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George Reedy Interview VI LYNDON BAINES JOHNSON LIBRARY ORAL HISTORY COLLECTION LBJ Library 2313 Red River Street Austin, Texas 78705 http://www.lbjlib.utexas.edu/johnson/archives.hom/biopage.asp GEORGE REEDY ORAL HISTORY, INTERVIEW VI PREFERRED CITATION For Internet Copy: Transcript, George Reedy Oral History Interview VI, 5/23/83, by Michael L. Gillette, Internet Copy, LBJ Library. For Electronic Copy on Compact Disc from the LBJ Library: Transcript, George Reedy Oral History Interview VI, 5/23/83, by Michael L. Gillette, Electronic Copy, LBJ Library. GENERAL SERVICES AOiHNISTRATION NATIONAL ARCHIVES AND RECORDS SERVICE LYNDON BAINES JOHNSON LIBRARY Legal Agreement Pertaining to the Oral History Intervie~"s of George E. Reedy In accordance with the provisions of Chapter 21 of Title 44, United States Code and subject to the terms and conditions hereinafter set forth, I, George E. Reedy of t4ilwaukee, Hisconsin do hereby give, donate and convey to the United States of America all my rights, title and interest in the tape recordings and transcripts of the personal interviews conducted on May 21, 1982 at r·lil'.'laukee, Wisconsin, October 27, 1982 at Dallas, Texas, and May 23 and 24, 1983 at Milwaukee, ·Wisconsin and .prepared for deposit in the Lyndon Baines Johnson Library~ This assignment is subject to the follo"Jing terms and conditions: (1) The transcripts shall be available for use by researchers as soon as they have been deposited in the Lyndon Baines Johnson Library. (2) The tape recordings shall be available to those researchers who have access to the transcripts. (3) During my lifetime, I retain all copyright in the material gi ven to the Uni ted States by the terms of thi s instrumenL Thereafter, the copyright in both the transcripts and tape recordings shall pass to the United States government. During my lifetime, researchers· may publish brief IIfair use ll quotations from the transcripts and tape recordings without my express consent in each case. (4) Copies of the transcripts and tape recordings may be provided by the Library to researchers upon request. (5) Copies of the transcripts and tape recordings may be deposited in or loaned to institutions other than the Lyndon Baines Johnson library. Date ' /' / ~(. \.~ Jt''/ ///~- . '.CA'/·~.)/ / I ./ /~ ..--./. Archi"V}7t 01 the United'States -b--tif, 19, It; (3 Date INTERVIEW VI DATE: May 23, 1983 INTERVIEWEE: GEORGE E. REEDY INTERVIEWER: Michael L. Gillette PLACE: Professor Reedy's office, Marquette University, Milwaukee, Wisconsin Tape 1 of 2 G: Before we get into a lot of the issues in 1954, there is enough of a talking point here on the press to ask you about these memoranda. R: Well, do you want the individual memoranda discussed? G: Sure, if you can remember them. R: Oh, sure, I remember most of them. Most of them are rather obvious memoranda. G: Well, why for example did he not want to have the television exposure of, say, Larry Spivak or something? R: Oh, that would have been very bad really at that particular point. The difficulty there, that was during a period when holding the Democratic Party together in the Senate was a very major problem, and almost anything that he said in public was going to lose somebody. Let's see, is there a date on that memorandum? It was-- G: It was early on, as I recall. R: Yes, it was very early. December 24, 1953. My God, the session hadn't even started then. You had, oh, I'd say roughly four divisions among the Senate Democrats. You had some of the far right, or some of the far segregationists, southern senators, and you had some of the Reedy -- VI -- 2 way-out liberals who were even to the left of [Hubert] Humphrey, people like [Estes] Kefauver. And you had the westerners. Then you had sort of some of the northern moderates, and they were all going in different directions. And all of them were very, very skeptical of the Johnson leadership. Johnson did not get the leadership because anybody thought he could handle it. I think about the only man who had confidence in his ability to handle it was Dick Russell, and Russell was right. But there was just nobody else. No liberal could have stepped into that position at that point without tearing the Democratic Party to pieces, and no conservative could have stepped into it at that point. Most of the other people that might be able to keep some semblance, say somebody like Mike Mansfield, simply did not have enough weight. The Democratic Party would not have fallen to pieces under Mike Mansfield or Ed Johnson, but it certainly wouldnlt have done anything either. And it was one of those situations where there was literally nowhere else to go. But he certainly had to prove himself. There was going to be a terribly difficult thing. I can still recall Mike Monroney of Oklahoma was pretty far to the left. When you say far to the left, 11m speaking of it in American terms; he wasnlt a communist or any­ thing like that. Mike was somewhat skeptical but said that everybody understood that Lyndon Johnson had problems, and once those problems arose he was going to get very extra help and forbearance from his colleagues. In other words, Mike thought that he would be so torn to pieces or torn by the southerners that he would have to be forgiven Reedy -- VI -- 3 for certain lapses as leader. And that was the way everybody was looking at him, that he was .. It occurred to very, very few people what a powerful man this was individually, as a person. I can still recall the shock that almost hit the Senate in the opening day of the session when Bob Taft ran into that brick wall that Johnson had set up on the division of the committee assignments. People just couldn't believe their eyes. He had to prove himself. It would have been very foolish for him to have gone on "Meet The Press" or any of those programs at that poi nt. What he needed, he needed a period of very intense negotiation with the individual members of the Senate on a face-to-face, man-to-man basis before he started taking any public stand. Public stands would have been deadly. He was right about that. And I wasn't pushing that Spivak thing either. G: So he generally had a policy against going on? R: Oh, sure. G: Okay. Now another theme that seems to run through these memoranda is a concern about individual stories and attempts to track down the source. R: Yes. At that particular--well, two things. First of all, he was always overly concerned about individual stories. That was one of his great weaknesses, both when he was a senator and later on when he became president. That man could go into almost a fit over things that he shouldn't even have noticed. I think part of that was because in those days the Texas press was a highly personalized press which Reedy -- VI -- 4 was very much under control of the individual publishers who were using their newspapers for political purposes. And Johnson had been accustomed to a world in which a publisher was either for you or against you, and if he was for you that meant that every single one of his news columns would be devoted to you. And if he was against you, that meant every single one of his news columns would be against you. And you know, the Texas press could go pretty far in those days. 1111 never forget the [William] Blakley-[Ra1ph] Yarborough campaign. You could have read the Texas press for weeks and not had the faintest idea that there was a man named Yarborough running. It was ridicu­ lous! I remember once when both Yarborough and Blakley happened to hit the same city in North Texas in the same day. Blakley took over the first three pages of the paper. Yarborough got about two para­ graphs back with the truss ads. When the Texas press was against you, it wasnlt just a question of writing editorials. Oh, boy! It was a question of just whether you were even going to get mentioned. There­ fore when a newspaperman started asking what he regarded as nasty questions or wrote a story that he didnlt like, then he immediately smelled a political cabal somewhere. He read much more into it than was really there. Secondly, he never really understood news. He knew how to make a big splash, that he understood. He would have been a great advance man for Ringling Brothers-Barnum & Bailey Circus. But he didnlt really understand what a news story was and he didnlt realize the limitation under which journalists operate. He was always looking for Reedy -- VI -- 5 adjectives. He thought that a story should be written "Lyndon B. Johnson, tall, handsome, sincere, and with the good of the people always before him, moved today to do so and SO." He didn't realize stories couldn't be written that way. He didn't realize also that if something happened the press had to do something about it. Again, he was accustomed to an area of the world where if something happened the press didn't necessarily do something about it. The Texas press was like that, but the Washington press wasn't. For one thing, it was too competitive, and any Washington reporter that passed up a story was going to have the situation called to his attention very quickly by an editor somewhere who would read the story somewhere else.
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