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The Mapai Party of Israel Journal of the Minnesota Academy of Science Volume 34 Number 1 Article 12 1967 Major Party Politics in a Multi-Party System: The Mapai Party of Israel Scott D. Johnston Hamline University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.morris.umn.edu/jmas Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Johnston, S. D. (1967). Major Party Politics in a Multi-Party System: The Mapai Party of Israel. Journal of the Minnesota Academy of Science, Vol. 34 No.1, 36-43. Retrieved from https://digitalcommons.morris.umn.edu/jmas/vol34/iss1/12 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at University of Minnesota Morris Digital Well. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of the Minnesota Academy of Science by an authorized editor of University of Minnesota Morris Digital Well. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Major Party Politics in a Multi-Party System: The Mapai Party of Israel SCOTT D. JOHNSTON* Hamline University ABSTRACT - This study has concerned itself with the main outlines of the Mapai Party's position and contributions to the Israeli political system. The implications of that position, and the functions the porty has performed have been shown to be of very substantial significance for the operating of the system. Suggestive possibilities are raised concerning a comparative examination of other party systems with the Israeli model of multi-party politics and its one major pluralist party, al­ though it will be necessary to keep in mind that the Israeli model may be so unique that such an approach may not prove to be feasible. It is an approach, however, that deserves to be at­ tempted. In November 1965, the Mapai Party of Israel ( Israel submitted his resignation and, in effect, that of his Cabinet Labor Party), under the leadership of Premier Levi Esh­ to President Za}man Shazar. Within days Eshkol reconsti­ kol and in an electoral "Alignment" with the much smaller tuted his Cabinet in precisely the same lines in regards to socialist party Achdut Haavoda (Unity of Labor), scored coalition parties and ministers as before, and as one per­ an impressive victory in parliamentary elections to the ceptive journalist put it, "If the government had fallen, it sixth Knesset, despite the fact that the totals were five seats had not fallen very far." 2 Although Ben Gurion still po­ less than the two parties had achieved as separate entities sessed the capacity for seriously embarrassing actions, an in the previous election. The nature of this universally ac­ important milestone had been reached and passed. The knowledged victory for Mapai and its junior partner was nation and Mapai had moved into the "post-Ben Gurion to be found in the challenge that had been confronted and era." Eshkol's leadership in Mapai was further confirmed overcome. David Ben Gurion, the leading figure in the by the party's national convention in February of 1965. 3 founding of Mapai, who had voluntarily retired as the By May of 1965 Ben Gurion publicly pronounced Esh­ long-time premier of the country in 1963, had led a fuli­ kol as unqualified to be Premier, and in June he and six scale revolt against Eshkol and the existing establishment Knesset colleagues ( they were joined in September by a of the party. This revolt had led through various stages of seventh man, former Chief of Staff Moshe Dayan) an­ intraparty controversy, breaking fully open in late 1964 nounced the formation of Rafi (the Israel Labor List). when Premier Eshkol forced a test of strength between Widespread predictions, however, of major electoral losses himself and Ben Gurion over the latter's determination to for Mapai, and of corresponding gains for Rafi in the No­ press adamantly for a judicial inquiry into the long stand­ vember Knesset elections, as had already been noted, were ing "Lavon Affair," which had become the most disruptive not borne out. The internal organization of Mapai also internal political issue that the country had faced and weathered the storm better than most observers had an­ which had produced in 1961 1 one major Cabinet crisis ticipated, demonstrating again the resilience of the party. and parliamentary elections. In December of 1964 Eshkol Within the scope of the Israeli party system the verdict of the polls was a vote of confidence for Eshkol and associ­ • B.A., B.S., M.A., Ph.D. ( 1948) University of Minnesota. Professor and Chairman of Political Science, Hamline Univer­ ates, and Mapai's position of long term hegemony in Is­ sity; Coordinator of Area Studies, Far East, St. Paul private raeli politics was reconfirmed. Four College program, and Instructor in charge of govern­ An examination of the Mapai Party and the roles that mental studies in Middle East Studies. This paper represents part it plays within the Israeli political system presents useful of a larger project that the author entered upon in 1960 under a grant from the Social Science Research Council while on a sab­ insights into the functioning of the most mature demo­ batical leave from Hamline University; research and interviews cratic party operation in the Middle East.• The Israeli have been carried on in Israel for periods of time during 1960, 1961, 1963, and 1966. 'Leah Ben Dor, Everyone his own Lawyer. The Jerusalem 1 The Lavon Affair had its origins in a "security disaster" in Post Weekly, December 18, 1964, p. 5. 1954 during the tenure of Pinhas Lavon in the vital Defense • Eshkol received a 63 per cent vote of confidence for the Ministry, which had been headed previously by Ben Gurion. It policy of proposed electoral alignment with Achdut Haavoda was necessary for Lavon to leave the post of minister of defense. (Unity of Labor), which Ben Gurion vigorously opposed, along In the fall of 1960, the issue suddenly was raised by La­ with other Eshkol policies and activities. The Ben Gurion de­ von, who now occupied the important position of secretary­ mand for a judicial inquiry into the Lavon Affair was rejected general of the powerful major trade-union federation of the by a 59 per cent vote. Eshkol aroused the convention to deep­ country, the Histadrut. Lavon also raised other charges in con­ felt applause when he cried, "Ben Gurion, give me a chance." nection with the case. After a series of investigations and reports, The Jerusalem Post Weekly, February 19, 1965, p. 1. and amidst the crash of political crockery within the ranks of ' This could be interpreted as somewhat faint praise within the Mapai, Ben Gurion forced Lavon's removal from his Histadrut context of Middle East politics. The Israeli party system, how­ post by submitting his own resignation as premier (Eshkol in ever, is impressively mature by any standards; only the Turkish 1964 showed himself to be an apt pupil). The affair has con­ and then the Lebanese party- political group systems come at all tinued to simmer and boil ever since, as incomprehensible as close in any significant respects to the Israeli operation, and even this seems to most outside observers. then there are more contrasts than comparisons. 36 The Minnesota Academy of Science model also offers insights into larger areas of compara­ Professor Lester Seligman posited a typology around tive politics for principles of operation and the n1atter which he built a large part of a study of Israel's parlia­ of a typology of parties. mentary elite. 0 He suggested the following groups: A few points need to be sketched at the outset con­ Populist parties. These claim the broadest representation cerning the most fundamental features of the system. The of the people as a whole, and may vary in size and organ­ most obvious point is the multi-party character of the izational cohesion, but espouse an over-riding nationalist system. Eleven different party "lists" obtained the neces­ opposition which is superior to lesser identifications, such sary one per cent of the vote in the I 961 elections to se­ as language, class, or region. cure one or more parliamentary mandates in Israel's Sectarian parties. The parties of this category appeal spe­ system of selecting all 120 Knesset members on a coun­ cifically to a religious, regional, or ethnic group, and are try-wide basis under proportional representation. Mapai more concerned with ideological purity than with vote win­ ning. has dominated the electoral scene, polling from 32.2 per cent to 38.2 per cent of the total vote cast in six na­ Pluralist parties. These parties can also be termed "mass parties"; they arc large membership organizations, which in­ 1). tional elections (Table With the exc1::ption of the clude aggregations of various interests embracing a broadly 1951 election in which the General Zionist Party polled defined ideology, and attempt to be inclusive rather than ex­ I 8. 9 per cent of the votes, no other single party has ever clusive." gone above 13. 7 per cent. lt is accurate to say that the State of Israel was brought Seligman hopefully suggested that this classification may into existence by political parties that were highly or­ also be applicable to party types or political tendencies ganized and developed entities, with systematic ideologi­ of other developing systems. If such an application should cal programs and long rosters of card carrying members, be attempted, however, it is to be hoped that this typol­ years, and in some cases, decades, before the coming of ogy will fit somewhat less awkwardly than in Israel, statehood. Indeed, Jewish parties in Palestine were often where some of Seligmao's specific applications arc only primarily colonization and pioneering associations.
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