicted of narcotics crimes make up an insignicant part of the prison population, and that deeper changes—structural or behavioral—are needed to address the nation’s crime problem.6 This is a useful corrective, as some reformers have misleadingly asserted that mass incarceration could be xed by stopping the prosecution of nonviolent drug offenders.7 Catching users has never been the core thrust of the drug war, but by dismissing prohibition, scholars neglect how underground markets signicantly contributed to violent crime, especially homicide.8 Drug dealers’ search for rewarding work interacted with the contextual issues of poverty, segregation, deindustrialization, and government policy to account for a substantial amount of mayhem in the war on drugs era. As labor historians have shown, workers have long sought not only a job, but also meaningful endeavors that allow them to develop their skills and personalities.9 In the s, observers noted that men were increasingly opting out of the work- force and going off the books, a trend that continued as conventional jobs offered less in terms of satisfaction and remuneration.10 Drug dealing provided an outlet for risk-takers who rejected the strictures of ordinary employment as well as the liberal credence of pushing for change through the system. Because they were engaged in illicit activity, dealers did not leave a paper trail, but an examination of ethnographies, journalistic accounts, and government reports containing their words and actions pro-

. L. L. Miller, Myth of Mob Rule; Forman, “Racial Critiques of Mass Incarceration,” , , ®. . MacDonald, The War on Cops; Latzer, Rise and Fall of Violent Crime. ®. Brooks, “The Prison Problem”; Lane, “Ending the War on Drugs”; Gottschalk, Caught, ; Hin- ton, From the War on Poverty to the War on Crime, ; Forman, “Racial Critiques of Mass Incarceration,” ; Pfaff, Locked In, ®, . . Alexander, New Jim Crow, ; Barack Obama, “Remarks by the President at the NAACP Con- ference,” Philadelphia, July , , obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-ofce////remarks -president-naacp-conference. . Miron, “Violence and the U.S. Prohibitions of Drugs and Alcohol,” ; O’Flaherty and Sethi, “Homicide in Black and White,” –®; Dell, “Trafcking Networks.” . Braverman, Labor and Monopoly Capital; Montgomery, Workers’ Control in America, ; Meyer, Man- hood on the Line, . . “The Great Male Cop-Out from the Work Ethic,” Business Week, November , , ®–®®; Flint, “Unreported Income”; Appelbaum, “The Vanishing Male Worker, Waiting It Out.”

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vides insight on their motivations and agency.11 The labor vantage point helps explain the failure of punitive deterrence, and why jobs programs and economic upswings only partially eased the industry’s tribulations. The violence involved in drug dealing can be situated in the history of labor resistance under modern capitalism. When faced with repression and coerced con- formity, workers—especially males—often turned to volatile means in the search for fair returns and self-worth.12 The hypercapitalist, masculine, and unregulated drug economy in disadvantaged areas dramatically amplied this explosiveness. In the absence of formal dispute resolution but faced with the state’s battering ram, drug prohibition empowered those willing to utilize physical aggression. As the Marx- ist intellectual Louis Fraina noted, syndicalist-style labor revolts, shorn of collectively shared aspirations, elevated violence to a “creative principle.”13 Dealers, especially those facing enforcement pressures, engaged in belligerent actions because they wanted to control commerce, make money, and engage in an adrenaline-fueled enterprise. Under prohibition, aggression was usually rational, and without governance it spi- raled into cycles of collateral carnage as armed men created their own rules in the place of a discredited justice system. The state claimed to taper the trade through busts, but their boasts of tactical victories spawned chaotic market reconsolidations, worsening local conditions.14 Interpreting serious crime as rational does not diminish a focus on racial ineq- uities; rather, it shows how the state’s biases exacerbated violence in minority communities. Sociologists have identied differences in the structures of dealing by geogra- phy and socioeconomics. The “code of the street” stressed bellicosity, while the “code of the suburb” emphasized avoiding con±ict.15 These variations were not xed by culture, but rather fashioned by enduring discrimination in the organized crime-police- politics nexus. Beginning in the late ®s, racial minorities began an underworld insurgency against multiethnic white syndicates that had left them table scraps in the rackets. Cooperation from compliant government authorities traditionally stabilized organized crime, but blacks and Latinos usually could not achieve this protection, making them unable to rationalize vice economies in places already beset by hard- ship and segregation.16 Many dealers in these communities were drawn to the high ceilings and free- doms of outlaw capitalism and simultaneously repulsed by its heartlessness, especially

. For discussions of methodologies in the study of organized crime, see Kelly, Chin, and Schatzberg, Handbook of Organized Crime. . Shor, “ ‘Virile Syndicalism’ ”; Schneider, Vampires, Dragons, and Egyptian Kings; Higbie, Indispens- able Outcasts, , , ; Andrews, Killing for Coal, –. For an alternative view of order and violence, see Cohen, The Racketeer’s Progress, . . Fraina, “Syndicalism and Industrial Unionism,” . . Gugliotta and Isikoff, “Violence in the ‘s Drugs’ Deadly Residue.” For examples from alcohol prohibition, see McGirr, War on Alcohol, –®; and Okrent, Last Call, . . E. Anderson, Code of the Street; Jacques and Wright, Code of the Suburb. ®. For the salience of the color line in organized crime, see Cooley, “Immigration, Ethnicity, Race, and Organized Crime,” –.

Downloaded from https://read.dukeupress.edu/labor/article-pdf/15/2/77/531007/0150077.pdf by SUNY AT CORTLAND user on 29 May 2018 80 15.2 LABOR as aspirations met the cold truth that their gambles generated riches for a select few. Workers lacked conventional protections, and managers enforced rules by abusing subordinates. In response, they sought ingenious ways to lessen turmoil, gradually promoting violent crime reductions as change agents from below. This improvisa- tional approach could only do so much without the state’s assistance, though, and bloodshed disproportionately af±icted distressed neighborhoods with weak law enforcement legitimacy. Communities already skeptical of the police saw generations of young men locked up in a “war,” justiably diminishing their faith that the system functioned in their interests.17 Participants in the narcotics industry did not create this discriminatory context, but they did not shy away from the damaging costs of chasing the dream. The carceral state grew as drug law offenders took practical measures to get their share of the black market’s bounty.

Demand and Democratization Three interrelated changes in the ®s and s in the narcotics business height- ened violence in the United States: democratization and the loss of a semblance of order, greater supply and demand, and the youthful character of street sales. Prior to the late ®s, white-ethnic syndicates structured large-scale drug commerce as the merchandise bonded criminal partnerships.18 Law enforcement made arrests and seizures, but international importers usually avoided sanction due to the anonymity of supply chains and cooperative authorities. Drug organizations paid off police and narcotics agents to shield their operations and shut down the competition.19 Violence was muted not because white organized crime gures had a “code” or were “men of honor,” but because they had European connections and assistance from compliant police.20 Organized crime depended on relationships with public ofcials, and devel- oped into another location of whiteness formation. Historians often accentuate underworld rivalries among the Irish, Italians, and Jews, but more careful exam- inations reveal extensive white-ethnic collaboration and the exclusion of nonwhites.21

. Tyler and Fagan, “Legitimacy and Cooperation,” ®; Leovy, Ghettoside, – ; Andrew Papachris- tos, “Close the Crime Gap to Reduce Inequality.” . US Senate, Organized Crime and Illicit Trafc in Narcotics, , ®, ; A. A. Block, “Snowman Com- eth,” , ; Schneider, Smack, –. . Commission to Investigate Allegations of Police Corruption, Knapp Commission Report, , , ; Comptroller General of the United States, “Difculties,” ; Staff and Editors of Newsday, Heroin Trail, . For literature on organized crime using the authorities to establish degrees of control over vice, see Haller, “Illegal Enterprise”; Gardiner, Politics of Corruption, –; A. G. Anderson, Business of Organized Crime, ®; Teresa with Renner, Vinnie Teresa’s Maa, – ; Donnelly, Dark Rose, ®–®; Potter and Gaines, “Country Comfort,” . . For the honor’s thesis, see O’Kane, The Crooked Ladder, –; Ianni, Family Business; and Bonanno, A Man of Honor. . For studies advancing the theory of ethnic rivalries, see Fox, Blood and Power; Raab, Five Fami- lies. For cooperation, see A. A. Block, East Side–West Side, –, , ; and Fried, Rise and Fall of the Jewish Gangster, .

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As a mobster from Chicago’s Outt bragged, “We got Jews, we got Polacks, we got Greeks, we got all kinds.”22 The Outt and other syndicates did not include blacks, though, and since their revenues often bankrolled drug trafcking, racial minorities could not enter the ranks of international smuggling. “I don’t believe there was a black man who could bring two kilos of heroin into the United States up to ®,” a New York Police Department drug expert noted.23 Spurred by expanding urban clout and the zeitgeist of freedom struggles, blacks and Latinos launched a gangland revolt in the late ®s. Minority gangsters pushed out white bosses, assumed in±uence over local drug sales, and coerced their way to wholesale connections.24 In New York City, Nicky Barnes gained associations with maa suppliers and forced them into favorable arrangements, while organizing black merchants into a cooperative consortium. More impressively, Frank Lucas and his family bypassed white wholesalers and acquired heroin straight from Southeast Asia, garnering eye-popping prots. While Barnes paid maa brokers $, for a kilogram, Lucas acquired his for a paltry $,. With this margin, Lucas became a multi-millionaire.25 In black communities, concern over the depredations of narcotics sales and abuse was somewhat tempered by admiration for the hustlers who had fought past Jim Crow in organized crime while outwitting the police. Chicago authorities long permitted narcotics dealing in African American neighborhoods, and in the years after World War II, a black service organization groaned that the South Side had become “the center of the city of Chicago’s illicit narcotic ‘industry.’ ”26 The community was “staggering” under the trade, a Chicago Defender reporter noted, but blacks were “underlings,” not suppliers. The trafc was “reaping a tremendous toll in humanity, on one hand, and prots for the ‘family’ on the other.”27 When black gangsters broke through this barrier, African Americans could at least be consoled by the knowledge that men of the race were reaping the rewards. In ®, for example, seven thousand Chicagoans turned out for the funeral of murdered boss Willie “Flukey” Stokes. In his casket, Stokes held the tool of his trade: a portable phone.28 Black urbanites had complicated viewpoints toward kingpins that mixed admiration, moral disapproval, awe, and dread. But for the adventurous, high-rollers like Stokes were pied pipers, as the symbols of success through outlaw capitalism were

. “The Conglomerate of Crime,” Time, August , ®, ; Gage, “Bias in the Maa,” . . Courtwright, Joseph, and Des Jairlais, Addicts Who Survived, . . Grutzner, “Maa is Giving Up”; “There Are People Who Say: ‘Well, Business is Business,’” Forbes, April , , –; Barnes with Folsom, Mr. Untouchable, –; Cooley, “ ‘Stones Run It,’ ” –. . Jacobson, “Return of Super±y,” ®; and “Lords of Dopetown,” ®®–; Schneider, Smack, ®; Pres- ident’s Commission on Organized Crime, America’s Habit, –. ®. South Side Community Committee, “Dope Must Go Crusade, Progress Report,” Dec. , , box , folder ®, Chicago Area Project Papers, Chicago History Museum; Spillane, “Making of an Under- ground Market,” . . Mosby, “Negroes on Outside Say Police,” Chicago Defender, November , ®, . . Brotman, “, Say Farewell to Flukey.”

Downloaded from https://read.dukeupress.edu/labor/article-pdf/15/2/77/531007/0150077.pdf by SUNY AT CORTLAND user on 29 May 2018 82 15.2 LABOR close at hand. Distributors labored in a cash business, and were not shy about ±aunt- ing their gains. A twenty-year-old enlisted in the Gangster Disciples, a formidable Chicago supergang, after seeing a mainhead driving a Mercedes-Benz. “This nigga was pimpin.’ He had all the ladies. He had the green. . . . I knew I had to roll with him.”29 Players realized the perils; the lure of money masked the madness. Immigrants could also speed their way to the American Dream through narcotics operations. Latinos made alliances with emergent South and Central Ameri- can drug-trafcking organizations pouring powder into the country, and expanded business ventures far beyond their stomping grounds. In New York’s Washington Heights, the Dominican migrant Santiago Luis Polanco-Rodriguez (Yayo) mass- produced and distributed crack beginning in the mid- s so prolically that his nickname became a slang term for the drug. Yayo hired elderly women to ferry his cash back to the Dominican Republic, where he eased into a life of luxury after ±ee- ing a Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) sting in .30 Other Dominican distributors bought legitimate businesses and entered a comfortable semiretirement. They grumbled about the brazen disorder of the next generation, and claimed, “We are respectable cocaine-dealing families.”31 Their laundered transnational wealth served as a powerful enticement to ambitious immigrants who moved beyond the barrio.32 “Not long ago Dominicans went no farther than Queens,” a Puerto Rican foot soldier noted in ; “now Dominicans go everywhere.” He and his Dominican-led outt had signicantly enlarged their sales operations, distributing powder from Maryland to Massachusetts.33 Very few minority dealers rose to the heights of a Flukey or Yayo, but evidence suggests a higher chance of upward mobility for the disadvantaged in narcotics than in most elds. Automation and relocation decimated urban manufacturing, and critics rebuked poor and working-class youths for not starting at the bottom in the service sector. Determined young men, however, viewed spurning this drudg- ery as a judicious choice.34 Low pay and irregular hours were compounded by min- iscule chances for advancement—a fast-food franchise was a castle in the sky. In the drug racket, runners could turn ambition and diligence into a promotion, particularly when a wave of arrests or a spate of bloodshed cleared the deck.35 “I see the people comin’ up,” a mid-level Gangster Disciple observed. “I feel I can do it too, gettin’ money and stuff.”36 Despite their expanding power, minority gangsters infrequently achieved the same levels of police collaboration enjoyed by their white peers. Calculating ofcers

. Papachristos, A.D., After the Disciples, –®. . Krauss, “Drug Suspect Lives Good Life”; Hoffnung-Garskof, Tale of Two Cities, –. . T. Williams, Crackhouse, ®; Rohter and Krauss, “Dominicans Allow Drugs Easy Sailing.” . Contreras, Stickup Kids, . . Krauss and Rohter, “Dominican Drug Trafckers Tighten Grip.” . Thernstrom and Thernstrom, America in Black and White, . . Inciardi and Pottieger, “Kids, Crack, and Crime,” ®; Mieczkowski, “Geeking Up and Throwing Down,” ®; Reuter, MacCoun, and Murphy, Money from Crime, . ®. Tyson, “Nation’s Largest Gang,” .

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thought partnering with syndicates was a good way to make extra cash. They con- sidered vice crimes unenforceable and better structured through what critics called corruption but cops saw as common sense.37 In general, lawmen were reluctant to include black and Latino operations in their equation. Frank Serpico and Renault Robinson, two ofcers that blew the whistle on discriminatory urban policing prac- tices, both noted that their orientation included guring out, sometimes explicitly, that white racketeers had a free hand while racial minorities should be contained and pursued.38 Narcotics detectives in New York City, the nation’s primary hub for impor- tation, aligned with mob suppliers who ±aunted their largesse. When South and Cen- tral Americans moved in on the trade, the crooked investigators seethed with hatred for the ±ashy insurgents, exacting street justice by robbing and forcibly deporting them.39 The main problem for talented minority gangsters, much like their peers in legitimate pursuits, was not culture, but discrimination. White mobsters could lean on cops to do their dirty work. For nonwhites, the task of rationalization fell to them. Regulating the market became even more difcult as the proliferation of crack garnered a wider consumer base in the s. A cheaper, smokable form of cocaine with a sharper, more immediate high, crack turned the champagne of drugs into the people’s choice. Unlike heroin, which required labor-intensive rening mills to make it street ready, sellers large and small could jump right in to the cocaine business. Sell- ers had to impress customers on its quality, but once it became trendy, a Los Angeles Blood noted, “the product sold itself.”40 And sell it did, as demand jumped from subcultures to the mainstream.41 Open-air bazaars in Manhattan drew the poor, but were also so overrun with limos, taxis and out-of-state cars that a police commander joked about blowing up bridges and tunnels to keep suburbanites out.42 In the North End in Hartford, Connecticut, a sweep at a housing project revealed that seventy-seven of the one hundred arrested had suburban addresses.43 Peddlers rightfully believed that if they didn’t take advantage of this chance, someone else surely would.44 “I’m not a criminal because I am not criminal minded, I mean it’s like a business, we simply supply people with what they want to pay top dollar for,” a veteran in Cleveland stated. “The only difference is the law says crack is illegal.”45 Though they garnered widespread reproach, dealers

. Tricarico, Italians of Greenwich Village, ®; Jackson, “Sordid Ties”; Murphy and Cramer, “FBI Found Liable.” . Maas, Serpico, –; Terkel, Working, . . Daley, Prince of the City, – . . Ricks, “Cocaine Business”; Katz, “Tracking the Genesis of the Crack Trade.” . Demarest, “Cocaine: Middle Class High”; Blau and Sjostrom, “Coke Now Du Page’s Drug of Choice”; Michael Massing, “Crack’s Destructive Sprint”; “Drugs and Dealers in Endless Supply,” New York Times, April , , . . “Crack and Crime,” Newsweek, June ®, ®, ®. . Marks, “Antidrug Message,” . . Staff and Editors of Newsday, Heroin Trail, ; Taylor, Dangerous Society, ; Sullivan, “Getting Paid,” ®, ®; Anderson, Code of the Street, ; Blum, “Drug Pushers,” ; Shalhoup, BMF, ®–. . Charisse Ausbrook, “Is There a Right Way to Do Wrong?,” .

Downloaded from https://read.dukeupress.edu/labor/article-pdf/15/2/77/531007/0150077.pdf by SUNY AT CORTLAND user on 29 May 2018 84 15.2 LABOR viewed themselves as outwitting a ±awed system that arbitrarily allowed the sale of some intoxicating substances but not others.46 Meanwhile, punitive laws gradually altered the demographics of dealing. Tra- ditionally, adults involved in a multiplicity of illegal activities sold drugs.47 As law- makers stiffened sentences for them in the s, the commerce—especially on the streets—shifted to juveniles facing smaller penalties for drug offenses. Fagin-style bosses hired impoverished, incautious adolescents to do curbside sales, creating more chaos as immature, heavily armed teenagers took on precarious retail duties.48 Deal- ers were not fools, and were aware of the threats to life and limb. However, the laws that encouraged youthful involvement injected an adolescent sense of invincibility to an already ungainly business. Shawn Carter and a friend started as runners for a Brooklyn dealer that lectured them on the hazards and preached discipline. Soon after, competitors executed their mentor and shoved his testicles in his mouth. “You would think that would be enough to keep two fteen-year-olds off the turnpike with a pocketful of white tops,” Carter noted. “But you’d be wrong.”49 Carter later took the stage name Jay-Z, one of many rappers that portrayed the dealer as another de- antly individualist “bad man” of black folklore, an image emulated by youths who had never manned a drug corner.50 Youth gangs also seized the new chances, with some evolving from protective alliances into moneymaking associations. “This was a business made for us; it was something like it was sent by God [sic],” a Puerto Rican gang member in Chicago recalled. “It was a business that we could do straight from the neighborhood that we controlled and knew real well. How could you go wrong?”51 In St. Louis, young men identied dealing as “work,” and over percent said that a positive aspect of joining gangs included income from selling drugs.52 In the eyes of critics, gangs became the byword for all that ailed the inner cities. For enlistees, they provided networks and support, a social club with guns. The expansion of the drug economy in high-poverty areas undoubtedly worsened local conditions. From the perspective of dealers, though, it also brought hard- earned possibilities in an era of declining opportunity. In neighborhoods dominated by imposing white gangsters, a new generation turned the tables in rackets once off-limits.

®. Curcione, “Suburban Snowmen,” ; Lamar, “Kids Who Sell Crack,” . . A. A. Block, “Snowman Cometh,” ; Schneider, Smack, , . . Woodley, Dealer, ; L. Williams, “Thousands of Harlem Drug Runners”; Curtis, “The Negligible Role of Gangs,” ; Hamid, “The Political Economy of Crack-Related Violence,” ®; Churchville, “District Drug Sweep”; Raab, “Links to Murders,” ®. . Jay-Z, Decoded, . . This article cannot do justice to the cultural resonance of drug dealing culture. For extended histo- ries on black refusals to abide by white laws in folklore and ction, see Bryant, Born“ in a Mighty Bad Land”; and Brown, Stagolee Shot Billy. . O’Brien, “Black P. Stone Nation”; “Youth Gangs Here Are Found More Violent and Better Orga- nized,” New York Times, August , , ® ; Spergel, Youth Gang Problem, ; Padilla, Gang as an Ameri- can Enterprise, . . Decker and Van Winkle, Life in the Gang, .

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As Nicky Barnes recalled, this ascent was a demand for respect, “and if it takes crime to get it, so be it. Our time has come.”53 Street dealers did not invent draconian and arbitrary narcotics laws or the privations that exacerbated the harms of addiction. But they were not innocents; they understood the unforgiving rules of the game.

An Entrepreneurial Alternative Similar to other enterprising tasks, selling could include intrinsic satisfactions, including a degree of autonomy and feelings of respect and empowerment.54 For some, the job was thrilling. “I love selling dope,” a Milwaukee hustler disclosed. “I know there’s other niggers out here love the money like I do.”55 Dealers enjoyed using their intel- lect, scheming, and problem-solving abilities. They learned about supply and demand, wholesaling and retail, managing inventory and cash ±ow, handling competition, and coping with mercurial customers.56 Turning dealing into a career took a high degree of shrewd planning and skill. Prots came from diluting the powder with adulter- ants, but consumers kept exchanges somewhat honest. High-volume sellers had to balance thinning with providing a high that brought clients back for more. “I could step on it more, but I don’t,” a suburban specialist explained. “With steady customers, in the long run that would come back to you. I just sell them the good stuff at a fair price.”57 Discerning patrons in±uenced commerce by seeking a solid product through reliable and fair transactions.58 One professional boasted of his “top-shelf coke.” “That is why people come to me. They get the best. They get it when they want it. And they come back.”59 When a rival menaced Nicky Barnes, he scoffed at the threat, knowing that customers ±ocked to his superior brand. “[Buyers] followed the powder, not the guys who controlled the neighborhood,” Barnes recalled.60 The “good stuff” was hard to resist, and a major occupational hazard involved sellers becoming their own best customers. Media reports and politicians crafted the image of the abstemious pusher callously manipulating wretched addicts. To gain public support, drug warriors tried to make distinctions between plundering pitch- ers and unsuspecting clients, especially when the consumers were white and middle class.61 These groupings were unfounded, as users were generally dealers, and vice versa.62 Even in New York City, where organized operations ±ourished, a typical

. Barnes with Folsom, Mr. Untouchable, . . Freeman, “Crime and the Employment of Disadvantaged Youths,” ; Taylor, Dangerous Society, ; Blum, “Drug Pushers,” , ; Glick, “Survival, Income, and Status,” . . Hagedorn, “Homeboys, Dope Fiends, Legits, and New Jacks,” –. ®. W. M. Adler, Land of Opportunity, ®; Fagan, “Drug Selling and Licit Income,” . . “The Cocaine Scene,” Newsweek, May , , ; Curcione, “Suburban Snowmen,” ®. . “The Men Who Created Crack,” U.S. News and World Report, August , , ; Hagedorn, “Neighborhoods,” –; Waterston, Street Addicts, . . Woodley, Dealer, . ®. Jacobson, “Lords of Dopetown,” ®®–. ®. Lassiter, “Impossible Criminals,” , , . ®. Fagan, “Drug Selling and Licit Income in Distressed Neighborhoods,” ; Jacobs, Dealing Crack, ; Johnson, Golub, and Fagan, “Careers in Crack,” ; Inciardi and Pottieger, “Kids, Crack, and Crime,” ® ; Mieczkowski, “Crack Distribution in Detroit,” ; Blum, “Drug Pushers,” .

Downloaded from https://read.dukeupress.edu/labor/article-pdf/15/2/77/531007/0150077.pdf by SUNY AT CORTLAND user on 29 May 2018 86 15.2 LABOR street distributor was a homeless addict absorbed by rapid rounds of transaction and consumption.63 Users frequently drifted into dealing, scarcely gaining from their sales. Law enforcement, relying on “buy and bust” tactics, swept up those who did not even conceive of themselves as dealers. “I never got that big in money,” a thirty- one- year-old addict serving a sentence for distribution noted. “Whatever money I made was always spent up on drugs. I have nothing to show for it.”64 As experts knew from the earliest days of the drug war, sellers and customers were often an interchangeable population, and most people obtained drugs from acquaintances.65 Despite pervasive use, workers in the drug economy could generally handle their habits, at least initially. Crusaders frantically tried to spread the belief that even casual consumption was a deadly proposition. In , a Newsweek reporter captured the war’s frenzy by quoting a Dade County, Florida, homicide commander. “There is no such thing as a recreational crack cocaine user. They are all terribly addicted. Young people are willing to kill for it.”66 The next year, the same reporter revealed the “dirty little secret about crack: as with most other drugs, a lot of people use it without getting addicted.”67 Indeed, dependent users often stayed functional.68 Even those at the top distribution levels enjoyed indulging. The notorious Carlos Lehder, the fascist cofounder of the Medellin cartel, regularly smoked marijuana and freebased cocaine, all while running a multinational business.69 That sellers tasted their goods was unsurprising, but it did not necessarily degrade their performance and ambitions. Contrary to charges that they were lazy and looking for easy money, those who committed to selling demonstrated diligence and took pride in their endeavors. “Most of the older guys are on the corner every day. They ain’t out here to bullshit,” a marijuana seller observed. “It’s a job, what they do for a livin’. I work from nine to ve and, after that, I’m off until the next day.” In organizations, these prized couri- ers negotiated for higher percentages and enlarged responsibilities.70 As with other initiative- driven activities, there were highs and lows, stressors and satisfactions, and the rush of high stakes. Conversely, many young, working-class men viewed the posts available in the formal sector as low-paying, undesirable, and emasculating. Burgeoning service

®. Vera Institute of Justice, “Neighborhood Effects,” –®. ®. Murphy, Waldorf, and Reinarman, “Drifting into Dealing,” ; Tunnell, “Inside the Drug Trade,” –; Mieczkowski, “Crack Distribution in Detroit,” . ®. President’s Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice, Task Force Report, ; Citizens’ Task Force on Mental Health and Mental Retardation, “Summary of Findings,” , ; Wilson, Thinking about Crime, . ®®. Martz, “A Tide of Drug Killing,” . ®. Martz, “A Dirty Drug Secret,” . ® . Caplovitz, Working Addict, –, ®, ; Woodley, Dealer, , ; P. A. Adler, Wheeling and Deal- ing, . For labor history articles that take drugs and work performance seriously, see Rose and Salzmann, “Bionic Ballplayers,” –; and Riley, “Driving on Speed,” ®–. ®. Gugliotta and Leen, Kings of Cocaine, ; Mermelstein, Man Who Made It Snow, ®, , , ®–, , ®, . . Fields, “ ‘Slinging Weed,’ ” ®; Levitt and Venkatesh, “An Economic Analysis of a Drug-Selling Gang’s Finances,” ; Ralph, Renegade Dreams, .

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employment demanded that workers subserviently kowtow to supervisors and customers. In contrast, dealers held the upper hand with buyers, and often forcefully demonstrated their dominance with people they held in low esteem.71 Higher- status manufacturing employment became harder to nd, but even when it existed, the deant rejected the strictness of the shop ±oor. Detroit gang members repeatedly expressed disdain for the factory and fruitless training programs. “The plant is for suckers,” a teenager said. His cousin slogged at Ford for “peanut money,” while a friend had already purchased two new cars with drug income. “He works when he wants and he’s making big money.” The factories had “lame-ass foremen, some black and some white, telling dudes like me to do this and assign them the worst jobs. . . . Ain’t nobody telling me shit.”72 The dispersed nature of the industry meant sellers could eschew managerial oversight, and even when earnings were thin, workers cher- ished this autonomy. Freelancers conducted the majority of sales, and while some hit big, most accepted menial returns as the tradeoff for avoiding an overseer. As one street vendor boasted, “[I] don’t take no orders from no motherfucker.”73 Cliques often hawked on consignment, giving retailers leeway. “Nobody answer to nobody,” a crew member noted. “Everyone equal.”74 The distribution patterns puzzled police and prosecutors, who remained wedded to the notion that if they “cut the head off the snake,” syndicates would weaken or dissolve. In a typical case of exaggeration, the DEA claimed it had dealt the Sinaloa drug trafcking organization a “crushing blow” after net- ting ® arrests and seizing tons of narcotics. When Associated Press reporters confronted an agent with evidence that the bust had no lasting effect on cartel operations, he replied, “You know, we’re doing God’s work.”75 Drug warriors misread how the industry functioned, denying the reality that players were easily replaced by those seeking enterprising possibilities. As Bill Coller, a DEA agent turned smuggler recalled, “I seldom met a ‘scarface’ or violent-type drug criminal like on Miami Vice. The vast majority of the ones I met were simply small-time entrepreneurs trying to make a buck.”76 Though law enforcement claimed that gangs such as the Bloods and Crips were masterminding a conspiratorial venture to spread narcotics countrywide— frightening parents into supporting an intensied war on drugs—the actual diffu- sion was more mundane.77 A smitten Los Angeles Crip followed his girlfriend to York, Pennsylvania, and discovered the absence of crack. Sensing fresh customers

. Bourgois, In Search of Respect, , –, ; Baker, “Homeboys”; Tyson, “Nation’s Largest Gang,” . . Taylor, Dangerous Society, –, , ®, , ; Schneider, Vampires, Dragons, and Egyptian Kings, –. . Jacobs, Dealing Crack, ; Decker and Van Winkle, Life in the Gang, . . Jacobs, Dealing Crack, . . Mendoza and Spagat, “Cartel Arrests.” ®. Gieringer, “Inside the DEA,” . . McKinney, “Juvenile Gangs,” –; Kocieniewski, “Youth Gangs from West Coast”; US Depart- ment of Justice, Drug Trafcking, ; J. Johnson, “Drug Gangs and Drug Wars.”

Downloaded from https://read.dukeupress.edu/labor/article-pdf/15/2/77/531007/0150077.pdf by SUNY AT CORTLAND user on 29 May 2018 88 15.2 LABOR and equipped with connections, he set up shop. Adventurous dealers admitted that they moved into new cities not because of orders or under a grand plan, but to nd less-competitive areas that allowed for higher markups.78 The Flenory brothers, heads of the Black Maa Family, got their start in Detroit, but secured their fortune in the burgeoning Sun Belt. Rather than using force to establish their business, the brothers, who fashioned themselves as CEOs, offered Atlanta street bosses a lower price on wholesale cocaine.79 Narcotics operations came in various forms, but organized crime groups like the Black Maa Family left room for personal enterprise, operating like multilevel marketing businesses such as Amway. As Joe Cantalupo, an associate of New York’s Colombo crime family, explained, “the rules of the game were simple. Make money any way you can.”80 Gangs provided territory, and members were expected to maintain these by volunteering muscle, contributing funds for weapons and other needs, and participating in organizational parlays. Individuals and crews did the actual dealing.81 Even fearsome mobs rarely functioned in a strictly hierarchical fashion. In the early s, for instance, the Mexican Maa (La Eme) transformed from a prison gang to a shakedown machine, viciously coercing Los Angelenos to pay for the right to do business. Some La Eme factions, such as the one directed from behind bars by Francisco Martinez, garnered six-gure returns. Others were slapdash bungles run by heroin addicts. Either way, the collection squads induced panic. Rene Enriquez’s posse traveled in a black Dodge dubbed the “Night Rider.” The sight of the car sent sellers scurrying. Eventually, Enriquez built a sophisticated racket. “Gang- related drug dealers used my name on the streets to deal and protect their interests under the specter of La Eme,” he recalled. “And those dealers in turn always kicked back some of the prots to me.” Without the governance of law, rapacious men like Enriquez extracted their tolls. Yet for all its clout, the Mexican Maa was diffuse and gumptious.82 Ingenuity dened the unwieldy business, making it impossible for law enforcement to contain and difcult for even the mightiest syndicates to centralize. This was particularly true in middle-class milieus, where disinterest by authorities allowed for extensive entrepreneurialism and big earnings. In ofces and suburbs, and on college campuses, independents operated with slight unease over capture or theft. If they found trouble, it usually involved overindulging in the goods. They dealt for prot and prestige to friends, coworkers and acquaintances, but few

. “Men Who Created Crack,” U.S. News and World Report, ; Jesse Katz, “Tracking the Genesis”; Bonfante and Willwerth, “Entrepreneurs of Crack,” ; “College Town Draws Detroit Drug Trade,” Chi- cago Tribune, January , . . Shalhoup, BMF, . . Cantalupo and Renner, Body Mike, . . Decker, Bynum, and Weisel, “A Tale of Two Cities,” ; Valdez, “Toward a Typology,” –. . Blatchford, Black Hand, – , ; Quinones, “Race, Real Estate, and the Mexican Maa,” ; United States v. Shryock et al., F. d , ® (th Cir. ), caselaw.ndlaw.com/us-th-circuit/ .html (accessed August , ).

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saw it as a career. A business mishap was not worth enacting vengeance; personal rep- utations were not hanging in the balance.83 Their privileges were unmistakable, even to themselves. A sting recorded a white-collar merchant telling his af±uent customers not to worry about getting caught because “the police are after the black, inner-city dealers and not such people as us.”84 The absence of law enforcement scrutiny and enclosed associations made havoc rare, further ensuring disinterest from authorities. The commander of Chicago’s narcotics divisions admitted, “there’s as much cocaine in the Sears Tower or in the stock exchange as there is in the black community,” but “those guys are harder to catch” and “there’s not the violence associated with it.” Cor- ner vendors, meanwhile, were “just arrestable” [sic].85 Despite the illegality, demand made the reasons for dealing self-evident. There were other ways to earn—but for some, the returns on powder were “too good.” “It the money, man,” [sic] a St. Louis crack trader ±atly stated.86 The drug scene had mostly been a counterculture phenomenon, but by the s it exempli- ed the era’s credence of prot maximizing. Even those growing up in the poor- est settings were inundated with images of af±uence, and believed getting rich was an American birthright. A drug sale put cash in the seller’s pocket, translating into swift immersion in consumerism.87 For one distributor, his expansive aspirations—a horse ranch with a pool and exotic travel—rebutted racist strictures. “Society is set up so that black people can’t get ahead,” he indignantly declared. “I’m not supposed to have the American dream and all that. I’m supposed to be in jail.”88 Commentators faulted minority peddlers for slinging, and moreover for seeking instant gratication through jewelry, designer clothes, and expensive cars. Prosperous whites normally escaped this scrutiny, despite ostentatious displays—gold spoons hung from the necks of the demimonde in cocaine’s heydays.89 The contexts for drug capitalists differed, but their goals were largely the same: money and status. “I’ll do my time in jail when they catch me,” a mob-connected Armenian American ±atly stated. “Meanwhile, I’m out here. I’m an important guy. If I can have one year on the street, I’ll do ve years in jail any time.”90 Just how much money dealers earned varied widely. Sellers often overstated their take, recalling the big scores while ignoring the dry days. Even at the retail level, dealers had sizeable income discrepancies, maybe more so than any other occupational category. Some studies found that due to wage stagnation and job loss, for

. Lindsey, “Cocaine Trafcking”; Lieb and Olson, “Prestige, Paranoia, and Prot,” ®; Waldorf, Reinerman, and Murphy, Cocaine Changes, ®®–®, –; Jacques and Wright, Code of the Suburb, –, , ®®, ®, – ®. . US Department of Justice, Drug Trafcking, ®; Mohamed and Fritsvold, “Damn, It Feels Good to Be a Gangsta,” , . . Connor and Burns, Winnable War, ®. ®. Jacobs, Dealing Crack, . . Shannon, “Easy Money”; Blau, “Quick Money Entices”; Sullivan, “Getting Paid,” . . Jane Mayer, “Street Dealers.” . “The Cocaine Scene,” Newsweek, May , , ; McInerney, Bright Lights, Big City, . . Daley, Prince of the City, .

Downloaded from https://read.dukeupress.edu/labor/article-pdf/15/2/77/531007/0150077.pdf by SUNY AT CORTLAND user on 29 May 2018 90 15.2 LABOR low-skilled urbanites dealing was a smart choice.91 Others depicted it as a submini- mum wage ordeal laden with life-threatening pitfalls.92 Location and the customer base usually determined these differences. Crews left out-of-the-way zones to loosely afliated or independent sellers trying to pay for their habits. In contrast, areas close to transportation hubs and ready buyers yielded municent returns. Though most dealers wanted to freelance, organizations were more likely to monopolize these territories.93 Unfortunately for street sellers, the dollars often ended up in the hands of men who seldom touched the product, as bosses devised businesses as inequitable as large corporations. Wholesale distributors secured ample incomes while low-level vendors assumed the perils and lived on crumbs.94 In the Gangster Disciples, approximately percent of revenues ±owed up to superiors. A corner salesman in the gang noted that he could sell $ worth of crack on a shift, but pocketed much less. “What sucks, man, is that I gotta do all the work, you know, risk my ass, and I gots to give $ back up. If I’m lucky, I walk home with a C-Note for a day’s work.”95 Being an employee plainly had disadvantages. A sample in New York City found that while independent entrepreneurs kept percent of their sales revenues, lowly organizational spot sellers got a measly percent.96 For humble retailers, hope commonly outstripped reality.

Big Dreams Meet Brutal Realities While there were plentiful rewards in drug capitalism, they were distributed unequally, and for those at the low end, the job had distinct drawbacks. The slow-moving disaster of the postindustrial economy had pushed some into the business. In , black and white youths had nearly equivalent unemployment rates, but by the African American gure quadrupled while white joblessness stayed about the same.97 Unsurprisingly, communities decimated by capital ±ight and decades of racially discriminatory policies became epicenters for ±ourishing underground economies. Urban tribulations worsened as Reaganites watered down the enforcement of civil rights laws, rolled back or terminated training and summer jobs programs, and reduced welfare initiatives.98 In , percent of black male high school drop-

. Wells, “Drug Trade Out of Control”; Dembo et al., “Crack Cocaine Dealing,” –; Freeman, “Crime and the Employment of Disadvantaged Youths,” ; Reuter, MacCoun, and Murphy, Money from Crime, , ; Mieczkowski, “Geeking Up and Throwing Down,” ®; Grogger, “An Economic Model,” . . Bourgois, In Search of Respect, –; Johnson, Golub, and Dunlap, “Drugs and Violence,” –; Jacobs, Dealing Crack, ; “For Many, Less than the Minimum,” New York Times, November ®, , . . Hagedorn, “Neighborhoods,” ; Fagan, “Drug Selling and Licit Income in Distressed Neigh- borhoods,” . . Feigenbaum, “Economics of Heroin,” –; Levitt and Venkatesh, “An Economic Analysis,” ; Caparella, “The Big One Raids.” . Papachristos, A.D., After the Disciples, –®. ®. Caulkins et al., “What Drug Dealers Tell Us,” . . J. G. Miller, Search and Destroy, . . Herbers, “Black Poverty Spreads,” ; Kotkin, “Black Economic Base in L.A.”

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outs reported no income, but by this number had ballooned to percent, a g- ure that certainly missed off-the-books earnings.99 Los Angeles, the poster child of narco-capitalism, lost some , manufacturing jobs in s and early s.100 By ®, a police detective estimated that crack was the largest employer in the city’s ghettoes.101 Struggling residents of these desolate areas dealt for a few extra dollars or for survival. For Nelson Sepulveda, who teamed with his brother Lenny and high school classmates to create a thriving ring in Manhattan and the South Bronx, crack cocaine itself was simply “the work.” Protégés of Yayo, the Sepulvedas put locals on the pay- roll through a combination of enticement and intimidation. As a journalist observed, “life in the neighborhood was the equivalent of living in a one-factory town.”102 For destitute locals, the drug organization was the job creator. When the economy hit an upswing, hesitant laborers usually tried to exit the commerce.103 Finding legitimate employment was made more difcult with a criminal record, though, and street dealing during this period almost certainly incurred the greatest likelihood of apprehension of any occupation in history. While usage rates stagnated from to ®, drug arrests increased about percent. By the end of the s, nearly ® percent of all federal prisoners were drug offenders, and the share in state prisons nearly doubled.104 Law enforcement detained dealers by the bushel, arguing that this strategy would lower consumption by reducing supply and raising prices.105 In Washington, DC, Operation Clean Sweep racked up forty-ve thousand arrests in twenty-eight months from to .106 The New York City police’s Tac- tical Narcotics Team (TNT) inundated drug-infested zones such as Bushwick, where they deployed mounted patrols, a mobile unit, helicopters, and ±atbed trucks with ±oodlights. Ofcers effectively closed off some districts by telling nonresidents to stay out and blocking off streets with vans. They made thousands of arrests, and while some crews ±ed, on the whole marketplaces stayed open.107 Likewise, a Los Ange- les judge issued a broad injunction of a district in the shadow of a shuttered General Motors plant, banning possession of items including portable radios, large ±ashlights, cellular phones, hammers, and screwdrivers and imposing a strict curfew.108 These

. Shapiro and White, “The Ghetto: From Bad to Worse,” . . Rodriguez, “Turning Youth Gangs Around,” ®. . “Crack and Crime,” Newsweek, June ®, ®, ®. In New York City in the early s, an estimated , people were involved in the crack industry at any given moment. Maher and Daly, “Women in the Street Level Drug Economy,” . . Hevesi, “Gang Leader Details Crimes”; Pogrebin, “A Family on the Run.” . Viscusi, “Market Incentives,” –. . Western, Punishment and Inequality in America, . . President’s Commission on Organized Crime, America’s Habit, –; Moore, Buy and Bust, . ®. Martz, “Tide of Drug Killing,” . . Tabor, “Where the Drug Culture Rules”; Curtis and Sviridoff, “Social Organization of Street- Level Drug Markets,” ®–®; Vera Institute of Justice, “Neighborhood Effects,” i–ii. . Colvin, “Powers of Arrest Are Expanded.”

Downloaded from https://read.dukeupress.edu/labor/article-pdf/15/2/77/531007/0150077.pdf by SUNY AT CORTLAND user on 29 May 2018 92 15.2 LABOR efforts lled jails but had minimal effects on supply, while destabilizing commerce, fueling rivalries, and increasing homicides. For subordinate operatives in the narcotics industry, government policies ostensibly meant to “help” undoubtedly worsened working conditions.109 With criti- cism intensifying after a record homicide total in , DC’s police chief inadvertently admitted that law enforcement had detrimental effect. “Eventually the turf will be divided,” he conceded. “They will go out and sell their drugs. People will pay their drug bills on time. And we’re not going to have all of these shootings we have now.”110 The government doubled down anyway, with George Bush’s drug czar William Ben- nett stating that “a massive wave of arrests is a top priority for the war on drugs.”111 With the assistance of a normally compliant media, raids and seizures were public relations winners, and politicians energetically embraced “get tough” approaches. Policymakers and law enforcement rarely re±ected on how these crusading arrests aggravated disorder. Enforcement decimated urban neighborhoods, but drug warriors remained tethered to a mystical faith in their righteousness.112 As “broken windows” policing proponent William Bratton told his ofcers, bust a drug dealer and you may catch a killer.113 Privileged dealers occasionally got cuffed, eliciting shock and scorn, but seldom broad condemnations over the state of the middle class.114 Analysts gave little thought to why middle- and upper-class drug entrepreneurship unfolded peacefully while turmoil ±ared in urban marketplaces. Cultural explana- tions lled this void, as media outlets repeatedly harped on the “senseless” violence perpetrated by young minority males.115 Meanwhile, mass societal demand paired with harsh enforcement against marginalized populations contributed to bulging prisons and mounting inequality. Some young sellers came to view capture as part of the job, something to outmaneuver or endure. As one distributor remarked, surviving New York’s TNT squad was like playing Russian Roulette. Someone was going to fall, but dealers kept on playing and hoped they would get lucky.116 Others believed that they could avoid

. Ayres, “Washington Finds Drug War Is Hardest at Home”; Wheeler and Horwitz, “Operation Clean Sweep’s Future Uncertain”; Curtis and Sviridoff, “Social Organization of Street-Level Drug Mar- kets,” ®; Chandler, “Gangs Built on Corporate Mentality.” . “Capital Ofcial Sees Crime Drop Once Pushers Divide Markets,” New York Times, March ®, . . Morley, “Contradictions,” Nation, . . Weikel, “War on Crack Targets Minorities”; James Comey, FBI director, “Law Enforcement and the Communities We Serve: Bending the Lines toward Safety and Justice,” Remarks at the University of Chicago Law School, Oct. , , www.fbi.gov/news/speeches/law-enforcement-and-the-communities -we-serve-bending-the-lines-toward-safety-and-justice (accessed December , ). . Winton and Sauerwein, “LAPD Tests New Policing Strategy.” . Chambers, “Wide Cocaine Use by Middle Class”; Lutz, “Crack Use on the Rise in Suburbs”; “Drug Abuse: Young, White and Middle Class,” Economist, December , . . Reinhold, “In the Middle of L.A.’s Gang Wars”; “Gang Watch: Now He’s Dead,” Los Angeles Times, September ®, ; Recktenwald, “ Homicides.” ®. Cooper, “Motor City Breakdown”; Waterston, Street Addicts, ; Curtis and Sviridoff, “Social Organization of Street-Level Drug Markets,” ®®.

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apprehension. “Prison is for mugs that make mistakes,” a fourteen-year-old Detroiter boasted. “My crew don’t make many mistakes.”117 Despite the bravado, staggering numbers of peddlers ended up in cuffs, and conviction rates soared.118 A study of young sellers in Miami discovered that percent had been apprehended at some point, a rate far exceeding that of earlier decades.119 As numerous scholars have detailed, arrest and incarceration rates were outrageously racially disparate, with blacks and Latinos paying a higher price for a national habit that knew no ethnic or class bounds.120 By in the nation’s capital city, on any given day nearly percent of all black men ages to were in prison, on probation or parole, out on bond, or fugitives from the law.121 As policymakers chipped away at welfare programs, they expanded low-grade warfare against the urban poor, contributing mightily to the rise of the carceral state.122 The authorities could not corral everyone, and curbsiders never really knew what to expect from law enforcement. At times they watched as sales went on unim- peded; the next day they apprehended everyone they ran down.123 “Some police want to kick our motherfucking ass and some police just want to get some of the money we got,” a St. Louis gang member observed. “There’s all kinds.”124 In many cases the authorities were better and bigger dealers than the dealers themselves.125 While the television series Miami Vice depicted undercover cops bravely battling ruthless trafckers, by nearly every local and federal law enforcement agency in actual Dade County, Florida, was either under investigation or shaken by scandal.126 Cops made life hard for dealers through apprehensions, but also by competing with them. Even as the police loomed, assiduous dealers who carried out thousands of transactions per year had to be chary of holdup artists. Crews reinforced depot doors with steel and sliding peepholes not as protection from law enforcement—they rarely red on authorities—but to guard against bandits. For the clever brigand, drug rob- beries were the best score available. Sellers were in a cash-and-carry business, and stick-up men viewed the conspicuous marks as walking ATMs. Addicted, cash-poor users were also notorious for attempting rip-offs. Seeking to avoid multiple felonious charges, open-air dealers were reluctant to carry guns. Bystanders seldom intervened,

. Taylor, Dangerous Society, ; Dembo et al., “Crack Cocaine Dealing,” . . “Hour by Hour; Crack,” Newsweek, November , , ®; J. G. Miller, Search and Destroy, ; Mauer, Race to Incarcerate, –. . Inciardi and Pottieger, “Kids, Crack, and Crime,” ®. . J. G. Miller, Search and Destroy, , ®; Alexander, New Jim Crow, , –, . . C. W. Thompson, “Young Blacks Entangled in Legal System.” . Kohler-Hausmann, ‘ “Attila the Hun Law’ ”; Murch, “Crack in Los Angeles.” . Woodley, Dealer, ; T. Williams, Crackhouse, ; Schneider, Smack, ; Venkatesh, Gang Leader for a Day, –. . Decker and Van Winkle, Life in the Gang, ®. . Soble, “Ex-DEA Agent Pleads Guilty”; Treaster, “New York City Ofcers Charged”; “Police Corruption Inquiry Widens,” Philadelphia Inquirer, August , ; Mollen Commission, Commission Report, , . ®. Eddy, Sabogal, and Weldon, Cocaine Wars, , .

Downloaded from https://read.dukeupress.edu/labor/article-pdf/15/2/77/531007/0150077.pdf by SUNY AT CORTLAND user on 29 May 2018 94 15.2 LABOR and the aggrieved parties could not go to the police. Professional thieves patiently stalked their prey, waiting for the optimal time to pounce. “Why would I go rob a little – for? They ain’t making no money for real,” a St. Louis desperado noted. “I like that big money. I like to catch the big ballers with all the dope.”127 To discourage larceny and maintain repute, respect emerged as critical to dealing, spilling over into an atmosphere where people felt no slight could go unan- swered. Dealers doled out public beatings, and adopted menacing personas.128 When an assailant held up a -year-old courier, killing his partner in the process, the veteran operative left no doubt over his intentions. “I got a reputation, you know, if you gonna shoot me [you should know that] I done some motherfuckers . . . you live by the gun, you die by the gun.”129 Canny sellers were loath for the police to catch them with a rearm, but they needed protection, meaning that young urban dealers were ten times more likely to carry a handgun.130 The prevalence of armed, edgy youths had consequences far beyond those chalked up to the drug war. Everyone involved functioned in a shadow economy, preventing them from using the justice system to secure peace and bring order. In the absence of the law, retaliation and vigilantism stepped into the breach. Due to this potential protability and unrestrained atmosphere, the street economy attracted those inclined to viciousness, and repelled those unwilling to engage in it. “In our business, you get paid by fear,” heroin czar Frank Lucas recalled. “When the fear factor comes in, that’s when you start to make money.”131 An analysis of adolescent cocaine sellers in Florida revealed that an astounding ® percent admitted hurting or killing someone through their involvement in the trade.132 Organized gang leaders teamed with enforcers to defend turf and impose labor sanctions. A manager of one racket had started out as a robber, and recruited fellow hard men to keep personnel in line. “The majority of the stick-up kids got a lot of respect in the neighborhood, so you hook them up.”133 As Louis Fraina warned, the cult of violence took on a creative cast, sometimes cool and professional, other times hot and expres- sive. “In the streets we had as many words for guns and shooting as Eskimos had for snow,” Shawn Carter remarked. “A single act had a million variations in emotion and intent.”134 The pervasiveness of brutality shaped the labor force, screening out the fainthearted and leaving most women with peripheral roles.135 In essence, prohi-

. Mieczkowski, “Crack Distribution in Detroit,” ®; Jacobs, Robbing Drug Dealers, ®, ®, : Wright and Decker, Armed Robbers in Action, ®, ®–® ; Contreras, Stickup Kids, –. . Fields, “ ‘Slinging Weed,’ ” ®–®®; Decker, Pennell, and Caldwell, “Illegal Firearms,” –®. . Topalli, Wright, and Fornango, “Drug Dealers, Robbery, and Retaliation,” . . Lizotte et al., “Patterns of Illegal Gun Carrying,” . . Jacobson, “Lords of Dopetown,” ®®–. . Dembo et al., “Crack Cocaine Dealing,” . . Waterston, Street Addicts, . . Jay-Z, Decoded, . . Maher and Daly, “Women in the Street Level Drug Economy,” ®–®; Fagan, “Women and Drugs Revisited,” ; Fagan and Wilkinson, “Guns, Youth Violence, and Social Identity,” ®®.

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bition and enforcement gave pugnacious men the resources and motivation to establish local dominion. Operators dealt harshly with interlopers encroaching on valued territories. In a examination of drug-related homicides in New York City, researchers traced three-quarters of the killings to turf battles, labor regulation, and theft. In the hypercompetitive crack business, percent of these systemic murders resulted from territorial disputes.136 Dealers typically preferred to operate independently, but gangs, bandits, and law enforcement made entrepreneurial dealing scarce in prized locales. “You live in a neighborhood that’s run by a gang you can’t just up and start selling drugs getting they prot [sic],” a St. Louis youth observed. “You either got to be in their gang or give them half of what you make or don’t sell at all.”137 When independents tried to set up shop in Brooklyn in , the local boss shot one in the testicles. Incidents like these compelled job-seekers to labor for small wages in brutal circumstances.138 In an industry where aggression paid dividends, workers also had much to dread from each other. With large sums of money at stake and lengthy prison sentences looming, suppliers worried that associates would cooperate with authorities to avoid incarceration. As law enforcement “traded up” to catch bosses, terror enforced silence, and perpetrators became more and more likely to get away with murder.139 Though drug agents often used pyramids to illustrate operations, with orders ±ow- ing from the top in regimented style, these alliances were actually rife with distrust and double-crossing.140 Internecine struggles inside LA’s Bryant Family, for example, prompted the executions of two upstarts inside a crackhouse’s security cage and the subsequent murders of two witnesses, eventually causing the demise of the organization.141 When gangsters talked about their careers, “headaches” and “ulcers” were familiar complaints.142 “People don’t realize that hustling’s hard work,” a prosperous supervisor attested. “You got your police, and your enemies, and kids trying to take your dope. You’re tense every day.”143 Osiel Cardenas, a Zetas cartel leader, murdered so many close to him that he won the sobriquet “Mata Amigos”—Friend Killer.144 Aware that this disarray interfered with business, organizations tried their best to reduce chaos, avoid police detection, and manage their unruly workforces. They dispersed risk by dividing labor among touts, lookouts, runners and enforcers.

®. Goldstein et al., “Crack and Homicide in New York City,” –; Johnson, Golub, and Dunlap, “Drugs and Violence,” – . . Decker and Van Winkle, Life in the Gang, , ®. . “For Many, Less than the Minimum,” . . Riedel, “Decline in Arrest Clearances.” . Venkatesh, Off the Books, , , –; Treaster, “In West Harlem’s th Precinct,” ; Water- ston, Street Addicts, – . . O’Neill, “Bryant Trial Figure.” . Fried, Rise and Fall of the Jewish Gangster, ®; Teresa, Vinnie Teresa’s Maa, , ; US Senate, Organized Crime, , –; Blatchford, The Black Hand, , ®. . Mayer, “Street Dealers.” . “Reputed Drug Cartel Boss Arrested in Matamoros,” Houston Chronicle, March , .

Downloaded from https://read.dukeupress.edu/labor/article-pdf/15/2/77/531007/0150077.pdf by SUNY AT CORTLAND user on 29 May 2018 96 15.2 LABOR Lacking recognized contracts or government regulation, gangs tried to ensure loy- alty and solidarity through paeans to being part of a “family” and living by a “code.” There was some truth to this rhetoric, as street gangs were rooted in complicated his- tories of community protection.145 More often, though, organizational leaders drew on embellished traditions and paternalism to mask vile economic exploitation and physical cruelty.146 At the apex of their Detroit empire, the Chambers brothers ran half of the city’s crack ±ow, grossing up to $ million per week. They recruited their personnel from their hometown of Marianna, Arkansas, a bleak hamlet with few prospects. Promised an extraordinary paycheck of $, monthly, some young men ventured north. As one enlistee unhappily noted, “No one really knew what they were getting into.”147 What they discovered was a strict regimen enforced through ferocity. Man- agers issued identication cards, ran sales competitions, and posted rules in each of the Chambers’ hundreds of depots, which included dress codes and nes for stealing, ghting, and playing loud music on pickups and drops. Rule made clear that there would be no overtime: “You are on call hours.” Personal time was rare, as “you will not have too much time for parties or concerts.” To keep subordinates hungry, the memorandum stated, “One will be promoted and graded according to his work and conduct,” and “[with] hard work & dedication we will all be rich within months.”148 Managers deployed the carrot and the stick, as the Chambers brothers utilized a “wrecking crew” to in±ict pain on rule-breakers. Many miles from rural Arkansas, the boys could not ±ee, leading to situations approximating indentured servitude.149 Managers repeated these patterns across the country to maximize returns.150 Trust was scarce, and syndicates frequently tried to patch this decit by organizing along ethnic and kin lines. Jamaican posses with roots in political terrorism signed up naive countrymen with the promises of high pay and transported them to far- ±ung cities. The wages never materialized as frightened enlistees spent exhausting terms in secluded crackhouses.151 Most narcotics operations were less prescribed, but still included a set of generally understood policies imposed through rough treatment.152 The murder code kept participants in line, and their allegiance to it enforced

. Diamond, Mean Streets, . ®. Padilla, Gang as an American Enterprise, ®–, ®, ®; Jankowski, Islands in the Street, ; Mie- czkowski, “Geeking Up and Throwing Down,” ® ; Venkatesh and Levitt, “‘Are We a Family or a Busi- ness?,’ ” . . “I’m Going to Detroit,” Time, May , , . . W. M. Adler, Land of Opportunity, ; Wilkerson, “Detroit Drug Empire Showed All the Traits,” . . “I’m Going to Detroit,” ; Hundley, “Southern Youths.” . Katz, “Tracking the Genesis”; The People v. Stanley Bryant et al., ® Cal. th , (), caselaw.ndlaw.com/ca-supreme-court/®®.html (accessed October , ); United States of America v. Gerald Miller et al., ® F.d ® (d Cir. ) caselaw.ndlaw.com/us-nd-circuit/ .html (accessed October ®, ). . Miller, “A Jamaican Invasion,” ; “Men Who Created Crack,” ; Gunst, Born Fi’ Dead, . . Decker, Bynum, and Weisel, “A Tale of Two Cities,” ; Waldorf, “Don’t Be Your Own Best Customer,” , –; Staff and Editors of Newsday, Heroin Trail, –; Shalhoup, BMF, .

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their own servitude. Novices kept signing on, compelled by exhilaration, a paucity of options, and the enduring folklore of fortunes, but they soon realized that their employer was a modern Simon Legree. The drug industry’s formula fell hardest on the junior ranks, as dealers in poverty-stricken areas had the labor force’s highest mortality and injury rates, especially as easy access to guns—“tools” in trade jargon—accelerated the arms race.153 From to , the years of the crack epidemic, the homicide rate for young black men climbed by a catastrophic percent.154 A study estimated that drug-related violence in the mid- s claimed the lives of two hundred and injured one thousand annually in Washington, DC. In St. Louis, eleven of ninety-nine drug gang members interviewed by researchers died over a ve-year period. A corporate gang in Chicago witnessed seven percent of associates die yearly by violence.155 Similar to earlier peri- ods of wretchedly high work-related fatalities, communities created elaborate grief rituals lled with despair, frustration, and pledges for revenge.156 Many dealers entered the trade as an enterprising alternative to the mundane. Yet the terror of the unpredictable—rivals, bandits, and the police—often led workers to grudgingly accept abusive and manipulative treatment from bosses. Intimida- tion encouraged individuals to organize themselves for protection and connections, but created a whole new set of vulnerabilities. For crews to make money, they needed to sell in locations amenable to customers. The more bankable a spot, the more it became home to bloody competition. For the upper echelon in these operations, this organizational style was a goldmine. For those on the ground ±oor, it devolved into a nightmare.

Harm Reduction from the Bottom Up The crime waves of the late twentieth century led experts to make dire predictions. Criminologists warned America to “get ready” for a “coming storm of juvenile violence” driven by “superpredators.”157 The prophecies came from law-and-order con- servatives as well as from liberals convinced that the country was headed to a “blood- bath” and “approaching helter-skelter.”158 Instead, beginning in , the United States experienced the longest sustained crime drop in the country’s history. Crime fell in every city and every region, in poor and wealthy neighborhoods, for nine

. Martz, “A Tide of Drug Killing,” ; Treaster with Tabor, “Teen-Age Gunslinging Rises,” ; Fagan and Wilkinson, “Guns, Youth Violence, and Social Identity,” , , ; C. R. Block et al., “Street Gangs and Crime,” , . . Kennedy, Don’t Shoot, . . Levitt and Venkatesh, “An Economic Analysis,” ; Reuter, MacCoun, and Murphy, Money from Crime, ®– ; Decker and Van Winkle, Life in the Gang, . ®. Stein, “Witness to a Grim Procession”; Wilkinson and Chavez, “Elaborate Death Rites of Gangs.” For a long view, see Rosenow, Death and Dying in the Working Class. . Buttereld, “Crime Continues to Decline”; Bennett, Dilulio, and Walters, Body Count, ®– . . Davis with Riddick, “Los Angeles: Civil Liberties,” –®; “The Lull Before the Storm?” News- week, December , , –.

Downloaded from https://read.dukeupress.edu/labor/article-pdf/15/2/77/531007/0150077.pdf by SUNY AT CORTLAND user on 29 May 2018 98 15.2 LABOR straight years. By , serious crime rates had dropped by more than percent. The plunge stunned prognosticators and bedeviled researchers.159 Experts proposed a host of theories to explain the decline, but few gave any consideration or credit to the people who were supposed to be behind the predicted crime avalanche.160 Behaviors did change, though they had almost nothing to do with the war on drugs. Law enforcement, despite considerable exertions, consistently failed to shut down tumultuous drug marketplaces on a national or local level.161 Instead, the crime decrease coincided with falling prices, the decreased use of hard narcotics, and ±agging employment in dealing.162 In spots where outdoor sales once ±ourished, fewer recruits were interested in getting involved. “There’s not many teenagers that are getting into crack today,” an observer in New York City noted. “Sell it?! They don’t want to be involved with it in any way.”163 Cocaine lost popularity as youths derided “crack- heads” and recounted how they witnessed an entire generation of friends and family members end up in dire straits.164 The transformation also included subtle forms of labor deance. Young men looked askance on a business that didn’t bring “crazy money” but disability, prison, and death. “It was crumbling anyway,” a Milwaukee dealer perceived prior to a bust. “It was like everybody was living a lie. And we started getting hip to it. The money was only going to into one hand . . . We was [sic] just getting treated like kids.”165 In Brooklyn, ethnographer Ric Curtis detailed how low-paid Puerto Ricans grew dis- illusioned by high-living Dominican chiefs and their harsh labor regimen. Distribu tors who did not live in the neighborhood cared little about it. One owner kept employees in line by hiring a baseball bat-wielding enforcer. After every beatdown, he rubbed the victim’s name off the bloodied weapon. The police swept up street dealers, and their employers did not take care of them or their families as they served time. The next generation often avoided these arrangements, and reinvented operations in labor- friendly ways. A Puerto Rican ran a mid-sized business with sane hours, a recognized customer base, and a disinterest in turf battles. “Nobody with a mind [works for corporate distributors],” he stated. “All they care about is ‘hey, fuck the workers. As long as the money comes. . .’ that kind of attitude.” While the Dominicans had specialized in public displays of brutality, he intentionally avoided it to foster better employee and

. Zimring, Great American Crime Decline, v. ®. For one analysis, see Levitt, “Understanding Why Crime Fell in the s.” ®. “Drug Trafc Spreads, and the U.S. Finds Itself Mired in a Violent, Losing Battle,” Time, Feb- ruary , , ®; French, “Pressure Rises”; Brookes, “U.S. Aid Hasn’t Stopped Drug Flow,” ; Fausset, “Peña Nieto Team Decries Past Drug Cartel Strategy”; Werb et al., “Temporal Relationship.” ®. Johnson, Golub, and Fagan, “Careers in Crack,” ; Western, Punishment and Inequality in Amer- ica, ; Wendel et al., “ ‘More Drugs, Less Crime,’ ” ®. ®. Vera Institute of Justice, “Neighborhood Effects,” . ®. Kolata, “Old, Weak and a Loser”; Egan, “A Drug Ran Its Course”; Johnson, Golub, and Dunlap, “Drugs and Violence,” – ®. ®. Hagedorn, “Neighborhoods,” .

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neighborhood relations and de±ect police scrutiny.166 In essence, lower-level participants steadily appreciated that these arrangements were not beneting them. Dealing persisted, but those involved were more likely to shun exploitation and use cellphones to make selling more entrepreneurial, ±exible, and small-scale. Some stubborn open-air markets persisted, but many cities witnessed these spots dry up. Commerce became less visible and anarchic, diminishing street crimes and disorder.167 Though a multitude of factors aided the overall crime decline, shifting labor relations played a role. As criminologist Franklin Zimring nds, no major societal overhaul had occurred, but small changes produced big results.168 After decades of criminal justice efforts that created chaos and suffering, adaptations and modica- tions emerged from the bottom up. Prohibition’s reign of error endured, and while elite reformers proposed harm reduction strategies, the marginalized improvised them in their neighborhoods.

Conclusion The war on drugs came with prodigious costs, and among them was the dehuman- ization of the industry’s workers, especially the poor and racial minorities. The dis- missive attitudes signied by the Maryland ofcial to open this essay devalued life, heightening the clamor for extended prison terms and the casual acceptance of dealer deaths.169 At the height of the crack epidemic, a Cleveland detective voiced the opin- ion of a public that refused to acknowledge how its own policies devastated inner cities. “Why not let the bozos shoot it out, then go in, pick up the bodies, and arrest the winner?”170 The murders were not tragic, but cheered. The decimation of urban communities had numerous authors, but the degradation of informal labor provided its logic. Prohibitionists deemed dealers a social problem, excusing a system that left scores damaged, dead, or locked up. Yet dealers were not hapless victims nor were they simply trapped by culture, as demand created alluring opportunities even as socioeconomic divides, prohibition, and unequal enforcement produced disparate outcomes. Drug trafcking organizations monetized substance use and addiction, for sure, but they also took advantage of a labor surplus. The unregulated narcotics industry created micro-entrepreneurs who had been abandoned by deindustrialization and capital ±ight, discriminated against in the legitimate economic sector, and viewed the work as an escape from drab, subordinate jobs. Sellers in middle-class settings prospered, nding prot with modest risks. Despite performing the same basic activities, retailers in impoverished urban neighborhoods faced near-constant jeopardy. The most important difference, as this study shows, was the slanted emphasis of law enforcement, which appreciably impacted the work environments of the drug

®®. Curtis, “Improbable Transformation,” , ®, ® –. ®. C. Williams, “Lanier Decentralizes Citywide Drug Unit”; Quinones, Dreamland, , –, ®. ® . Zimring, Great American Crime Decline, . ®. Jackall, Wild Cowboys, –. . “Dead Zones,” U.S. News and World Report, April , , .

Downloaded from https://read.dukeupress.edu/labor/article-pdf/15/2/77/531007/0150077.pdf by SUNY AT CORTLAND user on 29 May 2018 100 15.2 LABOR war’s principal targets. Absent third-party contract administration, bosses took on enhanced power to structure and disrupt markets, while brutalizing underlings. Vio- lence, especially homicide, served the purposes of prot, but it often backred or esca- lated, leading perpetrators to use even more might in ±ailing attempts to secure order. As the commerce changed and workers recognized the exploitation involved, they patched together their own versions of harm reduction and labor deance, impact- ing to the sustained crime drop beginning in the s. Despite the failures to meet stated goals of reducing supply and demand, the campaign against drugs endured, and the United States packed its prisons with violent offenders, many of which had sound reasons for their deeds. Through the zealous policy of prohibition, America earned its way to mass incarceration.

WILL COOLEY is associate professor of history at Walsh University. He studies social mobility and race relations in twentieth-century America.

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