Effects of Physical and Emotional Maternal Hostility on Adolescents&

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Effects of Physical and Emotional Maternal Hostility on Adolescents& JOURNAL OF RESEARCH ON ADOLESCENCE, 28(2), 427–437 Effects of Physical and Emotional Maternal Hostility on Adolescents’ Depression and Reoffending April Gile Thomas Nina Ozbardakci and Adam Fine University of Texas, El Paso University of California, Irvine Laurence Steinberg Paul J. Frick Temple University and King Abdulaziz University Louisiana State University and Australian Catholic University Elizabeth Cauffman University of California, Irvine This study examines whether (1) mothers vary in the way they express hostility toward their delinquent adolescent off- spring, (2) different types of maternal hostility differentially affect adolescents’ depression and recidivism, and (3) ado- lescent depression serves as a mechanism through which maternal hostility predicts later reoffending. The sample consists of 1,216 male first-time offenders, aged 13–17 years (M = 15.80, SD = 1.29). Confirmatory factor analysis sup- ported the premise that maternal hostility could be distinguished into two subtypes: emotional and physical hostility. Adolescent offenders who experienced emotional or physical hostility by their mothers reported greater depressive symptoms and reoffending 6 months later. Further, the relation between maternal hostility (of each type) and adoles- cent reoffending was partially explained by depressive symptomology. Parents play a vital role in adolescent development, abuse. Some parents engage in more modest forms and research consistently demonstrates that parent- of hostility that, while not brought to the attention ing factors are some of the most important predic- of or deemed as abusive by child protective ser- tors of adolescent outcomes. Parent–adolescent vices, may nonetheless be detrimental to adolescent hostility, in particular, has been associated with well-being. For the purposes of this article, parental youth internalizing problems, such as depression, hostility is defined as parent–adolescent interac- (Low & Stocker, 2005; Norman et al., 2012; tions that are negative or aggressive in tone or Schwartz et al., 2011) and externalizing behaviors, lacking warmth. This definition includes a range of such as delinquency (Castellani et al., 2014; Klahr, behaviors of varying degrees of severity, from emo- Rueter, McGue, Iacono, & Burt, 2011; Krischer & tional forms of hostility (such as criticism, exhibi- Sevecke, 2008; Lansford et al., 2007). Research sug- tions of anger, and shouting) to acts of physical gests that these factors may be interrelated in com- aggression (such as pushing, grabbing, slapping, plex ways (Castellani et al., 2014); therefore, this hitting, or striking with an object). Although simi- study proposes a model to explain how these fac- lar to other elements of negative parenting, such as tors operate together to predict reoffending among parental rejection, parental hostility is distinguish- a sample of first-time offending adolescents. able in that it is characterized by overt actions. Par- Up to this point, much of the literature on par- ental rejection, on the other hand, tends to be ental hostility has focused on the extreme end of conceptualized as the underlying attitudes that the hostility spectrum (i.e., child abuse); however, may lead to hostility (Rohner, 1980). However, not not all acts of hostility warrant classification as all parents who engage in hostility toward their adolescent children may harbor feelings of rejection The Crossroads Study is supported by funding from the John toward them. Rejection is only one of several possi- D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation and the Office of ble explanations for parent–adolescent hostility. Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention. We are grateful to Other potential reasons for parent–adolescent hos- the many individuals responsible for the data collection and preparation. Requests for reprints should be sent to April Gile Thomas, University of Texas, El Paso, 500 W. University Avenue, El Paso, © 2017 Society for Research on Adolescence TX 79902. E-mail: [email protected] DOI: 10.1111/jora.12345 428 THOMAS ET AL. tility include spillover from interparental conflict parenting behavior more generally, with few stud- (Fosco, Lippold, & Feinberg, 2014), parental intru- ies distinguishing between mother-perpetrated and siveness (Weymouth & Buehler, 2016), and the father-perpetrated hostility. Yet, mothers, in partic- combination of high economic strain and parental ular, play a crucial role in adolescent adjustment depressed mood (Reeb, Conger, & Martin, 2013). (Laible & Carlo, 2004) and many adolescent offend- Many prior studies have been limited to examin- ers do not live with their father (Demuth & Brown, ing the effects of past parental hostility that 2004). Also, past research indicates that the effects occurred during childhood. However, it is also of maternal hostility toward the adolescent may be important to consider the distinctive aspects of par- more severe and pervasive than hostility by fathers ent-initiated hostility that occurs during adoles- (Chang, Schwartz, Dodge, & McBride-Chang, 2003; cence. Adolescence is a period marked by Moretti & Craig, 2013). Some research suggests that normative developmental changes that have been the effects of parental hostility on adolescent well- shown to affect the parent–youth relationship, such being may be more detrimental when such hostility as puberty (Marceau, Ram, & Susman, 2014) and comes from the mother, as compared to the father. adolescents’ increasing needs for autonomy (Blos, In a study that compared the effects of maternal 1979; Van Petegem, Beyers, Vansteenkiste, & Soe- and paternal hostility on female adolescents’ nens, 2012). Although findings have been mixed, depression, only mother-perpetrated hostility was some research indicates that parent–adolescent con- found to significantly predict adolescent depression flict increases during the transition from childhood symptoms (Lewis, Collishaw, Thapar, & Harold, to adolescence (Marceau et al., 2014; Weymouth, 2014). Buehler, Zhou, & Henson, 2016), whereas parental Third, past research acknowledges the existence warmth decreases for most youth during this time of different types of parental hostility (Miller-Per- (Fleming, Catalano, Haggerty, & Abbott, 2010; rin, Perrin, & Kocur, 2009), but it is unclear Shanahan, McHale, Crouter, & Osgood, 2007; whether mothers specifically engage in different Trentacosta et al., 2011). Considering the numerous types of hostility and how these different forms of changes to the parent–child relationship that occur maternal hostility affect adolescent outcomes. This during adolescence, research is needed that focuses study aims to examine whether mothers express specifically on parental hostility that occurs during different types of hostility toward their adolescent this developmental period. Furthermore, although offspring and, if so, whether these subtypes of hos- prior literature has largely relied on retrospective tility are associated with adolescents’ depression data, the present research utilizes adolescents’ self- and reoffending behavior. Indeed, research sug- reports of current parental hostility and a longitu- gests that some forms of parental hostility may dinal design to detect how such hostility affects leave adolescents more vulnerable to depression adolescents both in the short and long term. and delinquency than others. For example, This study seeks to advance past research in although neglect, physical abuse, and emotional several important ways. First, this study explores abuse are all causally linked to youth depression, the effects of parental hostility among a sample of the strongest association is found with emotional delinquent adolescents. This is important because abuse (Norman et al., 2012). Likewise, some youth delinquency has been shown to be associ- research finds that physical abuse and neglect dur- ated with poorer quality parent–child relationships ing childhood are predictive of later juvenile (Keijsers, Loeber, Branje, & Meeus, 2011) and par- offending, whereas sexual and emotional abuse are ental rejection (Loeber & Stouthamer-Loeber, 1986). not (Stewart, Waterson, & Dennison, 2002). We Further, in an examination of the reciprocal links hypothesize that mothers exhibit hostility toward between parenting and adolescent adjustment their children in distinct types, and that both emo- among juvenile offenders, problematic adolescent tional and physical maternal hostility will be behavior was found to evoke parenting that important factors for predicting adolescent depres- becomes less warm over time (Williams & Stein- sion symptoms and reoffending. berg, 2011). Therefore, delinquent adolescents Finally, our study proposes a theoretical model represent an important population to study, as they to explain the effects of maternal hostility on ado- may be especially likely to encounter hostile lescent depression and reoffending. Although parenting. research clearly documents that adolescents who Second, this study examines the effects of experience hostile parental relationships face a mother-perpetrated hostility specifically. Prior greater risk for delinquent behavior (Ford, Chap- studies of parental hostility have largely examined man, Mack, & Pearson, 2006), it is less evident how PHYSICAL AND EMOTIONAL MATERNAL HOSTILITY 429 parental hostility leads to adolescent delinquency. regions of the country (East, South, and West) and We propose a model in which mother-to-adolescent to contribute demographic diversity in the study hostility leads adolescents to experience
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