Forest Resources Utilization in Korean-Chinese Ethnic Title Minority Villages, from the Perspective of Landscape Conservation( Dissertation_全文 )
Author(s) Fan, Lei
Citation 京都大学
Issue Date 2016-03-23
URL https://doi.org/10.14989/doctor.k19783
Right 許諾条件により本文は2016-10-01に公開
Type Thesis or Dissertation
Textversion ETD
Kyoto University
Forest Resources Utilization in Korean-Chinese Ethnic Minority Villages, from the Perspective of Landscape Conservation
(景観保全の視点から見た中国朝鮮族村落 における森林資源の利用状況)
Fan Lei
2016
Contents
Chapter 1 Introduction ...... 1 1.1 Ethnic minorities in China ...... 1 1.2 The Korean-Chinese ethnic minority ...... 3 1.2.1 Formation of Korean-Chinese ethnic minority ...... 3 1.2.2 Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture (Yanbian Area) ...... 4 1.2.3 Korean-Chinese of Yanbian and their forest resource use ...... 6 1.3 Background for forest resource use protection in Korean-Chinese villages of Yanbian Area 7 1.3.1 Protection policies and practices on ethnic minority villages and cultures ...... 7 1.3.2 Nature reserves in Yanbian ...... 8 1.3.3 Declining and aging Korean-Chinese population in Yanbian ...... 9 1.3.4 Modernization of Korean-Chinese villages ...... 10 1.4 Research review ...... 11 1.4.1 Reviews of forest resource use of ethnic minorities ...... 11 1.4.2 Reviews of forest resource use of Korean-Chinese ethnic minority ...... 12 1.5 Research objectives ...... 12 1.6 Research site ...... 14 NOTES ...... 17 Chapter 2 Timber Resource Use for Korean-Chinese Traditional Wooden Houses and Accessory Structures ...... 19 2.1 Introduction ...... 19 2.2 Methodology ...... 21 2.2.1 Analysis of forest supply of timber ...... 21 2.2.2 Analysis of use of substitute material for timber ...... 21 2.2.3 Analysis of traditional wooden structures utilization ...... 22 2.2.4 Analysis of traditional wooden structures management ...... 23 2.3 Results ...... 25 2.3.1 Changes of forest supply of timber resource for villager use between 1950 and 2014 . 25 2.3.2 Use of substitute material for timber in village reconstruction ...... 27 2.3.3 State of traditional wooden structures utilization ...... 28 2.3.4 State of traditional wooden structures management ...... 31 2.4 Discussion ...... 33 2.4.1 Contradictions between supply and demand of timber resources ...... 33 2.4.2 Measures for conservation of timber resource use in Korean-Chinese villages ...... 34 2.5 Conclusion ...... 35 NOTES ...... 36 Chapter 3 Present Role of Collective Forests in Fuel Wood Resource Use in Korean-Chinese Villages ...... 37 3.1 Introduction ...... 37 3.2 Methodology ...... 38 3.2.1 Analysis of establishment process of collective forests for fuel wood resource use ..... 38 3.2.2 Analysis of fuel wood consumption and tree preference ...... 39 3.2.3 Analysis of fuel wood resource location in forests ...... 39 3.2.4 Analysis of predicted Q. mongolica forest area for fuel wood use ...... 40 3.3 Results ...... 40 3.3.1 Establishment process of collective forest used as fuel wood resource ...... 40 3.3.2 State of fuel wood resource use ...... 42 3.3.3 Fuel wood resource locations in forest ...... 44 3.3.4 Potential Q. mongolica species in the collective forest for fuel wood resource ...... 46 3.4 Discussion ...... 47 3.4.1 Actual demand for fuel wood resource in Korean-Chinese villages ...... 47 3.4.2 Fuel wood resource shortage results in the abandoned traditional Ondol ...... 48 3.4.3 Measures of setting up public fuel wood forest in collective forest to meet villager’s use ...... 49 3.5 Conclusion ...... 49 NOTES ...... 50 Chapter 4 Use of Edible Wild Plants and Fungi in Korean-Chinese Villages ...... 51 4.1 Introduction ...... 51 4.2 Methodology ...... 52 4.2.1 Analysis of traditional use of wild plants and fungi in daily diet ...... 52 4.2.2 Analysis of collection locations of wild plants and fungi species ...... 53 4.3 Results ...... 53 4.3.1 Characteristics of daily dishes and drinks ...... 53 4.3.2 Traditional knowledge and methods of edible wild fungi use ...... 54 4.3.3 Traditional knowledge and methods of edible wild plants use ...... 55 4.3.4 Land use patterns ...... 56 4.3.5 Collection locations of EWFP ...... 58 4.4 Discussion ...... 61 4.4.1 Impaction of EWPF resources shortage on heritage of traditional knowledge ...... 61 4.4.2 Reasons of the decline production and the limited collection area of edible wild plants and fungi ...... 62 4.4.3 Measures of conserving traditional practices of edible wild plants and fungi use ...... 63 4.5 Conclusion ...... 63 NOTES ...... 63 Chapter 5 Other Non-timber Forest Products Utilization in Korean-Chinese Villages ...... 64 5.1 Introduction ...... 64 5.2 Methodology ...... 66 5.2.1 Analysis of NTFP utilization in Korean-Chinese villages ...... 66 5.2.2 Analysis of resource location of important NTFP usage types ...... 67 5.3 Results ...... 67 5.3.1 Utilization of medicinal plants and fungi...... 67 5.3.2 Fodder plant utilization ...... 72 5.3.3 Plants used as roof materials of wooden houses ...... 73 5.3.4 Honey plant utilization ...... 77 5.3.5 Handicraft plant utilization ...... 79 5.4 Discussion ...... 80 5.4.1 Characteristics of other NTFP use in Korean-Chinese villages ...... 80 5.4.2 Conservation of traditional utilization of other NTFPs ...... 82 5.5 Conclusion ...... 83 NOTES ...... 84 Chapter 6 Discussion ...... 85 6.1 Importance of sustainable use of forest resources to traditional village landscape conservation and daily lives sustainability...... 85 6.2 Traditional forest-related knowledge of Korean-Chinese ethnic minority ...... 90 6.3 Possibility of future efforts for sustainable use of forest resources ...... 94 NOTES ...... 98 Chapter 7 Conclusion ...... 99 Acknowledgement ...... 101 References ...... 102
Chapter 1 Introduction
1.1 Ethnic minorities in China
As a country with multi-national and multi-cultural inhabitants, China is composed of 56 ethnic groups. Among them, Han Chinese (汉族 in Chinese) account for 91.6% of China’s overall population with the other 55 ethnic groups making up the remaining 8.4%, according to the Sixth National Population Census of 20101). These 55 ethnic groups form a combined ethnic minority far smaller than that of the Han Chinese. An ethnic minority refers to a small group of people within a community or country, differing from the main population in terms of race, religion, language, or political persuasion. The largest ethnic minorities according to population include the Zhuang at 16.93 million, Hui at 10.59 million, Manchu at 10.39 million, and Uyghur at 10.07 million. Korean- Chinese make up the 14th biggest ethnic minority in terms of population and at 1.8 million in 2010 they then accounted for 0.14% of China’s population1). Although the 55 ethnic minorities make up only a small proportion of the China’s overall population, they are distributed extensively throughout the country’s different regions. According to different administrative divisions, there are five provincial-level autonomous regions, e.g. Tibet Autonomous Region (西藏自治区 in Chinese); 30 autonomous prefectures, e.g. Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture (延边朝鲜族自治州 in Chinese); and 123 county-level autonomous counties in China. These autonomous administrative divisions are located primarily in Southwest China, Northwest China, and Northeast China (Figure 1.1). In terms of different natural environments and specific cultures, the customs, festivals, and folk residences of ethnic minorities are unique and colorful. What they have in common is that their daily lives are closely related to forest resources. According to previous literature, ethnic minorities have a good knowledge of forest resource utilization and management (He, 2004; Zhang et al., 2006). They collect timber, fuel wood, and wild food from the forest to meet their daily needs. In terms of timber resource use, ethnic minority folk houses reflect the diversity of traditional forest-related knowledge of the different ethnic minorities living in diverse regions. Many ethnic minorities, for example, Zhuang (壮族 in Chinese), Yi (彝族), Dong (侗族), Tai (傣族), Tujia (土 家族), Bulang (布朗族), Lisu (傈僳族), and Nu (怒族), are living in the Yunnan Province, Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region, Guizhou Province, and Hubei Province, all located in Southwest China. The region’s ethnic minorities are good at using timber and bamboo to construct wooden houses that typify Ganlan-style architecture (干栏式 in Chinese) (Cai, 2009; Cui and Yang, 2010; Li, 2007a; Nong, 2005; Pan, 2013; Peng and Ma, 2009; Wang and Liu, 2012; Wu and Zhu, 1999;
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Zhou, 2007). “Ganlan”, which means “house built on stilts” or “half-stilts”, is a design used to cope with wet and damp climates, where supporting structures are built from timber (Zhang, 2013). The stilt floor is used for storing farm tools and fuel wood or enclosing livestock. Timber is used for the majority of the house structure and roof frame, timber and bamboo are used as wall materials, and rice straw or shingles are used for pitched roofs. A fire pit is set inside for cooking and heating the house and a smoke vent on the roof emits the smoke to the outside (Wang and Liu, 2012). The predominant source of energy comes from fuel wood that is collected form adjacent forests. The Uyghur mainly live in the Uyghur Autonomous Region that is located in Northwest China. The famous folk houses of Uyghur are named “Ayiwang” (阿以旺 in Chinese) and they use rammed soil for foundation, soil, branches and reeds for walls, timber for the main structures and roof frames, plant fibers for insulating the roof, and use for the surface layer of the flat roof (Cui and Ning, 2010; Wang, 2002). A “Kang-bed-stove” (炕 in Chinese) is set in an Ayiwang house for cooking and heating. The chimney is made of soil or bricks (Liu, 1996). The Mongols mainly reside in the Mongols Autonomous Region, in Northern China. The folk houses of the Mongols are named “Yurts” (蒙古包 in Chinese). A Yurt is a portable, round tent covered with felt. Elm and willow timber are used for the roof frame and pillars and wicker is used to make walls (Gao et al., 2009). There is a skylight in the roof to let in sunlight and emit smoke from the fire pit. Both the Uyghur and Mongol folk houses include a skylight feature of setting a skylight in the roof in order to meet lighting demands.
Figure 1.1 Autonomous administrative divisions of China
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In terms of non-timber forest products, traditional forest-related knowledge is reflected in the different utilization and management methods among the different ethnic minorities. The Jinuo (基 诺族 in Chinese) who reside mainly in the Xishuangbanna area of the Yunnan Province, traditionally use the Epiprinus siletanus for fuel wood (Zeng et al., 2000) and prefer to collect the flower from the herb Bauhinia for food (Wang and Long, 1995). The Dong people, residing in the Guizhou Province, have a thorough knowledge of how to use wild plants for food, medicine, and dye. Furthermore, they traditionally use Betula luminifera as a stick for grilling fish (Zhou et al., 2014). The Lisu people, an ethnic minority residing in the Yunnan Province, have an integrated use of their local forest resources for timber, fuel wood, wild food, and fodder materials to meet their daily needs. Plant species collected in accordance with traditional preferences; and the utilization of forest resources are based on local village rules and regulations (Li, 2008). The Tibetan people that are living in the Northwest Yunnan Province generally use oak trees for timber, fuel wood, and food materials (Xiang, 2008). The Zhuang, an ethnic minority living in the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Regions, select and use plant resources based on their traditional culture of color preference and according to folk regulations (Su, 2014). The Mongols, the ethnic minority residing in the Neimenggu Autonomous Regions have a traditional knowledge of using wild plants for at least eight aspects of daily life, for: food, medicine, foraging, construction, craft, fuel wood, commodity and cultural purposes, and other uses (Huaer, 2011).
1.2 The Korean-Chinese ethnic minority
1.2.1 Formation of Korean-Chinese ethnic minority Korean-Chinese are a cross-border ethnic minority made up of people migrated from the Korean Peninsula between the mid-nineteenth and mid-twentieth centuries. Because of famine, loss of farmland, and political factors, Koreans crossed the Tumen (图们江 in Chinese) and Yalu Rivers (鸭绿江 in Chinese) and migrated to northeastern China (Lin, 2007a). Although the settlement changed, they still maintain a traditional rice-cultivation life-style. They reclaimed land, built irrigation systems, and grew rice at their settlements; moreover, their rice cultivation and irrigation technologies were spread to the whole of northeastern China where they benefitted the indigenous people in the region (Yi, 2002). Many Korean traditional villages/communities were formed in China with the increase of Korean immigrants. Approximately 1,700,000 Koreans were living in China by 1945, mainly in the Heilongjiang, Jilin, and Liaoning Provinces located in northeastern China (Jin and Tai, 1993). China’s central government confirmed that were 55 ethnic minorities (including Korean-Chinese) in China by The Fourth National Census in 1990. According to The Sixth National Census in 2010, the Korean-Chinese population numbered 1,830,9291). Populations
3 are distributed across Jilin (1,040,167, 57%), Heilongjiang (327,806, 18%), and Liaoning (239,537, 13%) Provinces, as well as another 28 provinces (223,419, 12%) (Figure 1.2). The biggest provincial-level Korean-Chinese settlement is in Jilin Province. Moreover, the biggest prefecture- level settlement is in the Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture (Yanbian Area) in Jilin Province; it is also the biggest prefecture-level settlement in whole of China with a registered population of 801,088 (44% of total Korean-Chinese population) in 2010. Not surprising, the Yanbian Area was the earliest settlement for Korean migrants (Lin, 2007a; Piao, 2009).
12%
13% Jilin Province Heilongjiang Province Liaoning Province 57% Other Provinces 18%
Figure 1.2 Distribution of Korean-Chinese population in China
1.2.2 Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture (Yanbian Area) Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture (Yanbian Area) is located in eastern Jilin Province (N41°59′47″～44°30′42″, 127°27′43″～131°18′33″E), occupying an area of 42,700 km2 (Figure 1.3). THe Yanbian Area borders the Cities of Jilin and Baishan to the west, Heilongjiang Province to the north, North Korea to the south, and Russia to the east. The border between Yanbian and North Korea runs 522.5 km and the Russian border runs 246 km (Statistical Bureau of Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture, 2011). Yanbian is subdivided into eight administrative regions: the six cities of Yanji, Dunhua, Helong, Hunchun, Longjing, and Tumen; the two counties of Antu and Wangqing (Figure 1.4). The Han (汉 in Chinese), Tang (唐), Yuan (元), Ming (明), and Qing (清) dynasties all set administrations in Yanbian. The Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture was created as an administration in 1952. Many traditional ethnic minorities have lived here since the Neolithic period: the Sushen (肃慎 in Chinese), Mohe (靺鞨), Manchu (满族), and Korean (朝鲜 族) people. The total population in Yanbian was 2,191,000 in 2010, including the Han Chinese (60.0% of Yanbian’s population), Korean-Chinese (36.6%), the Manchu (2.9%), the Hui (0.3%), and other ethnic minorities (0.2%).
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Yanbian lies in a temperate humid monsoon climate zone: spring is windy and dry, summer is warm and rainy, autumn is cool with a little rain, and winter is cold. Annual sunshine hours are 2150—2480 h every year. The average temperature is 2—6 ℃, with the lowest temperature between -23—-38 ℃, and the highest temperature is 34—38 ℃. Mean annual precipitation is 400—800 mm. Yanbian is low lying, west to east, according to the Topographic Map of the Yanbian Area (Figure 1.5)2), where mountains and hills account for approximately 80% of the total area, rivers account for approximately 10%, and basin plains account for approximately the last 10%. There are 27 mountains more than 1,000 m above sea level, such as Changbai, Zhangyoucai, Mudan, Dahei, Gaoli, Laoye, and Tumen; 487 rivers flow with an overall length of 10,926 km, including the Tumen, Suifen, and Mudan. The basin plains are mainly the Dashitou, Baicaogou, and Hunchun. Yanbian is an important timber production district of China. Yanbian forests are mainly natural secondary forests, occupying an area of 35,410 km2 (accounting for 82.9% of Yanbian’s total area). The area’s forest consists of 28,620 km2 of national forests and the remaining 6,790 km2 are made up of collective forests. The Forest Bureau manages the national forests of Yanbian at township, county, and city levels, while village governments manage the collective forests. Yanbian is located in the northwestern part of the Changbai Mountains that are rich in plant and fungi resources, such as Panax ginseng, Astragalus membranaceus, Schisandra chinensis, Tricholoma matsutake,
Auricularia auricular, Hericium erinaceus, Acanthopanax senticosus, Osmunda cinnamomea, and Pteridium aquilinum. In addition, there are various species of wild animals, such as Siberian tigers, Amur leopards, Sika Deer, Siberian roe deer, and wild boar (Statistical Bureau of Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture, 2011).
Figure 1.3 Yanbian Area location Figure 1.4 Administrative regions of Yanbian Area
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Figure 1.5 Topographic Map of Yanbian Area
1.2.3 Korean-Chinese of Yanbian and their forest resource use Between mid-seventeenth and mid-nineteenth centuries, Yanbian was under restrictive control by the Qing Dynasty (清朝 in Chinese). The Tumen River was the boundary river between the Qing and Joseon Dynasties (朝鲜王朝 in Chinese). In that period, a small number of Korean people crossed the Tumen River for farming, hunting, and wild food collection in Yanbian (Editorial Committee of Tumen City Chorography, 2006; Liu, 2008; Piao, 2009). The activities of the Korean people in Yanbian in that period were described as “they did farming in the Yanbian in the daytime and returned to Korea in the evening; they came to Yanbian in spring and returned to Korea in autumn; they came to Yanbian when restrictions became loosened, returning to Korea when the restrictions were once again enforced (朝耕暮归，春来秋去，令禁暂退，令驰又回 in Chinese)” (Editorial Committee of Brief History of Korean-Chinese Ethnic Minority, 1986). The Qing Dynasty eventually removed the restricted policy and starting in the mid-nineteenth century, recruited people were able to enter Yanbian for farming. After that, migration from Korea to Yanbian began to increase. In search of a better life, Korean immigrants crossed the Tumen River and settled in the Yanbian (Jin and Zhang, 2004). The last large migration from Korea to Yanbian began in the 1860s (Zhao, 2004; Lin, 2007a). There were 4,300 Korean households, consisting of 28,000 Korean people, living in Yanbian in 1894. The Korean population in Yanbian grew to more than 100,000 in 1907 (Li, 1995). It increased exponentially to more than 620,000 by 1942 (Piao,
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2009). Many Korean-Chinese villages were formed in the Yanbian Area because of the increase in immigration from Korea. These villages were all named Hamgyong Villages (咸境道式村落 in Chinese) because most of the area’s immigrants came from Hamgyong of Korea (Li and Jin, 2007). Moreover, their traditional wooden houses were also called Hamgyong Houses. The early Korean- Chinese villages fronted the Tumen River, and backed onto a mountain, a position that conforms to Korean Fengshui Theory (Hao, 2008; Li and Li, 2012). The traditional livelihood of the Korean- Chinese was based on rice cultivation. In addition, they collected timber, fuel wood, and wild food from forest resources for their daily lives (Lin, 2007a).
1.3 Background for forest resource use protection in Korean-Chinese villages of Yanbian Area
1.3.1 Protection policies and practices on ethnic minority villages and cultures Many policies have been implemented to protect ethnic minorities’ traditional villages and cultures in China. The fifth item of the 1999 China’s Ethnic Minority Policies and Practices (中国 的少数民族及其实践 in Chinese) described the importance of protecting ethnic minorities cultures 3). The sixth item of the 2000 Opinions for Reinforcement of China’s Ethnic Minority Work (关于进一步加强少数民族文化工作的意见 in Chinese) required every level of government protect and develop ethnic minorities cultures4). The measures of the 2009 Opinions for Development of China’s Ethnic Minority Cultural Work (国务院关于进一步繁荣发展少数民族 文化事业的若干意见 in Chinese) stated that cultural activities and heritages of ethnic minorities should be protected and developed5). The 2011-2015 Protection and Development Plan of Ethnic Minority Villages (少数民族特色村寨保护与发展规划纲要 in Chinese) claimed that traditional village landscapes, folk houses, and construction technology should to be protected6). Moreover, these policies define culture as containing customs and habits, heritages, arts, medicines, and sports. Yanbian policies protecting traditional Korean-Chinese villages and cultures focus on intangible heritage aspects, especially traditional dance, music, musical instruments, and festivals (Xu and Jin, 2012; Fang, 2012). Forest resource utilization that relates to traditional Korean-Chinese wooden houses construction and management, fuel materials used in Korean-Chinese Ondols7), and the ingredients of their daily diet did not attract protection policies. The Regulations on the Protection of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of the Korean Ethnic Minority of Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture (延边朝鲜族自治州朝鲜族非物质文化遗产保护条例 in Chinese) was implemented in 2015. Folk diet preparation methods, folk crafts, traditional festivals, and traditional knowledge of medicine are also protected by the policy8). In order to make clear the specific protection objects and provide suggestions for further protection measures, it is necessary to study and discuss the
7 traditional village landscape and the traditional forest-related knowledge that are important to Korean-Chinese cultures.
1.3.2 Nature reserves in Yanbian Between 1991 and 2014, ten nature reserves were designated in Yanbian (Table 1.1)9). The total area of these nature reserves is 401,437 ha, accounting for 9.4% of the total area of Yanbian. Logging, hunting, grazing, fishing, field burning, and medicinal herb collection are forbidden in the nature reserves, according to the Nature Reserve Regulation of China (中华人民共和国自然保护 区条例 in Chinese)10) and the Nature Reserve Regulation of Jilin Province (吉林省自然保护区条 例 in Chinese)11). Although forest resource uses in nature reserves are not totally forbidden, traditional forest resource utilization has been negatively impacted by the nature reserve regulations, according to previous studies on other ethnic minorities living in nature reserve regions. For instance, there are many Tibet ethnic minority people living in Wanglang Nature Reserve of Sichuan Province. Their forest utilization was limited by the nature reserve regulations (Cheng and Li, 2006). Many people of the Yi and Miao ethnic minorities live in Daweishan Nature Reserve of Yunnan Province. There is a contradiction between the traditional life style and modern day regulations (Huang, 2008). Therefore, it was presumed that the daily lives of Korean-Chinese that relate to the forest resources use were also impacted by the local nature reserve regulations.
Table 1.1 Nature Reserves in Yanbian Area
Number Nature Reserve Location Area (ha) Protected object Setup time Level
1 Tianfozhi Mountain Longjing City 77,317 Wild plants 1996.3.22 National
2 Huangnihe Dunhua City 41,583 Forest ecosystems 2000.4.11 National
3 Hunchun Hunchun City 108,700 Wild life 2001.10.22 National
4 Yanming Lake Dunhua City 53,940 Wetland ecosystem 2002.12.28 National
5 Wangqing Wangqing County 67,434 Forest ecosystems 2002.12.23 National
6 Zengfeng Mountain Helong City 17,386 Wild plants and wild life 2013.11.5 Provincial
7 Yuanchi Lake Antu County 17,377 Wetland ecosystem 2013.11.6 Provincial
8 Shangtun Wangqing County 6,594 Wetland ecosystem 2014.8.7 Provincial
9 Hailan River Helong City 13,550 Forest ecosystems 2014.8.7 Provincial
10 Fengwu Tumen City 4,150 Water space ecosystem 1991.11.1 County
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1.3.3 Declining and aging Korean-Chinese population in Yanbian The registered Korean-Chinese population of Yanbian increased between 1949 and the 1990s, however, in relation to total population, the percentage of Korean-Chinese was decreasing due to their low birth-rates and the increasing Han Chinese population and other ethnic minorities (Figure 1.6)12). Since the 1978 Reform and Opening (改革开放 in Chinese) implement in China13), many rural people have been working and inhabiting cities. Because Korean-Chinese have an advantage of speaking both Chinese and Korean, since the 1990s, rural Korean-Chinese of Yanbian have been moving to cities in order to earn more money (Cui, 2007; Piao, 2013). China and South Korea established diplomatic relations in 1992, and since that time a large number of Korean-Chinese have been working and living in South Korea (Sun, 2010). While Yanbian had approximately 800,000 Korean-Chinese registered residents in 2010 (Figure 1.6), approximately 300,000 were working and living in South Korea (Sun, 2010). Furthermore, there has been a sharp reduction of teenagers and young people (Piao, 2012). Meaning the population is decreasing and aging at the same time, posing a serious concern for Yanbian (Sun, 2010). The loss of rural Korean-Chinese people in Yanbian is resulting “empty village” (空心村 in Chinese), “old population”, “imbalanced sex ratio”, and “difficulty of administration” phenomena (Sun, 2010; Zheng, 2012). Traditional Korean-Chinese rice agriculture as a livelihood has also changed and farmland has increasingly been abandoned (Piao, 2012; Zheng, 2012). Yet the loss of traditional village landscapes and traditional forest-related knowledge resulting from the decrease in the rural population has not been raised as a concern.
1000000 70% 900000 60% 800000 700000 50% 600000 40% 500000 30% 400000
300000 20% 200000 10% 100000 0 0% 1949 1952 1957 1962 1965 1970 1975 1978 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013
Registered Korean-Chinese population of Yanbian Area Proportion to the total population of Yanbian Area
Figure 1.6 Registered Korean-Chinese population of the Yanbian Area
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1.3.4 Modernization of Korean-Chinese villages The 1978 Reform and Opening had the effect of accelerating China’s social and economic development. Because of the socioeconomic achievements of industries in cities, China has stepped into a new stage “to promote agriculture development by industry” and “to promote rural area development by cities” (以工促农，以城带乡 in Chinese) (Han, 2008). And since 1982, agricultural issues have been implemented as the annual “Central NO.1 Document” (中央一号文件 in Chinese) of the central government. It shows that agricultural issues were, and continue to be, the focus point of every level of government. Moreover, as of 2004, agricultural issues have been referred to as the “Three Problems About Agriculture, Rural Areas and Peasantry” (三农问题 in Chinese) in the “Central NO.1 Document”14). A series of policies were carried out in recent years based on the “Central NO.1 Document” for instance, the Construction of a New Socialist Countryside (社会主 义新农村建设 in Chinese) was carried out in 200515). It emphasized the improvement of public facilities and living conditions in rural areas, encouraged the centralization of scattered households, and developed farmers’ skills in addition to agriculture, and promoted urban-rural integration. Further, the 2014—2020 New Urbanization Plan (国家新型城镇化规划 in Chinese) implemented in 2014 explains that urbanization is the necessary way to solve “the three problems about agriculture, rural areas and peasantry”16); moreover, it emphasizes encouraging rural people to move into cities and accelerating village reconstruction. As a result of these policies, rural areas were/are being rapidly modernized and urbanized. As an important window for China to Northeast Asia, the modernization and urbanization of the rural area in Yanbian is significant in recent years. Based on the policy of Construction of a New Socialist Countryside from the central government, the Yanbian government established “Construction of a New Socialist Countryside in the Yanbian Area between 2006 and 2020” in 2006. It focuses on the improvement of traffic, drinking water, health, education, and housing in rural areas. From 2006 to 2014, the Report on the Work of the Yanbian Government (延边州政府工作 报告 in Chinese) reported annual achievements in new village construction. There were 2,533 km of village roads, 269 village-level drinking water projects, 321 village-level government office buildings, and 36,612 toilets constructed up until 201217); up until 2014, 14,149 traditional wooden houses were reconstructed as new brick houses18). Furthermore, the Development Plan of the Tumen River Area Cooperation (中国图们江区域合作开发规划纲要 in Chinese) was put into effect in 2009. It emphasizes promoting agricultural industrialization, improving the rural living environment, and promoting rural household incomes in Yanbian19). Although the policies aim to improve the living standard and infrastructure of rural areas, it is presumed that the changes in rural land use and in traditional livelihood can lead to the traditional Korean-Chinese village landscape and forest- related knowledge quickly disappearing. Because traditional village landscapes and forest-related
10 knowledge are the important elements of the Korean-Chinese cultures, the contradiction between the modernization of the traditional village and protecting that traditional culture is obvious. It is also presumed that not only traditional cultures but also the balance of human activities and forest ecosystem will be affected by changes to these traditional villages.
1.4 Research review
1.4.1 Reviews of forest resource use of ethnic minorities In an effort to protect traditional villages and forest-related knowledge of China’s ethnic minorities, previous articles focused on the ethnic minorities that are living in southwestern China. Cui and Chen (2002) discussed the relationship between traditional environmental knowledge and forest ecosystem management among Dai villages from anthropologic and sustainable development perspectives. Zhang (2005) studied forest resource use among Yi, Dai, and Hani villages. The results indicate that forest resource uses have been limited by nature reserve regulations and suggest that the nature reserve regulations should instead refer to the indigenous rules and regulations. Liu and Qu (2006) pointed out the declining population of Tibetan, Qiang, and Hui ethnic minorities caused a loss in biodiversity; they also indicated that environmental destruction accelerated culture erosion. Evan and Susan (2007) showed that forestry-related decision-making involving the Li ethnic minority could reduce tensions between local communities and forestry management, and could improve the sustainability of the government’s forestry practices. Yang (2010) discussed that the traditional management and culture of the Hani people were the key factors in forest biodiversity conservation and sustainable forest resource use. Cheng (2011) studied the changes of forest resource use among Miao ethnic minority and concluded that influencing factors were the imbalance of economic and social development among areas. Liu et al. (2012) found that traditional forest- related knowledge of the Yi people could substantially enhance sustainable forest management and socioeconomic development. Yuan et al. (2012) concluded that indigenous knowledge related to the forest resource use of the Buyi and Dong played an important role in the sustainable development of rural villages. Li (2013) studied the indigenous knowledge of forest resource utilization of the Lahu and the results indicated that traditional knowledge was fast disappearing due to the livelihood changes and the aging population. The traditional forest-related knowledge of these southwestern ethnic minorities was studied through the various research methods including interview, questionnaire, and participant observation. These previous articles indicated that the traditional utilization and management of forest resources are important to conservation of traditional cultures and villages.
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1.4.2 Reviews of forest resource use of Korean-Chinese ethnic minority No previous article has focused on the forest resource use of Korean-Chinese, nor this ethnic group’s traditional landscape conservation. Using literature reviews and interviews, some articles have studied Korean-Chinese wooden house construction technology, energy consumption, and diet customs. These articles, however, only briefly address how Korean-Chinese use their forest resources. Hao (2008) and Guo (2012) generally describe that timber is used for structures, walls, doors, and windows in traditional Korean-Chinese wooden houses; they suggest that villagers turned to improving their traditional houses with new materials when there was a timber shortage. The reason why timber was in short supply, however, was not discussed. Yang (2009) described timber being used for chimney and decorative materials. Li and Jin (2010) studied the energy consumption of Korean-Chinese households and encouraged villagers to use coal and electricity resources in order to avoid air pollution caused by wood smoke. Wen (1996), Zhang, and Piao (2012) described the some wild plants being used for food by the Korean-Chinese had medicinal functions. Li et al. (2000) studied the edible wild plant exploitation and utilization by Korea-Chinese in Yanbian; however, the results were limited to a general description and did not focus on traditional utilization methods. Quan (1993), Cui, and Gao (2008) studied Korean-Chinese diet customs and simply described that the local wild plants and fungi made up the main ingredients of their daily diet. Zheng (2012) defined the rice cultivation livelihood, traditional food, and how traditional wooden houses are ecological culture resources of the Korean-Chinese community. These previous articles studied how the Korean-Chinese used forest resources, such as timber, fuel wood, wild plants and fungi. However, the data were sourced from interviews and literature reviews rather than questionnaire surveys and participant observations; the results were limited to simplistic descriptions rather than detailed data analysis; the issues of traditional knowledge of forest resource utilization and management was not studied; the issue of traditional Korean-Chinese village landscape conservation was not studied and discussed. These issues need to be studied through more effective methods, as quickly as possible, especially given the rapidity of village modernization and the declining rural population of Korean-Chinese in the Yanbian Area.
1.5 Research objectives
The ethnic minorities living in southwestern and northwestern China have a wealth of traditional forest-related knowledge according to previous studies. They are good at using forest resources to build folk houses and to meet their daily needs. Moreover, the folk houses formed special village landscapes unique to these ethnic minorities. As aforementioned, the Korean-Chinese are a northeast ethnic minority in China. They have been living in the Yanbian Area for more than 150
12 years. According to preceding literature, forest resources were used in the daily lives of Korean- Chinese. In a long-term development, it was presumed that just like China’s other ethnic minorities, Korean-Chinese also possess strong knowledge of forest resource utilization. It was also presumed that the traditional Korean-Chinese village landscape has a unique feature in terms of the different settlement regions and cultures compared with China’s other ethnic minorities. According to previous studies findings about China’s other ethnic minorities, traditional forest- related knowledge played an important role in conservation of traditional village landscapes and daily lives. However, no previous study focused on the traditional Korean-Chinese village landscape and forest-related knowledge. Although fragmentary information was described in previous literature, we still have a poor understanding about the characteristics of traditional Korean-Chinese village landscapes compared to our knowledge of China’s other ethnic minorities. The extent to which Korean-Chinese depend on forest resources to maintain villages and daily lives was also not clear. It was presumed that the declining population, new village reconstruction, and nature reserve policies, would impact the sustainability of traditional Korean-Chinese villages and the inheritance of traditional forest-related knowledge. In order to conserve traditional Korean-Chinese village landscapes, the role of forest resources in these landscapes and daily lives need to be studied. Furthermore, the study results can also provide a reference for Korean-Chinese village and culture protection policy. This study was therefore conducted with a focus on the traditional Korean-Chinese village landscape and analyzes traditional forest resource utilization and management in Korean-Chinese villages using various research methods including interview, questionnaire, Participatory Rural Appraisal (Luoga et al., 2000), participant observation, field survey, and map analysis. This study aims to comprehend the role of forest resources in sustainability issues for traditional village landscape and daily lives, and to discuss how future efforts can be compatible with traditional village landscape conservation and the sustainable livelihoods approach. The following aspects were studied: (1) Characteristics of traditional Korean-Chinese village landscape. (2) Traditional knowledge of timber and non-timber forest resource utilization and management. (3) The state of forest resource use and influencing factors. (4) Measures for sustainable use of forest resources to conserve traditional Korean-Chinese village landscapes and satisfy the principle source of livelihoods.
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Framework of dissertation:
Chapter 1 Introduction
Chapter 4 Chapter 2 Chapter 3 Chapter 5 Edible plants Timber Fuel wood Other NTFPs and fungi
Chapter 6 Discussion
Chapter 7 Conclusion
1.6 Research site
Jingxin Township (敬信镇 in Chinese) (42°27′—42°41′N, 130°25′—130°38′E) is located in the southeastern Hunchun City in Yanbian Area, occupying an area of 342.46 km2 (Figure 1.7). Jingxin Township is included in the Hunchun Nature Reserve, which was designated in 200120). The primary purpose of the Hunchun Nature Reserve is to protect wild animals, such as Siberian tigers. Famous as a border township, Jingxin Township borders to the Banshi Township of Hunchun City in the northwest, Russia to the east, North Korea to the southwest, and is only 15 km away from the Sea of Japan. The Tumen River separates Jingxin Township from the Hamgyong Prefecture of North Korea (Figure 1.7). Forests occupy 260.32 km2 of the Jingxin Township, including 193.77 km2 of national forests and 66.55 km2 of collective forests21). The Jingxin Forest Center manages the national forests and village governments manage the collective forests. The Korean-Chinese population of Jingxin was more than 10,000 between the 1920s and 1930s, accounting for more than 90% of the Township’s total population at that time. The Korean-Chinese population decreased significantly in 1940s (Figure 1.8)22) when many Korean immigrants returned to North Korea at that time (Jin and Tai, 1993). In 2014, there were 3,956 Korean-Chinese registered as residents, accounting for 70% of Jingxin’s total population.
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Figure 1.7 Research site locations
Registered Korean-Chinese population of Jingxin Township 11,000 Proportion to the total population of Jingxin Township 100% 10,000 90% 9,000 80% 8,000 70% 7,000 60% 6,000 50% 5,000 40% 4,000 3,000 30% 2,000 20% 1,000 10% 0 0%
1926 1928 1930 1933 1935 1949 1954 1956 1958 1960 1962 1964 1966 1968 1970 1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2011 2013 Figure 1.8 Registered Korean-Chinese population of the Jingxin Township
The average temperature of the Jingxin Township is 5.6℃. The Township has 2,322 h of annual sunshine hours, and the mean annual precipitation is 618 mm. Jingxin is low lying west to east, with an altitude ranging from 5—695 m. The central east area of the Township is made up of basin plains, surrounded by Mountains Sanjiaoshan, Dapanling, Huilongfeng, Shuiliufeng, and Zhanggufeng. Cultural relics show that human beings have been living in Jingxin since the Stone Age, and the Mohe nation once built a castle there (Editorial Committee of Hunchun Chorography, 2000). Jingxin was named Heidingzi (黑顶子 in Chinese) in the early Qing dynasty and the name Jingxin has only been used since 1895. Korean immigrants from Hamgyong Prefecture of Korea have been settled in Jingxin since 1862. They have been cultivating rice as their staple food and constructing wooden houses for their residences since that time. Nineteenth century descriptions of Jingxin include various tree species used for timber, wild vegetables, wild medicinal plants, and wild animals in the 15 forests (Editorial Committee of Huilongfeng Village Chorography, 2006). The Jingxin Township consists of 12 villages, including the following nine villages of Baishi (village 1), Daduchuan (village 2), Xijiashan (village 3), Chaoyang (village 4), Huilongfeng (village 5), Erdaopao (village 6), Jiushaping (village 7), Quanhe (village 8), and Fangchuan (village 9), all of which are located along the Tumen River (Figure 1.7). These villages were selected as this study’s research sites based on several reasons. (1) The location of these nine villages is in accordance with the site selection of early Korean immigrants for their settlements. Because they front the Tumen River and back onto mountains, their positioning conforms to the Korean Fengshui principles (Hao, 2008; Li and Li, 2012). (2) All nine villages were established in 1862, coinciding with the last large immigration of Korean people to Yanbian in the 1860s. (3) According to an initial investigation, local households still maintain traditional methods of forest resource utilization and some of them still live in traditional wooden houses.
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NOTES 1) National Bureau of Statistics of China Tabulation on the 2010 Population Census of the People’s Republic of China data page
17
Book Publishing Press, Yanbian Statistical Yearbook, Shenzhen, China (in Chinese). 13) Central Committee of The Communist Party of China: The Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee: Homepage of the Central People’s Government of the People’s Republic of China
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Chapter 2 Timber Resource Use for Korean-Chinese Traditional Wooden Houses and Accessory Structures
2.1 Introduction
There are many Korean-Chinese traditional wooden houses and accessory structures in research sites according to initial survey. These wooden houses and accessory structures formed the unique architecture landscape of Korean-Chinese villages. Some wooden houses were built at 100 years ago (Figure 2.1). Timber is used as the main material of these wooden structures, such as house, chimney, and storehouse.
Figure 2.1 Traditional Korean-Chinese wooden house in Jingxin Township
Generally, construction materials of Korean-Chinese traditional wooden houses are stone, timber, mud, rice straw, and tile. Stone is used for the foundation; timber used for the beams, columns, roof frame, windows, and doors; mud is used for the walls ceiling, and roof material; rice straw is used for walls, ceiling, and roof material; tile is used for the roof material. Traditional Korean-Chinese wooden houses have white-colored walls, narrow doors, and thatched or tile roofs. The clear height of interior wooden houses is 2.2-2.4 m and the height ratio of roof and wall are 1:1 viewed from the front elevation (Figure 2.1). This is because of the living habits of siting on the Ondol and having to deal with the cold climate (Hao, 2008). The Ondol is a Korean form of underfloor heating that uses direct heat transfer from fuel wood smoke. The construction technologies of wooden houses are known as post and lintel roof framing (抬梁 式 in Chinese) (Li and Jin, 2007) and mortise and tenon (榫卯结构 in Chinese) (Wang, 2007). The mud, in particular, is used for insulation materials to make the walls, ceiling, and roof; especially
19 the two layers of ceiling and roof both used mud to deal with the cold climate (You and Ando, 2008). And the rice straw as the product of rice cultivation, in particular, is used for the roof material and renewed every 2-3 years. The management technologies of rice straw for roof are similar to the technologies of the Korea peninsular (You and Ando, 2008). Because the immigrants came from Hamgyong of Korea, the Korean-Chinese village of Yanbian Area is also called Hamgyong Village (Hao, 2008) and the wooden houses of Hamgyong Village are named Hamgyong wooden houses (Jin, 2004). The Ondol of the Hamgyong wooden houses is spread out fully underneath the floor, while the Ondol of other Korean-Chinese wooden houses are not. In addition to wooden houses, there are many wooden accessory structures in the yard, for instance, a wooden shed. Besides the roof, all parts of the wooden shed are made of timber. The construction technology of the wooden shed is “Ganlan” (干栏式 in Chinese) (Li and Jin, 2007), and this technology is often used in wooden house construction by southern ethnic minorities in China (Zhang, 2013). The timber for wooden houses and accessory structures were collected from adjacent forests; the style and construction technology was inherited from the wooden structure characteristics of the Hamgyong Province of North Korea. Therefore, timber, as the principle material for the Hamgyong wooden houses and accessory structures, not only constitutes the traditional architecture landscape of Korean-Chinese villages in the Yanbian Area, but also reflects the traditional practices of timber resource use of Koreans in the Korean Peninsula. Along with the present socio-economic development in China, the traditional village landscapes of ethnic minorities are changing to a new style of landscape. At the same time, the indigenous knowledge of the utilization and management of timber resources is quickly disappearing. In an effort to protect the traditional village landscape, researchers have studied the timber resource utilization and management methods of Lahu (Li, 2013), Lisu (Li, 2008), Nu (Fan, 2004) and Miao (Cheng, 2011) ethnic minorities. The results indicated that encouraging local villagers to manage timber resources as had been done traditionally was an effective method to protect the traditional village landscape. The situation of other ethnic minorities is the same; Korean-Chinese villages of the Yanbian Area are under pressure of village reconstruction. However, there is no previous study on the indigenous knowledge of the utilization and management of timber resources in Korean- Chinese villages. Previous studies on the Korean-Chinese villages of Yanbian Area focused on the traditional wooden house construction technology (Li et al., 2002; Jin, 2004; Li and Jin, 2007; Hao, 2008; You and Ando, 2008). These studies indicated that Korean-Chinese traditional landscapes are changing to a new style and the reasons for the decline of traditional wooden houses were the population decrease. However, the state of wooden houses and the influence of reconstruction were only described in short rather than through a detailed analysis in previous research and the wooden accessory structures were ignored.
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On the other hand, previous studies on the Yanbian Area forestry have focused on the Yanbian Area forestry workers who currently earn less than they did previously because of the limitations placed on timber logging (Lin, 2007b; Su, 2007). Additionally, the collective forest of the Yanbian Area was contracted to a few villagers and companies that could promote the sustainable development of the forest (Chi and Zheng, 2010). However, the restriction of forestry policies on the timber resource use for traditional wooden structures (consisting of wooden houses and wooden accessory structures) was not raised as a concern. In order to conserve Korean-Chinese traditional wooden structures, the impact of forestry policies and village reconstruction on the timber resource supply and use, and their influence on the wooden structures utilization and management need to be analyzed and discussed. Therefore, this chapter analyzes the impact of forestry and village reconstruction policies on the timber resource supply and use through documents and interviews, analyzes the wooden structures utilization and management through visual inspection and interview survey, aims to comprehend the state of timber use for wooden structures and to discern the influencing factors. Based on the results, this chapter makes a proposal for the conservation of traditional Korean-Chinese wooden structures in the Yanbian Area.
2.2 Methodology
2.2.1 Analysis of forest supply of timber Based on the Agrarian Reform Law1), Forest Law2), Revised Forest Law3), Natural Forest Protection Project4), and Decision about Accelerating the Production and Construction of Eastern Mountain Area in Jilin Province (Editorial Committee of Hunchun Chorography, 2000), this chapter analyzed the impaction of these forestry policies on the forest supply of timber. Forestry officials and village leaders were interviewed about the information of state of timber resource utilization. The changes of forest supply of timber were observed. Forests of Jingxi Township consist of national forests and collective forests. The two kinds of forests are divided according to the different managers: the manager of national forests is the Jingxin Forest Center; the managers of collective forests are village governments. This chapter verified the manager of every forest compartment on the 2007 Jingxin Township Vegetation Map (scale 1:25000)5), and created a map with MapInfo (Ver.7.0, MapInfo Company) and Adobe Photoshop (Ver.12.0.1, Adobe Company) software to show the current conditions of two kinds of forest.
2.2.2 Analysis of use of substitute material for timber Based on the Construction of New Socialist Countryside6), Wooden House Reconstruction
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Project7), and Development Plan of Tumen River Area Cooperation8), the use of substitute material for timber during the village reconstruction was analyzed. Village leaders and villagers were interviewed about the process of village reconstruction, did field survey about substitute material for timber in the nine villages.
Table 2.1 Sample households for visual inspection
Village Registered households Sample households (%)
1 29 16 (55%)
2 93 47 (51%)
3 33 22 (67%)
4 61 32 (52%)
5 188 99 (53%)
6 468 60 (13%)
7 323 47 (15%)
8 263 36 (14%)
9 55 41 (75%)
Total 1513 400 (26%)
2.2.3 Analysis of traditional wooden structures utilization During an initial investigation, the information of pine timber (Pinus koraiensis) was used for the major component of wooden structures, and oak timber (Quercus mongolica) was used for other components of wooden structures were confirmed. Therefore, this chapter did not check the timber use of each component of wooden structures, but focused on external appearance to examine whether the house and accessory structures were made of timber. The nine villages consist of 1,513 registered household, however, approximately half of the households are migrant worker who own their houses in the city and do not normally live in the villages, and some of them did not even have houses and yards in villages. Therefore, the indigenous households of Korean-Chinese that have houses and yards in the villages were selected. A total of indigenous 400 households were selected in nine villages for visual inspection for their wooden structures utilization (Table 2.1). The wooden structures were recorded and divided into seven types according to different functions. The seven types of wooden structures were house, fence, storehouse, shed, toilet, livestock enclosure, and chimney (Figure 2.2). This chapter calculated the number of each type and the proportion of each type compared to the total sample households, and analyzed the difference among villages. Additionally, family members and neighbors were consulted on wooden house habitations (inhabited, unoccupied, or abandoned).
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(a) House (b) Fence
(c) Storehouse (d) Shed
(e) Toilet (f) Livestock enclosure (g) Chimney Figure 2.2 Traditional wooden structures
2.2.4 Analysis of traditional wooden structures management (1) Sample household selection Village governments allowed the interviews and questionnaire surveys of this study could be taken in five households in each village. The five sample households included a village leader’s household and four ordinary villagers’ households. Therefore, based on the indigenous 400 sample households, five households were selected from each village of 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, and 9; selected 15 households from village 5, because the village is comprised of three smaller villages. A total of 55 households were selected according to the following reasons: 1) The household live in a wooden house or the occupant was an elderly person that could explain forest resource utilization methods. 2) The family member collect fuel wood from forest, moreover, they can offer the information about utilization methods and fuel resource location. 3) The family member collect wild plants and fungi
23 from forest, moreover, they can offer the information about utilization methods and wild plants and fungi resource location. What needs to explained is that the 55 sample households were not only the interviewees for surveys in chapter 2 but also chapter 3 to 5. All 55 sample households responded to the survey of timber resource use (Chapter 2), edible wild plants and fungi use (Chapter 4), and other non-timber forest resources utilization (Chapter 5); 45 out of 55 sample households responded to the fuel wood resource use (Chapter 3) because 10 village leaders did not respond (Table 2.2).
(2) Interview survey about traditional wooden structures management In this chapter, 55 sample households responded a questionnaire survey about wooden structures management (Table 2.3). The quest list contains tree species used as timber resource, source of timber, renewal period and volume of timber use, management practices and the reason for changes.
Table 2.2 Sample households responded to the interviewing and questionnaire survey
Sample households
Village Chapter 2 Chapter 4 Chapter 5 Chapter 3
Timber Edible wild plants and fungi Other non-timber forest products Fuel wood
1 5 4
2 5 4
3 5 4
4 5 4
5 15 13
6 5 4
7 5 4
8 5 4
9 5 4
Total 55 45
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Table 2.3 Survey about wooden structures management 1. Site Jingxin Township of Yanbian Area 2. Survey period February 2014～October 2014 3. Respondents Household occupants and elderly persons 4. Sample households 55 5. Methods Face-to-face interview (1) Tree species used as timber resource at present. (2) Source of timber (forests or market). 6. Main questions (3) Renewal period and volume of timber use. (4) Management practices and the reason for changes.
2.3 Results
2.3.1 Changes of forest supply of timber resource for villager use between 1950 and 2014 According to the national level forestry policy analysis, from the perspective of whole nation scale, the Agrarian Reform Law (1950) states that forest land is owned by the government, the national forest was formed and managed by all levels of the forestry departments, and rural residents were therefore not entitled to the resources of the forests. However, then, in order to meet the need of forest resource use by residents who lived in a forested region, partial national forests were amended successively to collective forests in China. Collective forest resource use needs to have usage rights, however, not all households have these rights. Although the fifteenth term of Forest Law (1984) allowed for the usage rights of collective forests to be transferred, the usage rights were still not applied equally in some areas. The revised Forest Law (1998) continually stated the importance of protecting usage rights of collective forest, however, the eighth term encouraged the use of substitute material for timber. Even more seriously, the Natural Forest Protection Project (2000) limited the amount of logging and cutting of trees in natural forests of China. Further, the northeastern China is the demonstration area. According to the local level forestry policy analysis and interviews in Jingxin Township, the national forests formed in 1950, while the collective forest formed in 1981. Moreover, the national forests of Jingxin Township are managed by the Jingxin Forest Center, while the collective forests are managed by village governments. Before the Natural Forest Protection Project’s (2000) implementation, there was much discarded timber in national forests because the Jingxin Forest Center logged trees in national forests for commercial timber. Therefore, villagers could collect the discarded timber from national forests before 2000. From 1950 to 2014, the transition of forest supply of timber resources for villager use could be divided into four different periods: 1950-1980, 1981-1983, 1984-1999, and 2000-2014 (Table 2.4). ①During the period of 1950-1980, a national forest covering 26,032 ha existed in Jingxin Township. Villagers could log timber from national
25 forests if they received permission from the Jingxin Forest Center. ②During the period of 1981- 1983, as a result of the Decision about Accelerating the Production and Construction of Eastern Mountain Area in Jilin Province (1981), 6,655 ha of national forests were changed to collective forests for local villagers’ use (Figure 2.3). Villagers could log timber in collective forests if they had usage rights. However, more than ninety percent of households did not have usage rights because the village governments contracted the usage rights of collective forests to individuals or companies. Therefore, villagers who wanted to log timber from collective forests needed to get permission from village governments. ③During the period of 1984-1999, after the Forest Law enforcement, local government restricted the felling of trees for villager use to trees that were more than 5 cm in diameter. Because less than 5 cm in diameter of timber cannot up to the standard of villagers’ use, therefore, the main source of the timber was the discard timber in national forests. ④During the period of 2000-2014, the Jingxin Forest Center did not log trees in national forests as a result of the Natural Forest Protection Project culminating in villagers merely collecting the uprooted and dead trees of national forests and collective forests.
Figure 2.3 National forest and collective forest of Jingxin Township (since 1981) 26
Table 2.4 Transition of forest supply of timber for villager use between 1950 and 2014
Forests
Period National forest Collective forest
Area (ha) Supply of timber resource Area (ha) Supply of timber resource
Discarded timber; Logged timber by ①1950—1980 26,032 / / Jingxin Forest Center’s permission
②1981—1983 19,377 Discarded timber 6,655 Logged timber by village government’s permission
③1984—1999 19,377 Discarded timber 6,655 /
④2000—2014 19,377 Uprooted and dead trees 6,655 Uprooted and dead trees
2.3.2 Use of substitute material for timber in village reconstruction According to the village reconstruction policies analysis, from a perspective of whole nation level, the Construction of New Socialist Countryside project, which started in 2005, emphasized the improvement of public facilities and living conditions in rural areas, encouraged the centralization of scattered households, and promoted urban-rural integration. The Wooden House Reconstruction Project (WHRP), which started in 2007 in Jilin Province, supports villagers to convert their wooden houses to brick houses. The Development Plan of Tumen River Area Cooperation was put into effect in 2009 and it emphasizes urbanization and agricultural industrialization. According to the interviews and field survey, along with the three policies implemented in the Jingxin Township, since 2007 traditional villages are being changed to new villages due to village reconstruction and the WHRP. Village reconstruction emphasized new accessory structures reconstruction and local government provided non-wooden accessory structures to villagers for free, or encouraged villagers to buy non-wooden accessory structures. The WHRP emphasized building new brick houses to replace traditional wooden houses. As part of this project, villagers were required to pay only 10-30% of the construction costs of the new brick houses. Village 9 had completed village reconstruction and the WHRP in 2007, while the other eight villages have not yet completed reconstruction. Abundant substitute materials for timber were used for the village reconstruction. As a result, the timber material was replaced with substitute material for house and accessory structures construction. Moreover, many traditional wooden structures were abandoned. It is found that many kinds of substitute materials were widely used in the nine villages, for instance, steel and wire netting fence, brick storehouses and houses, steel sheds, brick livestock enclosures, brick toilets, PVC and brick chimneys (Figure 2.4).
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(a) Steel Fence (b) Wire netting fence
(c) Brick Storehouse (d) Brick storehouse
(e) Steel shed (f) Brick livestock enclosure
(g) Brick toilet (h) PVC chimney (i) Brick chimney Figure 2.4 New structures with substitute materials for timber
2.3.3 State of traditional wooden structures utilization (1) Traditional wooden house utilization There are two kinds of houses in the nine villages, namely, traditional wooden houses and new brick houses. Because some households consisted of two houses there were 433 houses in the sample of 400 households. There were 118 traditional wooden houses, 27% of the total number of
28 sample houses (Table 2.5). Village leaders reported that before the 1980s, all local houses were traditional wooden houses. However, a larger number of wooden houses have been converted to new brick houses. In addition to village 1, the traditional wooden house percentage was lower than the new brick house percentage in each of other eight villages. No wooden house was found in village 9. There were three kinds of habitations relevant to the 118 traditional wooden houses: inhabited, unoccupied, and abandoned. Inhabited means that villagers are currently living in the traditional wooden house. Unoccupied means the traditional wooden house is currently empty, but the villagers intend to continue using it in the future. Abandoned means the villagers were not using the traditional wooden house and were not planning to use it again. Thirty-two inhabited wooden houses accounted for 27% of all 118 wooden houses, while 21 unoccupied wooden houses and 65 abandoned wooden houses accounted for 73% of all 118 wooden houses.
Table 2.5 Traditional wooden house utilization of 400 sample households
Village Sample households Sample houses Traditional wooden house New brick house 1 16 20 11 (55%) 9 (45%) 2 47 57 27 (47%) 30 (53%) 3 22 23 3 (13%) 20 (87%) 4 32 35 2 (6%) 33 (94%) 5 99 109 51 (47%) 58 (53%) 6 60 63 7 (11%) 56 (89%) 7 47 47 14 (30%) 33 (70%) 8 36 38 3 (8%) 35 (92%) 9 41 41 0 41 (100%) Total 400 433 118 (27%) 315 (73%)
(2) Traditional wooden accessory structures utilization This chapter calculated the number and proportion of each type of traditional wooden accessory structures (Table 2.6). In Table 2.6, numbers represent the calculated number of households relevant to the wooden accessory structure, and the percentage values mean the proportion of the calculated households. The proportion of wooden accessory structures utilization of all 400 sample households from the highest to lowest was fence, chimney, storehouse, shed, toilet, and livestock enclosure. The utilization percentage of each type of wooden accessory structure was less than or equal to 53%. However, village leaders reported that approximately 30 years ago nearly all households utilized these six types of wooden accessory structures. It was discovered that 53% of sample households had wooden fences. Wooden fences are used to
29 delineate the household yard and to prevent disturbances by other livestock and intrusion by wild animals. The diameter of the timber used for wooden fences was approximately 5 cm, which was the thinnest timber of accessory structures. Forty-four percent of the sample households had wooden chimneys, which were usually taller than the house and were channels outside the house to discharge the smoke from the Ondol. Fifty-seven out of 315 brick houses still had wooden chimneys. The occupants indicated that they preferred timber material to other material for chimneys, because wooden chimneys did not freeze over in winter and could discharge the smoke smoothly. Thirty- one percent of the sample households had wooden storehouses. A wooden storehouse is usually built alongside the house and is used to store farm tools, sundries, and grain. Twenty percent of the sample households had wooden sheds, which were used especially for storing corn. Less than twenty percent of the sample households had wooden toilets and wooden livestock enclosures. Villagers reported that after the introduction of mechanized farm tools in the 1980s many wooden farm tools were no longer being used.
Table 2.6 Traditional wooden accessory structures utilization of 400 sample households
Sample Livestock Village Fence Chimney Storehouse Shed Toilet Households enclosure 7 4 8 3 4 4 1 16 44% 25% 50% 19% 25% 25% 35 15 18 18 12 4 2 47 74% 32% 38% 38% 26% 9% 5 15 9 6 5 / 3 22 23% 68% 41% 27% 23% / 24 17 3 5 4 2 4 32 75% 53% 9% 16% 13% 7% 59 57 38 9 18 1 5 99 60% 58% 38% 9% 18% 1% 35 27 16 4 6 / 6 60 58% 45% 27% 7% 10% / 23 17 18 10 1 1 7 47 49% 36% 38% 21% 2% 2% 22 8 14 24 3 / 8 36 61% 22% 39% 67% 8% / / 15 / / / / 9 41 / 37% / / / / 210 175 124 79 53 12 Total 400 53% 44% 31% 20% 13% 3%
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From the perspective of each village, there was merely one type of wooden accessory structure in village 9, while 5-6 types of wooden accessory structures were observed in each of the other eight villages. In village 9, all wooden fences were changed to steel fences, storehouses and toilets were arranged in new brick houses, and wooden sheds and livestock enclosures were abandoned. In the other eight villages, the wooden accessory structures are being replaced by non-timber structures or are being abandoned altogether.
2.3.4 State of traditional wooden structures management Information on traditional wooden structures management was provided by 55 households in response to the interview survey. Responses to the survey indicated that 20 households (36%) had a wooden fence, 25 households (45%) had a wooden chimney, 19 households (35%) had a wooden storehouse, 23 households (42%) had a wooden house, 12 households (22%) had a wooden shed, and 3 households (5%) had a wooden livestock enclosure. (1) Tree species used as timber resource There were 13 tree species that were used as timber resources by the 55 sample households (Table 2.7). The number in Table 2.7 indicates the number of times a certain tree species was used by the sample household.
Table 2.7 Tree species used as timber resources by 55 sample households
Vernacular name Scientific name Fence Chimney Store house House Shed Toilet Livestock enclosure Total
蒙古栎 Quercus mongolica 17 19 19 12 9 3 79 红松 Pinus koraiensis 2 12 14 5 1 34 黄花松 Larix olgensis 4 6 6 9 3 2 30 紫椴 Tilia amurensis. 2 10 3 6 4 25 臭松 Abies nephrolepis 21 1 22 樟子松 Pinus sylvestris 3 1 7 4 1 16 杨树 Populus sp. 4 2 6 柳树 Salix sp. 1 1 2 水曲柳 Fraxinus mandshurica 1 2 1 1 5 云杉 Picea koraiensis 2 1 3 胡桃楸 Juglans mandshurica 1 1 1 3 白桦 Betula platyphylla 1 1 2 色木槭 Acer mono 1 1
Analysis of the different applications indicated that Quercus mongolica was used for six types of traditional wooden structures, except chimneys, while Larix olgensis was used for six types of traditional wooden structures, except livestock enclosures. Pinus koraiensis Siebold & Zucc.,
31
Tilia amurensis, Pinus sylvestris, and Fraxinus mandshurica were used for more than four types of wooden structures. In addition, Abies nephrolepis was the species used particularly for chimneys. The analysis of the incidences of the use of the particular species, as reported by the households, indicated that Q. mongolica, P. koraiensis, L. olgensis, T. amurensis, and A. nephrolepis were mentioned more than 20 times. This indicates that Q. mongolica is the most popular broad-leaved tree species, while P. ko r a ie ns i s is the most popular conifer species. The villagers reported that they have previously preferred to use Q. mongolica and P. koraiensis trees as timber resources, however, they currently use any species of uproot and dead trees instead of the preferred Q. mongolica and P. koraiensis. (2) Traditional wooden house management Twenty-three out of 55 sample households had a wooden house. These 23 wooden houses were built before 1984, and the timber was sourced from forests. Respondents reported that the renewal period of a wooden house was more than 30 years. However, they also indicated that the permissible quantities of timber resources from forests were not enough to meet the needs of a traditional wooden house construction at present. Because constructing a traditional wooden house required 15-20 m3 of P. ko r a ie n s i s and Q. mongolica timber, the villagers were unable to find such quantities of free timber resources in the forest and the sourcing of timber from the market was expensive. Therefore, at present, the villagers found it impossible to build wooden houses. Villagers reported that the walls of traditional wooden houses needed to be reinforced and painted and the thatched roof had to be renovated every 1～2 years. Additionally, most young villagers had migrated elsewhere; there was not enough labor in the villages to conduct wooden house maintenance. The maintenance of brick houses was simple compared to that of wooden houses. A massive flood destroyed many traditional wooden houses in 1987, after which the villagers began to build brick houses better able to withstand such floods. It is worth noting that among the 23 sample households that had wooden houses, 16 of them are still living in wooden houses. Twelve of these households indicated that they were used to living in a traditional wooden house and were unwilling to change. Three households reported that they enjoyed the traditional cultural atmosphere of living in a wooden house. One household reported that they would like to use the Ondol in the wooden house to make traditional Korean-Chinese bean sauce. Additionally, they changed the roof materials or covered the roof with a plastic sheet to extend the lifespan of the wooden house. (3) Traditional wooden accessory structures management Responders reported that they repair the damaged parts of wooden fences every year. Because the timber resource diameter of a wooden fence conforms to forestry policies regarding the dimensions, villagers can collect timber resources from forests for their wooden fences. Wooden fences consist
32 of wooden piles and wooden poles. Every two thick wooden piles, spaced 2-3 m apart, are joined by many thin wooden piles and a wooden poles. Thick wooden piles are made of P. koraiensis, while thin wooden piles and wooden poles are traditionally made of Q. mongolica. They reported that constructing a wooden chimney, traditionally requires 1-2 m3 of A. nephrolepis and the renewal period is 10-12 years. Because the timber resources of chimney necessitate wood approximately 40-50 cm in diameter, villagers cannot cut the timber from forests at present because of the forestry policies. More than half of the respondents reported that the timber was sourced from the market; other respondents reported that they used uprooted and dead trees. However, chimneys made from uprooted or dead trees were not ideal because they often are not of the same quality as standard timber. They reported that constructing a wooden storehouse requires 8-10 m3 of Q. mongolica and P. koraiensis timber and constructing a wooden livestock enclosure requires 6-7 m3 of Q. mongolica and P. koraiensis timber. Wooden storehouses and livestock enclosures were built at the same time as wooden houses, timber was sourced from forests before 1980s, and the renewal period of wooden store houses and livestock enclosures depend on the renewal of the wooden house. Like the wooden house, villagers also reported that it is difficult to collect enough timber for the construction of wooden storehouses and livestock enclosures at present. They reported that constructing a wooden shed requires 3-4 m3 of Q. mongolica and P. koraiensis timber, and the renewal period is 2-5 years. The timber from the wooden shed was constructed with uprooted and dead trees since 2000. Villagers indicated that the government encouraged them to buy steel sheds rather than wooden sheds in recent years. However, they think the wooden sheds were more durable than the new materials and they preferred using timber to purchasing new materials. Constructing a wooden toilet requires 2-3m3 of Q. mongolica and P. koraiensis timber and the renewal period is 8-10 years. Responders reported that they only repair the damaged parts of wooden toilets and there was no new construction.
2.4 Discussion
2.4.1 Contradictions between supply and demand of timber resources Korean-Chinese villagers traditionally collect A. nephrolepis, P. koraiensis, and Q. mongolica timber from forests and construct the wooden house and accessory structures. Each type of wooden structure has a role in Korean-Chinese daily life. Wooden structures not only constitute the traditional landscape but also reflect the traditional practices of timber use. Because the Korean- Chinese villages of the Yanbian Area are less influenced by the other cultures, the traditional wooden house has basically retained its original features (Li and Jin, 2007; Hao, 2008). However,
33 the Korean-Chinese wooden structures are influenced by the forestry and village reconstruction policies at present. In the nine villages of Jingxin Township, the forestry policies are restricting the forest supply of timber. The available timber for wooden structures use has been influenced by the forestry policies since the 1950s. At present, the available sources of timber are merely uprooted and dead trees or trees that less than 5 cm in diameter. Because the available timber is not the villagers’ preferred tree species, and are not up to the standard required for wooden structure construction and renewal, wooden structures management cannot be reconciled with traditional practices. Also, because of this, wooden structure utilization has decreased: wooden houses only accounted for 27% of total houses, and the inhabited wooden house rate is 27%; each type of wooden accessory structure utilization is less than or equal to 53%. On the other hand, the local government uses non-timber materials as substitute materials for timber during village reconstruction. The non-timber materials provided by the government resulted in villagers having no chance of choosing to use timber. As a result, villagers passively accepted new materials as wooden structures are abandoned or converted to non-timber material structures. Therefore, the utilization of traditional wooden structures declined. According to the results, village 9, which had completed reconstruction in 2007, had no wooden houses and only one type of wooden accessory structure after the reconstruction. Since the village reconstruction in the other eight villages has not been completed yet, the proportions of various wooden structures were diverse. Previous articles indicated that the population decrease caused the decline of wooden houses (Li and Jin, 2007; Zheng, 2012). However, most of the original Korean-Chinese villagers, who have migrated to cities, have kept their houses and yards in the villages and they sometimes return to live in village for a while. Therefore, the population decrease is not the main factor of the decline of wooden houses. This chapter concluded that the forestry policies caused a timber resource shortage and a decrease in wooden structures, and the village reconstruction policies accelerated the wooden structures decline. Therefore, this chapter suggests improving the forestry policies to increase the quantities of available timber to meet the demand for wooden structures, which is a basis for conserving wooden structures. Additionally, improving village reconstruction policies to encourage villagers to use and manage wooden structures as traditional practices is meaningful for the sustainable development of traditional wooden structures.
2.4.2 Measures for conservation of timber resource use in Korean-Chinese villages The results of this chapter indicated that although impacted by the policies, some Korean-Chinese villagers insist on using timber for wooden structures. The relatively high utilization percentages of the wooden fence indicated that without violating the policies, the villagers still prefer the traditional
34 practices of timber resource use. Wooden chimneys and wooden sheds directly affect the safety and income of villagers and, although source of the timber is different, the villagers still use timber in agreement with their traditional practices. Although the state of the wooden houses is poor, villagers who still inhabit the wooden houses are making an effort to extend the lifespan of these structures. While the government supports villagers to build brick houses if they are willing to relinquish their wooden house, these villagers preferred to continue their traditional style of living. Now the problem is that villagers have no rights or opportunities to use the timber. Forests of Jingxin Township consist of national forests and collective forests. Villagers could collect timber from collective forests if they had the usage rights. Although the central government required collective forest usage rights to be distributed to every rural household, the usage rights were still held by local village governments. Village governments leased the collective forests usage rights to individuals and companies, so the villagers could not use the timber from collective forests. This situation negatively affected timber resource use for traditional wooden structures construction and management since 1981. Moreover, the decline of wooden structures was also since from 1980s. Not only did village governments, but also previous articles state that the Yanbian Area collective forest was contracted to a few villagers and companies to promote the sustainable development of the forest (Chi and Zheng, 2010). In an effort to improve the forestry policies to increase the quantities of available timber to meet the demand for wooden structures, this chapter suggests that the collective forest usage rights should be distributed to every household. This is a measure that can be implemented in the near future. In doing so, villagers can use timber from collective forests and construct and renew wooden structures in accordance with traditional practices. Construction and maintenance of wooden structures is meaningful for the sustainable development of Korean-Chinese traditional architecture landscape.
2.5 Conclusion This chapter analyzed timber resource use for traditional wooden structures in Korean-Chinese villages. The results indicated that the forest supply of timber cannot meet the demand for wooden structures. In an effort to conserve Korean-Chinese traditional wooden structures, this chapter suggests improving the forestry policies and providing more timber for villager use, distributing the usage rights of collective forests to every households, improving the village reconstruction policies, and supporting villagers to use and manage the wooden structures as traditional practices. Korean- Chinese traditional wooden structures conservation and socio-economic development should be balanced by improved practices.
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NOTES 1) The Central People’s Government of the People’s Republic of China: Agrarian Reform Law (1950): Homepage of the National People's Congress of China
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Chapter 3 Present Role of Collective Forests in Fuel Wood Resource Use in Korean-Chinese Villages
3.1 Introduction
The forests of Jingxin Township were divided into two kinds of national forests and collective forests. According to the initial investigation, villagers cut fuel wood and piled them up in yards for using (Figure 3.1 and 3.2). Villagers said that they use fuel wood every day for cooking and house heating, and they collect the fuel wood from collective forests. The fuel wood as the important energy materials have been used in local villages more than 150 years, the sustainable use of fuel wood resource is meaningful to the villagers’ daily lives. Therefore, this chapter focused on the present condition of collective forests supply of fuel wood and the state of fuel wood use.
Figure 3.1 Cutting fuel wood Figure 3.2 Putting Fuel wood in yard
The term “collective forest” refers to the production and management of forest resources by village/township collective economic organizations or other entities or individuals who are engaged in cultivation, protection and utilization of forest resource on rural collective land (Horst et al., 2006). In terms of the 1981 Decision about Accelerating the Production and Construction of Eastern Mountain Area in Jilin Province (DAPC) (Editorial Committee of Hunchun Chorography, 2000), the national forest of Hunchun City was partially changed to collective forest in 1981. The DAPC also restricted fuel wood collection outside of the collective forest. At that point, traditional fuel wood resource use was changed in Korean-Chinese ethnic minority villages in Hunchun City. Because households do not have collective forest rights, their fuel wood resource collection from a collective forest is prohibited by other forestry policies. From a perspective of nation level, in order
37 to meet the need of collective forest resource use by residents who lived in a forested region, the Reform of the Collective Forest Rights System (RCFRS) started in China in 20081). The RCFRS is a mandate from the central government that requires local governments to plan and implement the distribution of collective forest rights to each rural household. Local governments can improve the measures of RCFRS according to local condition. The Hunchun City started RCFRS in 2009, but is yet to complete their plan. Previous articles studied the collective forest for fuel wood resource of other ethnic minority villages. These articles used various methods of data collection directly from the people: interview (Liu and Su, 2001), questionnaire (Zeng et al., 2000), and participatory rural appraisal (Liu, 2009). The results indicated that fuel wood resource demand and collective forest resource supply were unbalanced, and suggested villagers use new energy resources (Liu and Su, 2001), use an energy saving stove (Liu, 2009), and plant more fuel wood trees (Zeng et al., 2000). On the other hand, previous articles indicated that the RCFRS could balance fuel wood demand and supply (Xu, 2013), and the RCFRS should refer to traditional knowledge of forest resource utilization and management in villages inhabited by the ethnic minority (Zhao and Su, 2008). Previous articles, however, did not study the actual availability of fuel wood resources from the collective forest, also did not study the measures of RCFRS for fuel wood issue. This chapter, based in the Jingxin Township of Hunchun City aims to comprehend the state of fuel wood resource use and the present role of collective forest using mixed methods, including questionnaire, interview, observing villager’s field collection, and map analysis in order to develop strategies to meet the fuel wood resource needs in Korean-Chinese villages.
3.2 Methodology
3.2.1 Analysis of establishment process of collective forests for fuel wood resource use First, the establishment process of collective forests for fuel wood resource use were analyzed though documents analysis, including the 1981 Decision about Accelerating the Production and Construction of Eastern Mountain Area in Jilin Province (Editorial Committee of Hunchun Chorography, 2000), the 1984 Forest Law2), and the Forestry Economic Reform Outline (State Forest Bureau of China, 1995). Further, government forestry officers and village leaders were interviewed to make clear the general information of the collective forest supply of fuel wood resource.
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3.2.2 Analysis of fuel wood consumption and tree preference A total of 45 sample households were surveyed for fuel wood resource utilization (Table 3.1). Because the DAPC started in 1981, the interview and questionnaire survey focused on comparing the fuel wood consumption, acquisition patterns, and tree species preference between two distinct periods: before 1981, and 2014. The weight unit of fuel wood is “bundle” at local, and a bundle of fuel wood is approximately 25 kg. Sample households were asked to report how many bundles of fuel wood they averagely used in one year, then the fuel wood consumption based on the numbers of bundles were calculated. Next, because each household collect fuel wood from 3-4 locations, each household was asked to report two fuel wood resource locations (the farthest one and nearest one to home) in order to determine the scope of fuel wood collection. A total of 90 locations were recorded by observing villager’s field collection.
Table 3.1 Survey about fuel wood resource use 1. Site Jingxin Township of Yanbian Area 2. Survey period February 2014-March 2015 3. Respondents Household occupants and elderly persons 4. Sample households 55 5. Methods Face-to-face interview (1) Fuel wood consumption per year per household before 1981 and in 2014. (2) Fuel wood resource acquisition patterns before 1981 and in 2014. 6. Main questions (2) Tree species used for fuel wood resource before 1981 and in 2014. (3) Fuel wood resources collection location in 2014.
3.2.3 Analysis of fuel wood resource location in forests This chapter verified the manager of every forest compartment on the 2007 Jingxin Township Vegetation Map (scale 1:25000)3), and identified the location of available collective forests used for fuel wood resource in 2014. Moreover, chapter created an Collective Forest & National Forest Map by MapInfo (Ver.7.0, MapInfo Company) and Adobe Photoshop (Ver.12.0.1, Adobe Company) software to show the current conditions of available collective forests for fuel wood use. On the other hand, this chapter verified the dominant tree of every forest compartment on the 2007 Jingxin Township Vegetation Map whether is Q. mongolica or not. Moreover, this chapter created a Q. mongolica Forest Map by MapInfo and Adobe Photoshop. Further, this chapter imported the 90 fuel wood collection locations into the Available Collective Forest Used for Fuel Wood Resource Map to analyze the fuel wood collection locations whether or not in the area of available collective forest used for fuel wood resource; and imported the 90 fuel wood collection locations into the Q. mongolica Forest Map to analyze the fuel wood collection locations whether in the area of Q. mongolica forest or not.
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3.2.4 Analysis of predicted Q. mongolica forest area for fuel wood use This chapter used the formula of “A (ha) = F (t/household) × H (households) / P (t/ha)” to calculate the predicted fuel wood consumption and Q. mongolica forest area. The value of the formula as following: “A” is the required area of Q. mongolica forest. “F” is the fuel wood annual consumption per household. This chapter used the fuel wood annual consumption per household to calculate the fuel wood annual consumption of each village, it is because that how many family member of the registered household which are migrant workers were unidentified. On the other hand, the villagers reported that the traditional Korean-Chinese Ondol can efficiently use the fuel wood both for house heating and cooking, and the fuel wood consumption approximately has no relation with how many family member in one household. “H” is the numbers of household registered in each village, including the households which are migrant workers and do not normally live in the villages. These migrant workers sometimes come back to village and use fuel wood, however, how long they stay in village every year was not sure. Therefore, the fuel wood consumption of these households were calculated by assuming they use fuel wood all over year. “P” is the annual above-ground biomass production of Q. mongolica forest. The annual above- ground biomass production data of Q. mongolica forest of northeastern China is 6.563 t/ha (Fang et al., 1996). Moreover, based on the Q. mongolica Forest Map, the area of Q. mongolica forest of collective forest in each village was calculated, and whether the Q. mongolica forest could meet fuel wood consumption was analyzed. Further, this chapter measured the distance between the farthest fuel wood resource location in 2014 and the village location in each village on Q. mongolica Forest Map, and the measured value was used as the potential scope of fuel wood collection.
3.3 Results
3.3.1 Establishment process of collective forest used as fuel wood resource According to the documents analysis and interviewing with government forestry officers and village leaders, a national forest covering 26,032 ha existed in the Jingxin Township before 1981. In terms of the DAPC (1981), 6,655 ha of national forest was changed to collective forest. The collective forest included 5,928 ha of forest lands and 727 ha of other lands (Table 3.2). Villagers collected fuel wood from the 5,928 ha of collective forest lands between 1981 and 1983. The Forest Law (1984) divided China’s forest into five types: Shelterbelt Forest, Special Use Forest, Timber Forest, Economic Forest, and Fuel Forest. The collective forest of Jingxin Township,
40 however, was only divided into three types: Shelterbelt Forest, Special Use Forest, and Timber Forest. Because Fuel Forest was not formed here, villagers collected fuel wood from the Shelterbelt Forest, Special Use Forest, and Timber Forest of collective forest between 1984 and 1994. The area of collective forest for fuel wood resource remained 5,928 ha.
Table 3.2 Establishment process of collective forest used as fuel wood resource in Jingxin Township
Year Policy Collective forest (Area: 6,655 ha)
1981 Decision about Accelerating the Production
～ and Construction of Eastern Mountain Area Forest land (5,928 ha)
1983 in Jilin Province (1981)
1984 Shelterbelt Special-Use Timber Forest ～ Forest Law (1984) Forest Forest (962 ha) Other 1994 (3,997 ha) (969 ha) lands Commodity Forest (727 ha) (962 ha) 1995 Ecological Forestry Economic Available ～ Welfare Forest Reform Outline (1995) Planted forest forest for fuel 2014 (4,966 ha) (347 ha) wood (ACFF)
(615 ha)
The Forestry Economic Reform Outline (1995) further divided the five forest types into two groups: Ecological Welfare Forest and Commodity Forest. Ecological Welfare Forest includes Shelterbelt Forest and Special Use Forest. Commodity Forest includes Timber Forest, Economic Forest, and Fuel Forest. Because logging was forbidden in Ecological Welfare Forest, villagers were only allowed to collect fuel wood from Commodity Forest after 1995. Because 347 ha of Commodity Forest was planted by the village authorities and individuals, they were not used as a fuel wood resource. Therefore, the area of available collective forest for fuel wood resource (ACFF) dropped to 615 ha (Figure 3.3). The first step of RCFRS of Jingxin Township was finished in 2013 with the intended target to distribute collective forest rights to each household. If households obtained their collective forest rights, they could collect fuel wood from the collective forest without restriction by forestry policies. Despite this, villager reported that they only obtained nominal rights because village governments still hold collective forest rights.
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Figure 3.3 Collective Forest & National Forest Map of Jingxin Township since 1995
3.3.2 State of fuel wood resource use (1) Fuel wood consumption This chapter calculated the fuel wood consumption based on the questionnaire survey with 45 sample households. The approximate fuel wood consumption per household was 6.9 t before 1981, and was 5.2 t in 2014 (Table 3.3). All of 45 sample households used fuel wood, and nearly all used other fuel materials (Table 3.4): 96% households used gas, 69% households used corn cob, 9% households used coal, and 9% households used solar energy. The utilization of other energy resources could be viewed as the cause of the fuel wood consumption decrease.
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Table 3.3 Annual fuel wood consumption of 45 sample households Annual fuel wood consumption Sample Before 1981 2014 Village households The number The weight of The number The weight of t/household t/household of bundles※ fuel wood (t) of bundles fuel wood (t) 1 4 1,020 25.5 6.4 910 22.8 5.7 2 4 1,170 29.3 7.3 853 21.3 5.3 3 4 1,122 28.1 7.0 909 22.7 5.7 4 4 1,116 27.9 7.0 822 20.6 5.1 5 13 3,554 88.9 6.8 2,660 66.5 5.1 6 4 1,096 27.4 6.9 808 20.2 5.1 7 4 1,142 28.6 7.1 787 19.7 4.9 8 4 1,042 26.1 6.5 810 20.3 5.1 9 4 1,104 27.6 6.9 846 21.2 5.3 Total 45 12,366 309.2 6.9※※ 9,405 235.1 5.2 ※ One bundle of fuel wood = 25 kg. ※※ 6.9 t/household = 12,366 bundles×25 kg/bundle÷1000 kg/t÷45 households.
Table 3.4 Other fuel materials used by 45 sample households in 2014
Other fuel materials Village Sample households Gas Corn cob Coal Solar energy 1 4 4 3 2 4 4 3 1 3 4 4 2 4 4 4 2 1 1 5 13 12 10 2 1 6 4 4 2 7 4 3 4 1 8 4 4 4 9 4 4 1 1 Total 45 43 (96%) 31 (69%) 4 (9%) 4 (9%)
(2) Acquisition patterns of fuel wood All of 45 sample households reported that they collected fuel wood in the period before 1981. However in 2014, 16% households reported that their fuel wood was collected with other villager’s help, and 2% households reported that they bought fuel wood. Interviewees indicated that many villagers have moved to city since the 1990s. The 45 sample households had a total of 94 residents, including four (4.26%) residents were 0～14 years old, 53 (56.38%) residents were 15～64 years old, 37 (39.36%) residents were more than 65 years old. The labor force in China is comprised of the ages 15～64, with 56.38% of residents in the sample area falling into this age group. This is
43 lower than the Yanbian Area average of 80.41% of the population4). Additionally, those aged 65 or older made up a much larger proportion of the population in the study area at 39.36%, compared to the Yanbian Area average of 9.84%. Thus, the difference is labor availability meant that households could not collect fuel wood from more distant forest. (3) Tree species preference All of 45 sample households reported that they preferred to use Q. mongolica for fuel wood. In the period before 1981, 54% households only used Q. mongolica for fuel wood, and 46% households used a small amount of other four tree species besides the Q. mongolica, including Lespedeza bicolor, Corylus heterophylla, Salix sp., and Populus sp.. In 2014, all of 45 sample households used other nine tree species besides the Q. mongolica, including Lespedeza bicolor, Corylus heterophylla, Salix sp., Populus sp., Tilia tuan, Ulmus pumila, Acer mono, Betula platyphylla, and fruit trees. Interviewees indicated that they also collected uprooted and dead trees from closer locations without selecting for species in 2014. This is one reason that the number of tree species used for fuel wood in 2014 was greater than before 1981.
3.3.3 Fuel wood resource locations in forest The 90 fuel wood resource locations were imported into the Collective Forest & National Forest Map (Figure 3.4). Of these, there were only 2 locations in ACFF (Table 3.5); 51 locations in other collective forests; 34 locations in national forests including outside of the village scope; and, three locations in residential land. Because the fuel wood collection outside of ACFF was forbidden, 88 out of 90 locations could be viewed as alterative locations under current conditions.
Table 3.5 Fuel wood resource locations in forest
Village scope Outside of village scope Village Collective forest Total National forest Residential land National forest Available forest for fuel wood (ACFF) Other 1 2 2 3 1 8 2 6 2 8 3 8 8 4 4 4 8 5 22 3 1 26 6 5 3 8 7 3 1 4 8 8 4 4 8 9 8 8 Total 2 51 30 3 4 90
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Villages 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 8 had collective forest, while villages 7 and 9 did not (Figure 3.4). All the fuel wood resource locations were in village scope except village 7. In village 7, 7 out of 8 locations were in national forests, and 4 out of 8 locations were outside of village scope. In village 9, although the fuel wood resource locations were in village scope, all were located in the national forest. Interviewees indicated that they collected uprooted and dead trees from national forest; however, trees logged for fuel wood resource at 16 out of 34 locations in the national forest were observed.
Figure 3.4 Fuel wood resource location on the Collective Forest & National Forest Map
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3.3.4 Potential Q. mongolica species in the collective forest for fuel wood resource According to the number of registered households and the annual fuel wood consumption per household in 2014, the predicted fuel wood consumption of each village was calculated (Table 3.6). Based on the annual above-ground biomass production of Q. mongolica forest at 6.563 t/ha (Fang et al., 1996), this chapter calculated the total area necessary of Q. mongolica forest in order to meet fuel wood needs. Based on the Q. mongolica Forest Map (Figure 3.5), the area of Q. mongolica forest of collective forest was calculated. In the collective forest of villages 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, and 8, there was enough area of Q. mongolica forest possible to be used as fuel wood. In the collective forest of village 6, there was not enough area of Q. mongolica forest for fuel wood. Villages 7 and 9, however, do not have a collective forest. The 90 fuel wood resource locations were imported into the Q. mongolica Forest Map (Figure 3.5), which illustrated that there were 33 locations in Q. mongolica forest, 54 locations in other forests, and 3 locations in residential land. The 33 out of 90 locations in Q. mongolica forest indicated that some sample households insisted on using the traditional tree species for fuel wood. The distance of the farthest fuel wood resource location and village location in villages 1-9 were 1.6 km, 2.1 km, 0.8 km, 0.6 km, 3.6 km, 1.8 km, 5.6 km, 2.6 km, and 1.6 km respectively. If distance was considered as the potential scope for fuel wood collection in 2014, the total area covered parts of Q. mongolica forest in collective forest and/or national forest (Figure 3.5).
Table 3.6 Fuel wood consumption and the area of Q. mongolica forest of collective forest
Fuel wood Fuel wood consumption Area of the consumption per Total fuel wood Village Households Required Q. mongolica forest of household consumption Q. mongolica forest (ha) collective forest (ha) in 2014 (t) in 2014 (t)
1 29 150.8※※ 23.0 523.5
2 93 483.6 73.7 813.3
3 33 171.6 26.1 329.0
4 61 317.2 48.3 95.0
5 188 5.2※ 977.6 149.0 465.5
6 468 2,433.6 370.8 290.0
7 323 1,679.6 255.9 /
8 263 1,367.6 208.4 328.8
9 55 286.0 43.6 /
※ The 5.2 t/household is average fuel wood consumption in 2014, it was derived from Table 3.3.
※※ 150.8 t = 29 households×5.2 t/household.
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Figure 3.5 Fuel wood resource location on the Q. mongolica Forest Map
3.4 Discussion
3.4.1 Actual demand for fuel wood resource in Korean-Chinese villages Korean-Chinese daily life has a close relationship with fuel wood resources from the surrounding forest. Because fuel wood resource use was not taken into consideration during the establishment process of the collective forest, the fuel wood resource use and collective forest resource supply was in imbalance. Acquisition patterns and tree species preference of fuel wood were changed by this imbalance, which also caused fuel wood collection from national forests. The 88 out of 90 fuel wood
47 resource locations which outside of the ACFF, showed that the actual fuel wood resource use from the forest conflict with forestry policies. Villagers preferred to use Q. mongolica for fuel wood; however, they had to use other tree species due to the current conditions. Compare with the methods of interview (Liu and Su, 2001) and questionnaire (Zeng et al., 2000), this chapter analyzed the fuel wood resource use by observing villager’s field collection and map analysis and the results indicate the actual fuel wood resource use from collective forest, which is the key to solve the fuel wood imbalance issue. Use of new energy resources (Liu and Su, 2001) and energy saving stoves (Liu, 2009) could balance the fuel wood resource utilization and forest resource supply. New energy resources and energy saving stoves were also found in most sample households of research sites; however, fuel wood was still necessary. The RCFRS needs to refer to traditional knowledge of forest resource utilization and management in the ethnic minority villages (Zhao and Su, 2008); this process, however, was not clear. The first step of RCFRS of Jingxin Township did not distribute the collective forest rights to each household. This chapter suggests village governments complete the first step of RCFRS. By the next step of RCFRS, village governments should consider the factors that influence actual fuel wood resource use: labor shortage, Q. mongolica preference, abundant collection in the closest forest areas, and national forest protection.
3.4.2 Fuel wood resource shortage results in the abandoned traditional Ondol Two households used boiler for house heating was observed during the interviewing sample households (Figure 3.6). The boiler uses the coal for fuel to warm the house floor. The most important function of Korean-Chinese traditional Ondol is for house heating (Figure 3.7), however, now it is replaced by the modern boiler. It is not only the house heating methods changes, but also traditional house arrangement and the fuel wood resource utilization changes. On the other hand, many households used corn cob for fuel by Ondol (Figure 3.8). The family member reported that the ashes of corn con are more than of fuel wood. The ashes can easily to cause the blocking of Ondol and difficulty of the ejecting the smoke, this is dangerous to the safety.
Figure 3.6 Boiler Figure 3.7 Traditional Ondol
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Figure 3.8 Corn cob used for fuel
Obviously, the declining available collective forests supply of fuel wood impacted on the traditional fuel wood utilization, and indirectly impacted on the traditional Korean-Chinese Ondol utilization. As the significant cultural characteristics of Korean-Chinese architecture technology, Ondol has been deleted from the villager’s house. The sample households which using the corn cob for fuel are in danger of the not smooth smoke ejection. Therefore, the fuel wood resource shortage impacted on the traditional Ondol abandoned and the villager’s safety need to be considered and solved by the government and researchers.
3.4.3 Measures of setting up public fuel wood forest in collective forest to meet villager’s use According to the results, this chapter suggests that the township and village governments should set up public Q. mongolica fuel wood forest in collective forest of each village. The location of public fuel wood forests could be adjusted according to the potential scope of fuel wood collection in 2014; this area could be calculated as the required area of Q. mongolica forest in that time period. Because village 6 has not enough Q. mongolica forest of collective forest, and villages 7 do not have collective forest, this chapter suggests setting up public fuel wood forests in the nearest collective forest of other villages for villages 6 and 7. Since the nearest collective forest is more than 15 km from village 9 and is too far for fuel wood collection, it would be better to change a part of Q. mongolica forest of the national forest to public fuel wood forest. In doing so, villagers will be able to collect fuel wood resources from the preferred species, without any damage to other national forests.
3.5 Conclusion With the established process of collective forests used as fuel wood resources, the state of fuel wood resource use and the role of collective forests were unbalanced in Korean-Chinese villages of Jingxin Township. The issue of actual fuel wood resource use from the forest needs to be considered
49 by developers of future collective forest policy. This chapter suggests government set up public Q. mongolica fuel wood forests in each village. The sustainable utilization of collective forest for fuel wood resources is the right way to solve the fuel wood problem, and is meaningful for Korean- Chinese village landscape conservation.
NOTES 1) Central Committee of The Communist Party of China Promoting the Reform of Collective Forest Property Right System, The Central People’s Government of the People’s Republic of China data page:
50
Chapter 4 Use of Edible Wild Plants and Fungi in Korean- Chinese Villages
4.1 Introduction
According to the initial survey, villagers reported that they collected edible wild plants and fungi from around forests and other land types. They said that the wild plants and fungi are used as the major ingredients for daily diet. This chapter focuses on the edible wild plants and fungi use. Throughout the world, particularly in developing countries, wild plants make an important contribution to the life of local communities (Heywood, 1999). Wild food plants contribute to the nutrition, economy and even cultural identity of people in many parts of the world (Ghorbani et al., 2012). A few of species are of economic importance as exports, but the wider value of edible wild fungi lies in their extensive subsistence use in developing countries (FAO, 2004). In the last few decades, there has been increasing worldwide attention on edible wild plants and fungi (EWPF). The indigenous use of EWPF has also become a major issue in the ethnic minority communities of China. The Yanbian Area is located in the northwestern Changbai Mountains which are rich in plant resources. As early as between mid-seventeenth and mid-nineteenth centuries, a small number of Korean people crossed the Tumen River for farming and hunting, and collected EWPF in the Yanbian Area (Liu, 2008; Piao, 2009). In addition to rice cultivation, Korean-Chinese of the Yanbian Area collect EWPF for food supplementation. Their daily diet is mainly rice, doenjang jjigae, and kimchi. EWPF are the ingredients of doenjang jjigae and kimchi. EWPF have been used as kimchi more than 300 years (Lin, 2007a). Korean-Chinese eat medicated rice in traditional festivals. The medicated rice is cooked by mixing pine nuts, other types of nuts, and honey into the rice (Lin, 2007a). However, rural Korean-Chinese of the Yanbian Area have been moving to cities in order to earn more money since the 1990s (Cui, 2007; Piao, 2013). As a result, the traditional rice cultivation livelihood of Korean-Chinese has changed, and farmland abandonment has increased (Piao, 2012; Zheng, 2012). The heritage of Korean-Chinese culture has been negatively impacted by the decreasing and ageing population (Piao, 2012; Zheng, 2012). However, the loss of traditional knowledge of EWPF use from the decrease in the rural population has not been raised as a concern. On the other hand, the national policy Construction of New Socialist Countryside (2005) emphasized the improvement of the public facilities and living conditions in rural areas, encouraged
51 the centralization of scattered households, and promoted urban-rural integration1). As a result, new roads, new houses, and new residential lands have been constructed in rural areas during the village reconstruction. Therefore, traditional Korean-Chinese villages have been changed to new villages through village reconstruction in recent years. Moreover, because the nutritional value of EWPF has been growing in importance in the daily diet of urban inhabitants, the market demand has grown significantly in recent years. As a result, some EWPF species that are important ingredients for the Korean-Chinese daily diet, such as Tricholoma matsutake (Fu et al., 2004), are in danger of overexploitation. Therefore, it was presumed that the changes in village land use and the rising demand for EWPF would result in their overexploitation and habitat destruction. Although previous articles described the EWPF use of the Korean-Chinese ethnic minority using a literature analysis, we still have a poor understanding of the EWPF used species and the extent to which the Korean-Chinese depend on them. Therefore this chapter uses the nine traditional Korean- Chinese villages as research sites, analyzes the traditional use of EWPF through the Participatory Rural Appraisal (Luoga et al., 2000), analyzes the collection locations of important EWPF species through observing participant field collection, and discusses the sustainable use of EWPF based on traditional knowledge and habitat protection.
4.2 Methodology
4.2.1 Analysis of traditional use of wild plants and fungi in daily diet Village leaders selected a voluntary key person from each of the five sample households in each village. The five persons included village leader, two elders with detailed knowledge of the traditional uses of EWPF, and two collectors with extensive experience with EWPF collection, including two females. Village leader called together these five person in each village, the traditional uses of EWPF species were gathered and confirmed through the discussion form of the Participatory Rural Appraisal (Luoga et al., 2000) and face-to-face interviews. The discussion issues were mainly about the species and their utilization and habitats of EWPF (Table 4.1). Eleven discussion groups were held in nine villages, because village 5 comprised three smaller villages. A total of 55 persons participated in discussion groups. The EWPF species were listed and calculated the percentage of participants who mentioned each species. After the discussion, participants’ homes were visited in order to observe the traditional practices of EWPF use and to collect more detailed information.
52
Table 4.1 Details of discussions on the traditional use of EWPF 1. Site Jingxin Township of Yanbian Area 2. Survey period February 2014-March 2015 3. Participants Village leaders, collectors, elders 4. Methods Discussion and face-to-face interviews (1) The dishes and drinks of the daily diet. (2) Species and vernacular names of EWPF. 5. Issues (3) Edible parts and preparation method of EWPF. (4) Harvest period and habitats of EWPF.
4.2.2 Analysis of collection locations of wild plants and fungi species This chapter chose the EWPF species that were mentioned by more than 50% of participants as subjects, selected one collector from each village, and observed the collector’s field collection. The collection locations were recorded on Google Map during the field collection. Moreover, the dominant tree type in every forest compartment on the 2007 Jingxin Township Vegetation Map (scale 1:25000) was verified2), and divided local forests into five categories according to the dominant trees: broad-leaved forest, coniferous forest, mixed broad-leaved and coniferous forest, planted broad-leaved forest, and planted coniferous forest. In addition to forest lands, the other land use information was verified through Google Map. Next, a land use map of Jingxin Township was created with MapInfo (Ver.7.0, MapInfo Company) and Adobe Photoshop (Ver.12.0.1, Adobe Company) software based on the observed information on forest lands and other lands. Finally, the collection locations were imported into the land use map and analyzed the relationship between collection locations and land use.
4.3 Results
4.3.1 Characteristics of daily dishes and drinks According to the results of the Participatory Rural Appraisal and interviews, the dishes and drinks of the daily diet consist of doenjang jjigae, fruit drinks, hot pot, kimchi, medicated rice, medicated wine, naengmyeon, rice cake, soup, stir-fry, and sweets. Doenjang jjigae is a stew made with EWPF, vegetables, tofu, and soybean paste. Fruit drinks are cold drinks made by soaking wild fruits in hot water and adding sugar. Hot pot is a meal where ingredients are cooked in a simmering pot at the center of the dining table; the ingredients include EWPF, vegetables, and sliced meat. Kimchi is a fermented dish made of EWPF and vegetables with many seasonings. Medicated rice is cooked by mixing wild nuts and fruit into rice. Medicated wine is a transparent medicated liquid obtained by using wine as a solvent to soak out the effective components of EWPF. Naengmyeon is a noodle dish made of noodles, kimchi, meat, eggs, and cold
53 noodle soup. Rice cakes are a method of eating using the leaves of wild plants to wrap rice and kimchi. Stir-fry is a dish made from mixed EWPF, vegetables, and meat fried in a small amount of hot oil.
4.3.2 Traditional knowledge and methods of edible wild fungi use A total of 15 wild fungus species were mentioned in the Participatory Rural Appraisal and interviews (Table 4.2). Thirteen out of 15 fungus species are used in two or more dishes and drinks. The 15 fungi are prepared as the ingredients of doenjang jjigae (7 species), hot pot (12 species), kimchi (9 species), medicated wine (1 species), and soup (3 species), and three species are eaten raw (Figure 4.1). The wild fungi are mostly used as the ingredients of doenjang jjigae, hot pot, and kimchi, which are known as the traditional dishes of Korea. The wild fungi are harvested between June and October. The participants reported that they often gather the fungi from forests after rain. Drying and salting wild fungi are common preservation method. Every participant reported that they dry and salt more than five fungus species yearly for food in winter and spring. The fungi grow on the rotting wood and live wood of oaks, birches, elms, lindens, pines, poplars, and willows, and also grow on the forest floor. There were seven fungus species with a frequency of mention of more than 50%. The participants reported that they could collect enough fungi to meet their needs before 2000; however, this has become impossible in recent years. The reasons given were the decline in fungi production and the collection by non-township residents. For instance, it has been hard to find Armillaria mellea, Auricularia auricula, and Tricholoma matsutake in recent years.
Wild fungi Wild plants 35
30
25
20 22
15 Species 5 23
10 3 7 5 12 7 8 9 6 7 5 333 3 0 1 1
Figure 4.1 Edible wild fungus species used as ingredients in dishes and drinks
54
Table 4.2 A list of edible wild fungus species
Vernacular Preparation Collection Number Scientific name Edible parts Habitats name method period 1 Amanita caesarea 粉蘑 Fruiting bodies H, K Jun. – Oct. Ff 2※ Armillaria mellea 榛蘑 Fruiting bodies H Aug. – Sept. Rw, Lw 3※ Auricularia auricula 木耳 Fruiting bodies D, H, K, R, S Apr. – Oct. Rw 4 Gomphidius viscidus 铆钉菇 Fruiting bodies D, H, K Aug. – Oct. Ff 5 Hericium erinaceus 猴头 Fruiting bodies H Aug. – Sept. Rw 6※ Hohenbuehelia serotina 冻蘑 Fruiting bodies D, H, K Sept. – Oct. Rw 7 Hygrophorus lucorum 小黄蘑 Fruiting bodies H, K Jun. – Oct. Ff 8※ Lactarius deliciosus 松蘑 Fruiting bodies D, H, K Jun. – Oct. Ff 9※ Pholiota adipose 柳蘑 Fruiting bodies D, K, R Jul. – Sept. Rw, Lw 10※ Pleurotus ostreatus 青蘑 Fruiting bodies D, H, K Sept. – Oct. Rw 11 Pleurotus citrinopileaus 榆黄蘑 Fruiting bodies D, H, K Jul. – Aug. Rw 12 Tremella mesenterica 皮耳 Fruiting bodies K, S Jul. – Sept. Rw 13※ Tricholoma matsutake 松茸 Fruiting bodies MW, R, S Aug. – Sept. Ff 14 Tricholoma terreum 小灰蘑 Fruiting bodies H, K Jun. – Oct. Ff 15 Tyromyces sulphureus 树鸡 Fruiting bodies H Jun. – Sept. Lw Note: the character “※” means that the frequency of mention was more than 50%. Preparation method: D = Doenjang jjigae; H = Hot pot; K = Kimchi; MW = Medicated wine; R = Raw food; S = Soup. Habitats: Ff = Forest floor; Lw = Live wood; Rw = Rotting wood.
4.3.3 Traditional knowledge and methods of edible wild plants use A total of 41 edible wild plant species were mentioned in the Participatory Rural Appraisal and interviews (Table 4.3). The edible parts of the these plants species include all parts, flowers, fresh leaves, fresh leaves and soft stems, fruits, nuts, roots, seeds, sprouts, and young fronds. Thirty-four out of 41 plant species are used in two or more dishes and drinks. They are prepared as the ingredients of doenjang jjigae (3 species), fruit drinks (8 species), hot pot (5 species), kimchi (22 species), medicated rice (5 species), medicated wine (6 species), noodles (1 specie), rice cakes (3 species), soup (7 species), stir-fry (7 species), and sweets (3 species), and 23 species are eaten raw (Figure 4.1). Obviously, wild plants are mostly used as the ingredients of kimchi. The wild plants are harvested between April and October. The participants reported that they collect wild plants from the forests and the surrounding area near their homes. Drying and salting are techniques for preserving wild plants (Figure 4.2 and 4.3); some participants said that the wild plants could also be stored in a refrigerator after boiling. The wild plants that are harvested in autumn are usually preserved to be eaten during winter and spring. In addition to forests, the habitats of wild plants include grasslands, pond sides, roadsides, riversides, shrublands, streamsides, and uncultivated areas. There were 13 wild plants species with a frequency of mention of more than 50%. The same as for wild fungi, the amount of wild plants collected in recent years has decreased because of
55 collection by non-township residents and decreased production. Based on the all 56 species edible wild plants and fungi, they species are most commonly prepared as the ingredients of Kimchi (31 species), hot pot (17 species), doenjang jjigae (10 species), and soup (10 species), in addition, 26 species are eaten raw.
Figure 4.2 Drying Codonopsis lanceolata and Pteridium aquilinum
Figure 4.3 Salted Ligularia fischeri
4.3.4 Land use patterns Based on the analysis of forest land on the Jingxin Township Vegetation Map, and analysis of other kinds of land use on the Google Map, and the through the field investigation, the Land Use Map of Jingxin Township in 2014 was created (Figure 4.4). According to the land use map, the land use pattern of Jingxin Township mainly contains broad-leaved forest (13,304 ha; 38.1% of township area), coniferous forest (122 ha; 0.4%), mixed broad-leaved and coniferous forest (1,822 ha; 5.3%), planted coniferous forest (4,596 ha; 13.4%), planted broad-leaved forest (400 ha; 1.2%), burnt land (116 ha; 0.3%), grassland (4,547 ha; 13.3%), shrubland (2,648 ha; 7.7%), farmland (4,573 ha; 13.4%), pond (1,954 ha; 5.7%), and residential land (434 ha; 1.3%). As for whole township, the west and south areas are mainly forest land, while east and middle areas are mainly grassland, farmland, and pond. The shrub land distributes dispersedly at between the different forest lands, and the forest edge. 56
Table 4.3 A list of edible wild plant species Vernacular Preparation Collection Number Scientific name Edible parts Habitats name method period 1※ Acanthopanax senticosus 刺柺棒 Sprouts D, K, S May. – Jun. Cl 2 Actinidia arguta 软枣子 Fruits F, R Sept. Va Fresh leaves, 3 Aegopodium alpestre 小叶芹 K, R Apr. – May. Fe, Fo, Ss soft stems 4※ Allium macrostemon 小根菜 All parts K, R Jul. – Aug. Fe, Ua, Ga, Fa 5 Aralia elata 刺嫩芽 Fresh leaves D, K, S, SF Apr. – May. Cl, Mr Fresh leaves, 6 Artemisia selengensis 柳蒿芽 D, K, RC, S, SF Apr. – Jun. Rs, Ps soft stems 7 Astragalus membranaceus 黄芪 Roots MR, S Sept. – Oct. Bl, Fe, Fo, Sl, Ga 8※ Athyrium brevifrons 猴腿儿 Young fronds H, K, SF May. – Jun. Fe, Fo, Da 9 Capsella bursa-pastoris 荠荠菜 All parts K, R, S Apr. – May. Rs, Re, Fa 10 Cerasus tomentosa 樱桃 Fruits F, R Jun. – Jul. Fe, Re, Sl 11※ Codonopsis lanceolata 沙参 Roots K, S, SF Jun. – Oct. Fe, Ss 12※ Corylus heterophylla 榛子 Nuts MR, R Aug. – Sept. Fe, Fo, Cl 13 Crataegus pinnatifida 山里红 Fruits F, R, SW Sept. Fo 14 Fragaria orientalis 野草莓 Fruits F, R, SW Jul. – Sept. Fe, Fo, Re 15 Hemerocallis minor 黄花 Flowers H, K, S, SF Jun. – Jul. Fe, Da 16 Juglans mandshurica 山核桃 Nuts MR, R Aug. – Sept. Fo, Va 17※ Ligularia fischeri 马蹄叶 Fresh leaves K, R, RC May. – Aug. Fo, Va, Da 18※ Lycium chinense 枸杞子 Fruits MW, MR Aug. – Oct. Fo, Re, Ua 19 Matteuccia struthiopteris 黄瓜香 Young fronds K May. – Jun. Fe, Fo, Da 20 Morus alba 桑葚 Fruits MW, R Jul. – Aug. Fe, Fo Fresh leaves, 21 Oenanthe javanica 水芹菜 H, K, R Apr. – Jun. Ps soft stems 22※ Osmunda cinnamomea 薇菜 Young fronds H, K, R, SF Apr. – May. Fo, Va, Da 23※ Perilla frutescens 苏子叶 Fresh leaves H, K, RC, R Apr. – Aug. Fe, Fo, Mr 24 Physalis alkekengi 红姑娘 Fruits R Aug. – Sept. Re, Fa 25※ Pinus koraiensis 松子 Nuts F, K, MR Sept. – Oct. Fo 26 Plantago asiatica 车轱辘菜 Fresh leaves K, R Apr. – May. Ps, Re 27※ Platycodon grandiflorum 道拉基 Roots K, MW, R, SW Aug. – Sept. Fe, Fo Fresh leaves, 28 Portulaca oleracea 马齿菜 K, R Apr. – May. Re, Fa soft stems 29※ Pteridium aquilinum 蕨菜 Young fronds H, K, SF May. – Jun. Fe, Fo, Ua 30 Quercus mongolica 柞树 Nuts N Sept. – Oct. Fo 31 Rhododendron mucronulatum 金达莱 Flowers F May. – Jun. Fo, Sl 32 Ribes mandshuricum 灯笼果 Fruits F, R Jul. – Aug. Fe 33 Rosa rugosa 野玫瑰 Seeds R Sept. – Oct. Bl, Fe, Rs, Cl 34 Rubus crataegifolius 覆盆子 Fruits F, R Aug. – Sept. Fe, Fo 35 Saposhnikovia divaricate 防风 Roots MW Apr. – Sept. Fo, Ga 36※ Schisandra chinensis 五味子 Fruits F, MW Aug. – Sept. Fo, Da, Sl 37 Solanum nigrum 甜甜 Fruits R Aug. – Oct. Re, Va 38 Sonchus oleraceus 苦菜 All parts K, R Apr. – May. Rs, Re Fresh leaves 39 Spuriopimpinella brachycarpa 大叶芹 K Apr. – May. Fe, Fo soft stems 40 Taraxacum mongolicum 婆婆丁 Fresh leaves K, R Apr. – Aug. Rs, Re, Fa 41 Vitis amurensis 野葡萄 Fruits MW, R Aug. – Sept. Fe, Va Note: the character “※” means that the frequency of mention was more than 50%. Preparation method: D = Doenjang jjigae; F = Fruit drink; H = Hot pot; K = Kimchi; MR = Medicated rice; MW = Medicated wine; N = Noodles; R = Raw food; RC = Rice cake; S = Soup; SF = Stir-fry; SW = Sweets. Habitats: Cl = Cutover land; Da = Damp areas; Bl = Burnt land; Fa = Farmland; Fe = Forest edge; Fo = Forest; Ga = Grassland; Mr = Mountain roadside; Ps = Pondside; Re = Roadside; Rs = Riverside; Sl = Shrubland; Ss = Streamside; Ua = Uncultivated areas; Va = Valley. 57
Figure 4.4 Land use map of Jingxin Township in 2014
4.3.5 Collection locations of EWFP Twenty EWPF species (seven wild fungi and 13 wild plants) were chosen as the subjects of participant field collection (Figure 4.5). A total of 127 collection locations were recorded, including 40 locations of wild fungi and 87 locations of wild plants (Figure 4.6). All 40 locations of wild fungi were in forests (Figure 4.7): 27 (67%) in broad-leaved forest; two (5%) in coniferous forest; three (8%) in mixed broad-leaved and coniferous forest; and eight (20%) in planted coniferous forest. The 87 wild plants locations were distributed across more land use types than were wild fungi (Figure 4.7): 40 (46%) in broad-leaved forest; one (1%) in coniferous 58 forest; two (2%) in mixed broad-leaved and coniferous forest; two (2%) in planted broad-leaved forest; 19 (22%) in planted coniferous forest; 10 (12%) in shrubland; seven (8%) in grassland; two (2%) in burnt land; and four (5%) in farmland. Based on the 127 locations of the 20 EWPF species (Figure 4.7), these important species are most commonly collected from broad-leaved forest (67 locations; 53% of the 127 locations) and planted coniferous forest (27; 21%). In addition to forests, shrubland (10; 8%), grassland (7; 6%), and farmland (4; 3%) were also sources of wild plants species. Moreover, many locations were at the forest edge or the border between different land types (Figure 4.6). The collectors not only collected EWPF within their village area, but also collected them from other villages. For instance, a collector from village 7 collected EWPF from an area outside of the village because there were not enough EWPF resources in village 7. However, although collectors could collect the EWPF species outside village areas, they did not go deep into the forests because of the fear of dangerous wild animals. Moreover, collectors also reported that the production of Platycodon grandiflorum and Codonopsis lanceolata which habitat in oak forest will increase if there was logging in the oak forest.
(a) Tricholoma matsutake (b) Tyromyces sulphureus
(c) Pteridium aquilinum (d) Physalis alkekengi Figure 4.5 Collection locations of four EWPF species
59
Figure 4.6 Collection locations of 20 EWPF species
60
70 Wild fungi Wild plants
60
50 40 40
30
20 19 27
Percentage of collection locations Percentage of 10 2 10 7 1 2 8 2 4 0 2 3
Figure 4.7 Distribution of collection locations by land use type
4.4 Discussion
4.4.1 Impaction of EWPF resources shortage on heritage of traditional knowledge Fifty-six EWPF species are indigenously used as the ingredients of doenjang jjigae, hot pot, kimchi, and many other dishes and drinks in the Korean-Chinese villages of Jingxin Township. Villagers have a rich knowledge of the habitats, harvesting, preserving, and preparation of EWPF. Botanical experts of Yanbian University was consulted for the distribution of these EWPF species in Yanbian Area, it is found that two species of Lycium chinense and Rosa rugosa in Jingxin Township are more than in other sites of Yanbian Area. However, the villagers reported they rarely collected the L. chinense because it was overexploited by non-township residents; they rarely collected the R. rugosa because it habitats on the sandbank of Tumen River that are restricted area at present. Traditional forest-related knowledge can survive only if there is demand for the products or services using it (Youn, 2009). However, although villagers have a demand for EWPF to meet their daily needs, there were not enough EWPF resources. Even some important species were rarely collected. This chapter found that the decline in production of EWPF, the overexploitation by non- township residents, and the limited collection area were the three factors causing the EWPF resource shortage. Therefore, in addition to the decreasing and ageing population (Piao, 2012; Zheng, 2012), 61 the EWPF resource shortage may also negatively impact the heritage of traditional knowledge of EWPF use because the only source of information on the local practices of EWPF use is rapidly disappearing. Therefore, in an effort to protect the sustainable use of EWPF in Korean-Chinese villages, a deeper understanding of the three factors is needed.
4.4.2 Reasons of the decline production and the limited collection area of edible wild plants and fungi Why has the production of EWPF declined? Villagers have reported a decline in EWPF production since 2000. The Natural Forest Protection Project, implemented in 2000, restricted felling trees in forest, changed the traditional forest resource integrated use of timber, fuel wood, and non-wood forest products (including wild plants, wild fungi, and wild animals). When visiting villagers’ homes, villager reported that they collected and used uprooted and dead trees as timber material and fuel wood because they could not cut trees in forest. Villagers reported that the uprooted and dead trees used as timber material were mainly collected from planted coniferous forests, and the uprooted and dead trees used as fuel wood were mainly collected broad-leaved forests, that two types of land use that are the main sources of EWPF. Because most of the edible wild fungi grow on the rotting wood of uprooted and dead trees in forests, those trees for timber and fuel wood meant that there was no rotting wood for the fungi to grow on. Further, because the changes in the traditional forest resource integrated use negatively influenced the environment of the habitats, the production of edible wild plants in forests declined. Moreover, the abandoned farmland, newly constructed residential land, and pesticide use in farmland could be viewed as causes of the declined production. On the other hand, the EWPF were overexploited by non-township residents without concern for habitat protection, therefore the production of 20 important species particularly declined. The limiting of the traditional forest resource integrated use and the overexploitation of EWPF caused habitat destruction, and therefore EWPF production declined. According to the results of this chapter, most of the collection locations were around the residential land or basin plains, not in the deep forest. Villagers reported that it was not because there were no EWFP resources in deep forest, but they afraid the wild animals in the deep forest, such as tigers, leopards, and wild pigs. According to the description in Chapter 2 and 3, the timber and fuel wood resource utilization were restricted by the usage rights of collective forests, however, although the wild plants and fungi were not restricted by this, why the collection range limited? The regulations of Hunchun Natural Reserve have restricted hunting in the forest in order to protect wild animals since 2001, all area of Jingxin Township are included in the natural reserve. Because tigers, leopards, and wild pigs are increasing every year, local people have ended up walking further and
62 further in forests to collect EWPF in order to avoid the wild animal danger. On the other hand, the Tumen River is the boundary river between Jingxin Township and North Korea, government set up wire netting fence at 100～200 m distant from the bank. Because some EWFP species habitat at the woods and grassland of Tumen River bank, they are rarely collected due to the restriction area.
4.4.3 Measures of conserving traditional practices of edible wild plants and fungi use Therefore, in an effort to protect the sustainable use of EWPF, this chapter suggests that the forestry policy and nature reserve regulations should be improved by referring to the traditional knowledge of forest resource integrated use, not only for EWPF resource use, but also the use of timber, fuel wood, and wild animal resources. These uses should be considered together by forestry and nature reserve policy-makers and local government; EWPF collection regulation should be established to prevent overexploitation; and the collection locations should be protected during new construction in villages.
4.5 Conclusion This chapter analyzed the traditional use of EWPF in Korean-Chinese villages through the methods of Participatory Rural Appraisal and participant field collection. Fifty-six EWPF species are collected from forests (and other land use types) and used as the ingredients of the daily diet. The sustainable use of EWPF has a significant potential for the protection of Korean-Chinese culture. In order to protect the sustainable use of EWPF resources, restoration of the traditional forest resource integrated use and the protection of EWPF habitats should be performed to deal with the resource shortage.
NOTES 1) Central Committee of The Communist Party of China: The Eleventh Five-Year Plan: Homepage of People Network of China
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Chapter 5 Other Non-timber Forest Products Utilization in Korean-Chinese Villages
5.1 Introduction According to the field survey and interviews, the forest resource utilization in the nine villages of the Jingxin Township was not limited to the use of timber for buliding, fuel wood for heating and cooking, and wild plants and fungi used for ingredients to make up their daily diet, but there were many other traditional applications of the local resources, for instance, tree branches were used as vegetable supports (Figure 5.1) and plant materials used for roofs (Figure 5.2). In order to paint a whole picture of non-timber forest resource utilization in Korean-Chinese villages, in addition to the fuel wood and wild foods (edible wild plants and fungi), this chapter focuses on the other non- timber forest resource utilization in Korean-Chinese villages in this chapter. In this chapter, the definition of non-timber forest products (NTFPs) refers to the definition in “Non-Timber Forest Products in the Global Context” (Sheona et al., 2011). According to this definition, NTFPs encompass resources “collected from natural forests, woodlands, and other lands (such as fallows, agro-forests, secondary forests and fields) surrounding dwellers’ villages and homesteads, and may include wild foods, forage, medicinal plants, construction materials, fuel wood, raw materials for handicrafts (rattans, vines, bamboo, grasses, reeds, and other fibers), and other products such as resins and honey”.
Figure 5.1 Vegetable supports Figure 5.2 House roofs
In recent years, considerable discussion has focused on the potential use of NTFPs. Since time immemorial, people have gathered plant resources to fulfill various needs (Yadav et al., 2011). The
64 importance of NTFPs to rural livelihoods, income generation, local economies, and forest conservation has become increasingly recognized and appreciated in both the research and policy sectors (Sheona et al., 2011). NTFPs may also have marked cultural significance and value (Cocks and Wiersum, 2003). Interest in NTFPs is increasing rapidly and has become a significant issue in China. Previous articles analyze: 1) traditional forest-related knowledge and their contributions for forest protection and biodiversity in Dai (Li, 2007b), Dong (Liu, 2012), Hani (Yang, 2010), Lahu (Li, 2013), Tibet (Chen and Ge Ma, 2008), Yao and Miao (Chen, 2000), Zhuang (Su, 2014) ethnic minorities; 2) the use of medicinal plants in Tujia (Cui et al., 2007) and Yao (Kang et al., 2007) ethnic minorities; and 3) NTFP consumption and commercial chains among Lisu (Li, 2008). The results indicate that NTFPs play an important role in ethnic minority daily lives. However, socioeconomic development and urbanization have limited traditional utilization and management of NTFPs. Moreover, previous articles indicate that traditional forest-related knowledge of NTFPs is good for the sustainability of NTFPs, improving livelihoods, and forest conservation. With a history of living in Yanbian Area for more than 150 years, Korean-Chinese have adapted to their natural environment establishing a close relationship with the surrounding forests. General information about NTFPs used by Korean-Chinese from previous literature describes the relationship with the following: Korean immigrants wore straw sandals, used wicker and reed for building materials for the walls of wooden houses, and used rice straw for roofing (Editorial Committee of Hunchun Chorography, 2000); Korean-Chinese harvested rice straw for house roofing and wall materials (Hao, 2008; Li, 2009); used medicinal plants to treat illness (Li, 2005); and used wood resources to created farm tools (Editorial Committee of Tumen City Chorography, 2006). Generally, in addition to fuel wood and wild foods, many other kinds of NTFPs have been used in Korean-Chinese villages since they immigrated. However, many Korean-Chinese people who lived in rural areas gave up farm work moved to cities and foreign countries to find new jobs (Piao, 2009). A population, both aging and decreasing, has negatively affected Korean-Chinese heritage (Piao, 2012; Zheng, 2012). It was presumed that the declining and aging population exacerbated the loss of traditional NTFP knowledge of utilization and management; on the other hand, it was presumed that alternative products would replace functions typically provided by NTFPs during village modernization. The popularity of substitute materials also hindered sharing traditional knowledge and use of NTFPs. These impacts, however, have not been raised as a concern by government or researchers. Previous literature described Korean-Chinese use of NTFPs in simplistic terms and, we still have a poor understanding about their traditional knowledge of NTFPs in their daily lives. NTFP traditional knowledge, therefore, needs to be studied as soon as possible, not only to guide their sustainable use, but also to sustain cultural diversity in a rapidly changing world. In an effort to
65 preserve traditional culture and record even some of this precious indigenous knowledge, this chapter analyzes the types of customary usage of NTFPs, including methods of utilizing different plant species, through interview questionnaire surveys, and resource location of important NTFPs in present daily life through participant field collection and map analysis. This chapter aims to comprehend the traditional knowledge of NTFP use and the state of its utilization, and to discuss measures for preserving traditional NTFP knowledge from the perspective of landscape conservation.
5.2 Methodology
5.2.1 Analysis of NTFP utilization in Korean-Chinese villages Based on common categories defined for NTFPs (Sheona et al., 2011), village leaders and elders were interviewed to obtain NTFP categories relevant to local villages. The NTFP categories of medicine, fodder, roof, honey, and handicrafts that were common utilization practices in local villages were listed. Based on the listed categories, interviews and questionnaire surveys with 55 sample households in nine villages were conducted. The interview questions included the plant species used in each categories, utilization and management methods, harvest periods, and habitats (Table 5.1); at the same time, sample households were asked about other usage types in addition to the listed categories. Moreover, the state (in use or not in use in 2014) of NTFP usage types and the reasons were conducted, and the utilization frequency was calculated to analyze the state of NTFP utilization among target villages.
Table 5.1 Survey about non-timber forest resources use
1. Site Jingxin Township of the Yanbian Area
2. Survey period February 2014-March 2015
3. Respondents Household occupants
4. Sample households 55
5. Methods Face-to-face interview
(1) Plant species used for each usage types.
(2) Traditional knowledge about the utilization methods. 6. Main questions (3) Habitats of used plants according to the customary collection.
(4) State of NTFP type utilization and reasons for changes.
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5.2.2 Analysis of resource location of important NTFP usage types According to the state of NTFP utilization, this chapter selected medicinal species with utilization rate of more than 50% and conducted a participatory observation and observed villagers’ field collection. Moreover, grazing and the collection of roof resources were observed. These locations were recorded on Google Maps, furthermore, these locations were imported into the Land Use Map of Jingxin Township that was created in Chapter 4, and the relationship between the NTFP resource locations and land use was analyzed.
5.3 Results
5.3.1 Utilization of medicinal plants and fungi According to the survey results, local people commonly use 40 plant and fungus species for curing various diseases (Table 5.2). Of the 40 species, 19 were herbs, eight were fungi, eight were shrubs, and five were lianas. Twenty-seven of the 40 species are commonly used as ingredients in the Korean-Chinese daily diet described in Chapter 4. In addition to this, these 27 species are also used for medical purposes, while the other 13 species are used solely for medicinal purposes. Regarding medicinal use, the 40 species are used for curing 33 different diseases and ailments. Four species cure fatigue, three species help with coughs, three species reduce hypertension, three bring down fever, two species eliminate appetite loss, two species reduce anxiety, two species help with traumatic injury, two species for problem with urination, in addition to many other medical uses (Table 5.2). Regarding method of use, 27 species are prepared as ingredients to be included in the daily diet and ingested orally. In addition to this, there are another seven species that are used as seasoning for medical food and used orally; three species are prepared by decoction and taken orally; and two species are prepared by decoction and used in the bath (Table 5.2). Moreover, 19 species are used as ingredients in the daily diet of more than 10% of respondents. Villagers reported that they usually cure ailments and diseases with medicinal dishes by food therapy. According to survey results, villagers reported that the habitats of the 40 plant and fungus species mainly were forest edge (13 species), forest (10 species), roadside (10 species), grassland (7 species), riverside (7 species), farmland (6 species), shrubland (6 species), and rotting wood in forest (5 species) (Table 5.2). Based on this traditional knowledge, forests, including forest edge and rotting wood in forests, are the most important source of medicinal plant and fungi species for local villagers. This chapter chose ten medicinal species that were mentioned at a frequency of more than 50% to be subjects for the collection location survey. A total of 56 locations for these ten species were recorded (Figure 5.3). The 56 locations were: 26 (46%) in broad-leaved forest; 11 (21%) in planted
67 n coniferous forest; five (9%) in mixed broad-leaved and coniferous forest; four (7%) in farmland; three (5%) in grassland; two (4%) in coniferous forest; two (4%) in burnt land; one (2%) in planted broad-leaved forest, and one (2%) in shrubland (Figure 5.4). Broad-leaved forests and planted coniferous forests are the most important land use types for collecting medicinal plants.
Figure 5.3 Distribution of collection and grazing locations in Land Use Map
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Shrubland 1 Broad-leaved forest (plantation) 1
Burnt land 2
Coniferous forest 2
Grassland 3
Farmland 4
Mixed broad-leaved and coniferous forest 5 Coniferous forest (plantation) 11
Broad-leaved forest 26
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 Percentage of collection locations
Figure 5.4 Collection locations of medicinal plants
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Table 5.2 Medical plants use in 55 sample households
Habit Number Scientific name Vernacular name Part used Medical use Mode of use Habitats Collection Period Frequency (n=55)
Herb 1※ Allium macrostemon 小根菜 All parts Stomach carminative Pickle, None/orally Fe, Ua, Ga, Fa Jul. – Aug. 0.96 Herb 2※ Platycodon grandiflorum 道拉基 Roots Cough Pickle/orally Fe, Fo Aug. – Sept. 0.87 Liana 3※ Schisandra chinensis 五味子 Fruits Anxiety Alcohol extract/orally Fo, Da, Sl Aug. – Sept. 0.82 Fungi 4※ Armillaria mellea 榛蘑 Fruiting bodies Lumbago, Skelalgia Stewed soup/orally Rw, Lw Aug. – Sept. 0.76 Fungi 5※ Auricularia auricula 木耳 Fruiting bodies Cough Blanching/orally Rw Jun. – Oct. 0.6 Shrub 6※ Acanthopanax senticosus 刺柺棒 Sprouts Fatigue Blanching/orally Cl May. – Jun. 0.58 Fungi 7※ Hohenbuehelia serotina 冻蘑 Fruiting bodies Anesthetic Stewed soup, Pickle/orally Rw Sept. – Oct. 0.56 Fungi 8※ Tricholoma matsutake 松茸 Fruiting bodies Fatigue Alcohol extract, None/orally Ff Aug. – Sept. 0.56 Fungi 9※ Pleurotus ostreatus 青蘑 Fruiting bodies Hypertension Stewed soup, Pickle/orally Rw Sept. – Oct. 0.53 Shrub 10※ Lycium chinense 枸杞子 Fruits Dizziness, Weak-eyed Alcohol extract, none/orally Fo, Re, Ua Aug. – Oct. 0.51 Herb 11※ Artemisia selengensis 柳蒿芽 Fresh leaves, Soft stems Traumatic injury Stewed soup, Pickle/orally Rs, Ps Apr. – Jun. 0.36 Herb 12※ Taraxacum mongolicum 婆婆丁 Fresh leaves Fever Blanching/orally Rs, Re, Fa Apr. – Aug. 0.22 Herb 13※ Capsella bursa-pastoris 荠荠菜 All parts Hypertension None, Pickle, Stewed soup/orally Rs, Re, Fa Apr. – May. 0.20 Herb 14※ Plantago asiatica 车轱辘菜 Fresh leaves Urination problems Blanching/orally Ps, Re Apr. – May. 0.18 Herb 15※ Sonchus oleraceus 苦菜 All parts Diabetes None, Pickle/orally Rs, Re Apr. – May. 0.16 Shrub 16※ Rosa rugos 野玫瑰 Seeds Indigestion None/orally Bl, Fe, Rs, Cl Sept. – Oct. 0.15 Herb 17※ Oenanthe javanica 水芹菜 Fresh leaves, Soft stems Hypertension None, Pickle, Stewed soup/orally Ps Apr. – Jun. 0.13 Herb 18※ Portulaca oleracea 马齿菜 Fresh leaves, Soft stems Enteritis Blanching/orally Re, Fa Apr. – May. 0.13
Herb 19※ Astragalus membranaceus 黄芪 Roots Fatigue Cook with rice/orally Bl, Fe, Fo, Sl, Ga Sept. – Oct. 0.11 Liana 20※ Actinidia arguta 软枣子 Fruits Urination problems None/orally Va Jun. – Jul. 0.09 Herb 21 Asiasarum heterotropoides 细辛 All parts Cold, Toothache Decoction/orally; Grind/smoking Ss May. – Aug. 0.09
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Herb 22 Gentiana scabra 龙胆草 Roots, Rhizome Fever Decoction/orally Ga, Fo, Sl Autumn 0.09
Herb 23 Angelica gigas 当归 Roots Dysmenorrhoea, Constipation Stewed soup with chicken/orally Fe, Fo, Ss Autumn 0.07
Shrub 24 Echinopanax elatum 刺人参 Roots, Stems Anxiety Alcohol extract/orally Fo Spring, Autumn 0.07
Fungi 25※ Tremella mesenterica 皮耳 Fruiting bodies Cough Stewed soup, Pickle/orally Rw Jul. – Sept. 0.07 Shrub 26※ Ribes mandshuricum 灯笼果 Fruits Appetite loss, Flu None/orally Fe Jul. – Aug. 0.05 Liana 27 Dioscorea nipponica 串地龙 Rhizome Rheumatalgia Cook congee with rice/orally Mr, Fe, Sl Spring, Autumn 0.04
Herb 28※ Fragaria orientalis 野草莓 Fruits Kidney stone None/orally Fe, Fo, Re Jul. – Sept. 0.04 Herb 29 Leonurus sibiricus 益母草 All parts Gynecological problems Soup/orally Cl, Ga, Re May. – Jun. 0.04
Shrub 30※ Rubus crataegifolius 覆盆子 Fruits Urinary tract infection None/orally Fe, Fo Aug. – Sept. 0.04 Herb 31※ Saposhnikovia divaricate 防风 Roots Urticaria Alcohol extract/orally Fo, Ga Apr. – Sept. 0.04 Shrub 32 Sophora flavescens 苦参 Roots Gynecological problems Decoction/bath Fa, Re, Rs Autumn 0.04 Liana 33 Thladiantha dubia 赤瓟 Roots, Fruits Traumatic injury Decoction/orally Fa Autumn 0.04 Herb 34 Agrimonia pilosa 仙鹤草 Roots Intestinal worm Honeyed pill/orally Fe, Ga, Rs, Sl Summer, Autumn 0.02 Herb 35 Condonopsis pilosula 党参 Roots Appetite loss, Anemia Cook congee with rice/orally Mr, Fe, Sl Spring, Autumn 0.02
Fungi 36※ Hericium erinaceus 猴头 Fruiting bodies Peptic ulcer Stewed soup/orally Rw Aug. – Sept. 0.02 Herb 37 Potentilla discolor 翻白草 Fresh leaves, Soft stems Fever Blanching/orally Fe, Re, Ga Summer 0.02
Liana 38 Pueraria lobata 葛根 Roots Fever, Headache Stewed soup with chicken/orally Fe Spring, Autumn 0.02
Fungi 39※ Tyromyces sulphureus 树鸡 Fruiting bodies Fatigue Stewed soup/orally Lw Jun. – Sept. 0.02 Shrub 40 Viscum coloratum 冬青 Leaves, Stems Chilblain Decoction/bath Br All year round 0.02
Note: the character “※” means that the species is simultaneously used as wild food. Habitats: Bl = Burnt land; Br = Branch of oaks, birches, elms, lindens, poplars, and willows; Cl = Cutover land; Da = Damp areas; Fa = Farmland; Fe = Forest edge; Ff = Forest floor; Fo = Forest; Ga = Grassland; Lw = Live wood; Mr = Mountain roadside; Ps = Pondside; Re = Roadside; Rs = Riverside; Rw = Rotting wood; Sl = Shrubland; Ss = Streamside; Ua = Uncultivated areas; Va = Valley.
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5.3.2 Fodder plant utilization According to interview and questionnaire responses, local villagers are commonly raising livestock and poultry, such as cattle, horses, sheep, pigs, chickens, ducks, and geese. Generally, the current reason for keeping livestock is for the purpose of selling meat to make money, in the past the main purpose was to use the animals for labor. Poultry are raised for eggs and meat production for the subjects’ daily diets. Poultry feed is made up of cultivated grains and vegetables, while livestock feed consists of wild plants and crop residue. In spring and summer, wild plants are used as fodder for livestock feeding, while crop residues are used mainly in autumn and winter. Among the 55 sample households at the time of the interview and surveys, 16 households were raising poultry, 12 households were raising poultry and livestock, and 3 households were raising livestock. This chapter focused on the 15 sample households that were raising livestock, and consulted with them regarding the fodder plant species. As a result, a total of 17 different fodder plants were listed in Table 5.3, including the species of two trees, two shrubs, and 13 herbs. According to the villagers’ response, most of these fodder plants could be found in more than two habitats. Locations and prevalence included: roadside (12 species), grassland (9 species), forest edge (8 species), damp areas (5 species), farmland (5 species), forest (5 species), and shrubland (5 species) (Table 5.3). Clearly, forest (and forest edge), roadside, and grassland are the most important sources of fodder plants for feeding livestock.
Table 5.3 Fodder plants used by sample households
Habit Number Scientific name Vernacular name Habitats Used parts Frequency (n=55) Herb 1 Setaria viridis 毛狗草 Fa, Re Aboveground parts 0.27 Herb 2 Vicia amoena 野豌豆 Ga, Re Aboveground parts 0.27 Herb 3 Trifolium lupinaster 野三叶草 Da, Fe, Fo, Re Aboveground parts 0.24 Shrub 4 Corylus heterophylla 榛子 Fe, Fo, Cl Fresh leaves, soft branches 0.22 Herb 5 Miscanthus sacchariflorus 山苇子 Fe, Ga, Re Aboveground parts 0.22 Herb 6 Sparganium stoloniferum 三棱草 Da, Ps Aboveground parts 0.22 Herb 7 Amaranthus retroflexus 苋菜 Ga, Re Aboveground parts 0.2 Herb 8 Portulaca oleracea 马齿菜 Fa, Re Aboveground parts 0.2 Herb 9 Polygonum aviculare 猪牙菜 Ga, Re, Rs Aboveground parts 0.18 Tree 10 Quercus mongolica 柞树 Fo Branches, leaves, nuts 0.18 Herb 11 Aneurolepidium chinense 羊草 Re, Ga Aboveground parts 0.16 Herb 12 Laportea bulbifera 艾麻 Fe, Of Aboveground parts 0.15 Tree 13 Ulmus macrocarpa 榆树 Rs, Va Branches, leaves 0.15 Herb 14 Vicia cracca 肥田草 Da, Fe, Ga, Re Aboveground parts 0.13 Shrub 15 Lespedeza bicolor 苕条 Cl, Fe, Sl Fresh leaves, soft branches 0.11 Herb 16 Taraxacum mongolicum 婆婆丁 Fa, Re, Rs Aboveground parts 0.09 Herb 17 Carex meyeriana 靰鞡草 Da, Fo Aboveground parts 0.05 Habitats: Cl = Cutover land; Da = Damp areas; Fa = Farmland; Fe = Forest edge; Fo = Forest; Ga = Grassland; Mr = Mountain roadside; Of = Open forest; Ps = Pondside; Re = Roadside; Rs = Riverside; Sl = Shrubland; Ss = Streamside; Va = Valley. 72
Furthermore, among the 15 sample households that were raising livestock, 11 of them reported their grazing locations. This chapter recorded 11 locations through participant observation (Figure 5.3). There were five grazing locations in grasslands, three in broad-leaved forests, two in farmlands, and one in shrublands. Feeding livestock mainly consisted of grazing them in forests, along roadsides, and grasslands in spring and summer (Figure 5.5), collecting crop residue for feed in autumn (Figure 5.6), and grazing livestock on farmland in winter (Figure 5.7). Before 30 years ago, respondents reported that local villagers collected rice straw (and other crop residues) and wild plants for livestock feed in autumn and winter, however, they no longer collect fodder plants. Because they changed rice paddy fields to dry farmland to grow corn, there were enough corn stalks for livestock feeding in autumn and winter. Moreover, respondents said that many households gave up raising livestock because they started using agricultural machinery for farm labor instead of animals. Thirty years ago, almost every household had wooden livestock enclosures, however, livestock enclosures are rarely found at present.
Figure 5.5 Grazing livestock in grassland and roadside
Figure 5.6 Feeding cattle with corn stalks Figure 5.7 Grazing cattle in farmland
5.3.3 Plants used as roof materials of wooden houses According to the interview and survey results, 23 out of 55 sample households had 23 traditional wooden houses in 2014 (Table 5.4). Construction dates for these 23 wooden houses were “before 1984”; this information shows that wooden houses have a lifespan of more than 30 years. There
73 were three kinds of habitations relevant to the 23 wooden houses in 2014; these included inhabited, unoccupied, and abandoned (Table 5.4). “Inhabited” means that villagers are currently living in that wooden house. “Unoccupied” means the wooden house is currently empty, but the villagers intend to continue using it in the future. “Abandoned” means no villagers were using the wooden house and none were planning on using it again. Among the 23 wooden houses, four were abandoned, four were unoccupied, and 15 were inhabited. Since the Wooden House Reconstruction Project1) was implemented in Jingxin Township in 2007, the government supported villagers to build new brick houses to replace traditional wooden houses. Therefore, the households that have built new brick houses, abandoned their traditional wooden house or use their wooden houses as storehouses only to store farm tools and other sundries.
Table 5.4 Roof materials of wooden house
House Original roof Present roof in 2014 Village Habitation in 2014 number Roof materials Construction year Roof materials Year of roof change
1 Miscanthus sacchariflorus 1969 Tile 1988 Unoccupied 2 Miscanthus sacchariflorus 1974 Steel 2001 Unoccupied 1 3 Tile 1980 Tile / Inhabited 4 Rice straw 1979 Tile 1990 Abandoned
5 Miscanthus sacchariflorus 1970 Steel 2005 Abandoned 6 Rice straw Before 1984 Steel 2008 Inhabited 2 7 Miscanthus sacchariflorus 1974 Steel 2007 Inhabited 8 Rice straw 1965 Steel 2005 Inhabited 9 Miscanthus sacchariflorus 1982 Steel 2005 Unoccupied
3 10 Rice straw 1977 Steel 2006 Inhabited
11 Phragmites communis 1974 Phragmites communis / Abandoned 12 Rice straw Before 1914 Rice straw / Inhabited 13 Phragmites communis 1966 Steel 2005 Unoccupied 14 Phragmites communis 1976 Phragmites communis / Inhabited 5 15 Miscanthus sacchariflorus 1970 Miscanthus sacchariflorus / Inhabited 16 Miscanthus sacchariflorus 1974 Tile 1997 Inhabited 17 Miscanthus sacchariflorus Before 1984 Miscanthus sacchariflorus / Inhabited 18 Miscanthus sacchariflorus Before 1984 Pennisetum alopecuroides 2014 Inhabited 19 Rice straw Before 1914 Rice straw / Inhabited
6 20 Rice straw 1980 Steel 2005 Inhabited
21 Rice straw 1962 Steel 2009 Inhabited 7 22 Rice straw Before 1984 Rice straw / Inhabited
8 23 Tile Before 1984 Tile / Inhabited
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Villagers reported that the original roof materials of the 23 wooden houses were as follows (Table 5.4): nine used Miscanthus sacchariflorus (M-roof wooden house), three used Phragmites communis (Ph-roof wooden house), nine used rice straw (R-roof wooden house), and two used tile (T-roof wooden house). Since 1988, however, roofing materials began to change, so this chapter recorded materials as of 2014. Among the nine M-roof wooden houses, six were changed to tile or steel, one was changed Pennisetum alopecuroides (Pe-roof wooden house), and two did not change. Among the three Ph-roof wooden houses, one roof was replaced with tile and, two saw no changes. Among the nine R-roof wooden houses, six roofs were replaced with tile or steel, and three remained unchanged. The two original T-roof wooden houses also had no changes. The results show that in 2014, eight out of 55 sample households still used plants for roofing, including three R-roof, two M-roof, two Ph-roof, and one Pe-roof wooden houses. Occupants reported that M. sacchariflorus and P. alopecuroides were collected from forest edges, grasslands, and roadsides; P. communis was collected from damp areas, pondsides, and riversides; and the rice straw was collected from paddy fields (Table 5.5). Among the eight wooden houses, however, only one R-roof and one Pe-roof wooden houses had roof materials that were managed and renewed by the current occupants; while the other six wooden houses had been covered with plastic sheeting in order to extend the roofs’ lifespans, but the plants were no longer being replaced (Figure 5.8). Occupants reported that they were used to living in wooden houses and were unwilling to change. Although the government supports villagers to build brick houses if they are willing to relinquish their wooden houses, these villagers preferred to continue their traditional style of living. However, they could not manage and maintain their roof materials because of a lack of available labor.
Table 5.5 Plant species used as roof materials
Habit Number Scientific name Vernacular name Habitats Harvest period Frequency (n=55)
1 Miscanthus sacchariflorus 山苇子 Fe, Ga, Re Autumn 0.04
2 Pennisetum alopecuroides 狼尾草 Fe, Ga, Re Autumn 0.02 Herb 3 Phragmites communis 苇子 Da, Ps, Rs Autumn 0.04
4 Rice straw 粳子 Fa Autumn 0.05
Habitats: Da = Damp areas; Fa = Farmland; Fe = Forest edge; Ga = Grassland;
Ps = Pondside; Re = Roadside; Rs = Riverside.
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Figure 5.8 Roof covered with plastic sheeting Figure 5.9 R-roof wooden house
Figure 5.10 Collection location of P. alopecuroides Figure 5.11 Collected P. alopecuroides
The two households still managing and maintaining their roof materials both live in village 5. The residents of the R-roof wooden house reported collecting rice straw from their roof every two years (Figure 5.9); renewing a once roof requires 1,000—1,200 bundles of rice straw. Most households in that village had replaced their manual harvest with harvest machines; while harvesting the rice, however, these machines cut the rice straw too short for using as roofing. By contrast, because they needed the rice straw to renew their roofs, the sample household used traditional sickles to harvest the rice by hands. In addition, these occupants reported that even they had been migrant workers and live in the city, they returned two years ago and continued their traditional rice cultivation life-style. Occupants of the Pe-roof wooden house (Figure 5.2) reported that they collected the P. alopecuroides from forest edges near their village (Figure 5.10). They collected approximately 1,000 bundles of P. alopecuroides and renewed their roof every two or three years (Figure 5.11). They said that P. alopecuroides is used as roofing material because it has similar features as M. sacchariflorus but is more easily collected. The six households that covered their roofs with plastic sheeting explained that a shortage of rice straw and labor were the main reasons they did not manage their roof materials. Moreover, the decline of M. sacchariflorus and P. communis was another reason. Villagers reported that about 30 years ago, although they cut M. sacchariflorus and P. communis and other materials for roofing
76 every year, the growth rate of M. sacchariflorus and P. communis were enough for use. Even though they did not cut these species in recent years, the two plant species have gradually disappeared.
5.3.4 Honey plant utilization According to interview and survey results, one out of 55 sample household participated in apiculture (Figure 5.12). This sample household was in village 4. Family members reported that between April and October they live in the village and do apiculture, but move to city between November and March every year.
Figure 5.12 Apiculture Figure 5.13 Honey roadside vendor
According to the family members’ responses, they use 28 honey plant species, listed in Table 5.6. Honey plant species consist of six trees, eight shrubs, 13 herbs, and one liana, including nine species used as wild food and medicinal plants. Most of the 28 honey plants had more than two habitats, found mainly at forest edges (15 species), forests (11 species), shrublands (9 species), grasslands (7 species), and riversides (7 species). Noticeably, forests (and forest edges) are the most important source of honey plants. For instance, the important species of Robinia pseudoacacia, Tilia amurensis, Lespedeza bicolor, and Rosa rugos were in broad-leaved forests, especially oak forests; the Crataegus pinnatifida, Viburnum sargenti, and Filipendula palmate were found in coniferous forests; and the Syringa amurensis and Hemerocallis middendorfii grew in mixed broad-leaved and coniferous forests. Family members reported that 20 years ago they used dead tree trunks for bee barrels. A bee barrel is one meter high, with hollow center parts, an entrance on the wall, with a straw hat on top. However, a modern bee barrel, sourced from market, has replaced the traditional bee barrel. Respondents said that there were abundant plant resources in Jingxin for apiculture; in fact, 20 years ago, there were beekeepers in all nine villages. Honey products are mainly linden honey which is still high in demand at market. However, only two indigenous households in Township were still doing apiculture in recent years. In fact, many non-Township residents have come to the area and done apiculture and as a result that many honey roadside vendors were not actual Township residents was found (Figure 5.13). 77
Table 5.6 Honey plants used in sample households
Habit Number Scientific name Vernacular name Habitats Harvest period
1 Acer mono 色树 Fe, Rs Apr. – May.
2 Crataegus pinnatifida 山里红 Fo May. – Jun.
3 Fraxinus mandshurica 水曲柳 Fo May. – Jun. Trees 4 Robinia pseudoacacia 洋槐 Fo Jun. – Jul.
5 Tilia amurensis 椴树 Fe, Fo Jun. – Jul.
6 Ulmus macrocarpa 榆树 Fo, Rs Apr. – May.
7 Lespedeza bicolor 苕条 Cl, Fe, Sl Jul. – Sept.
8 Lonicera maachii 金银木 Fo, Sl, Ss May. – Jun.
9 Rhododendron mucronulatum 金达莱 Fo, Sl May. – Jun.
10 Rosa rugos 野玫瑰 Bl, Cl, Fe, Rs Jun. – Jul. Shrubs 11 Sorbaria sorbifolia 山高梁 Da, Fe, Ss Jun. – Sep.
12 Syringa amurensis 暴马子 Fe, Fo, Rs Jun. – Jul.
13 Viburnum sargenti 鸡树条子 Fe, Fo, Sl, Ss Jun.
14 Weigela florida 锦带 Fe, Sl, Va May. – Jun.
15 Anemone raddeana 两头尖 Va Apr. – May.
16 Aster tataricus 夹板菜 Fe, Ga, Mr, Sl Aug. – Sept.
17 Capsella bursa-pastoris 荠荠菜 Fa, Re, Rs May. – Jun.
18 Cimicifuga dahurica 兴安升麻 Fe, Ga, Sl, Va Jul. – Aug.
19 Corydalis ambigua 元胡 Fo, Sl Apr. – May.
20 Filipendula palmata 蚊子草 Fe, Ga, Rs Jun. – Jul.
Herbs 21 Fragaria orientalis 野草莓 Fe, Fo, Re May. – Aug.
22 Hemerocallis middendorfii 大花萱草 Da, Fe, Ga Jun. – Aug.
23 Leonurus sibiricus 益母草 Cl, Ga, Re Jul. – Aug.
24 Patrinia scabiosaefolia 败酱 Fe, Ga, Sl Jul. – Aug.
25 Polygonum hydropiper 水蓼 Da, Ps, Ss Jul. – Sept.
26 Taraxacum mongolicum 婆婆丁 Fa, Re, Rs May. – Aug.
27 Vicia cracca 野豌豆 Fe, Ga, Sl Jul. – Aug.
Liana 28 Actinidia arguta 软枣子 Va Jun. – Jul.
Habitats: Bl = Burnt land; Cl = Cutover land; Da = Damp areas; Fa = Farmland; Fe = Forest edge; Fo = Forest;
Ga = Grassland; Mr = Mountain roadside; Ps = Pondside; Re = Roadside; Rs = Riverside; Sl = Shrubland;
Ss = Streamside; Va = Valley.
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5.3.5 Handicraft plant utilization According to interview and surveys, there are 12 types of handicrafts that are made of plants (Table 5.7). Handicrafts include baskets, brooms, fans, hats, kitchen skimmers, mats, pestles, ropes, sandals, vegetable supports, whip sticks, and winnowing fans. However, only brooms, mats, ropes, and vegetable supports were used in 2014, while the other eight types were no longer used. Twelve plant species related with these usage types, including six trees, one shrub, and five herbs.
Table 5.7 Other usage types of NTFPs in sample households
Vernacular Frequency Habit Number Scientific name Habitats Used parts Usage types name (n=55)
Tree 1 Quercus mongolica 柞树 Fo Branches Vegetable supports 0.38
Tree 2 Tilia amurensis 椴树 Fe, Fo Branches Vegetable supports 0.09
Tree 3 Fraxinus mandshurica 水曲柳 Fo Branches Vegetable supports 0.05
Tree 4 Salix rorida 簸箕柳 Rs, Ss Branches Vegetable supports 0.05
Tree 5 Populus koreana 香杨 Fo, Rs Branches Vegetable supports 0.05
Herb 6 Kochia scoparia 扫帚苗 Ua, Re, Fa, Rl Aboveground parts Brooms 0.02
Herb 7 Phragmites communis 苇子 Da, Ps, Rs Aboveground parts Mats 0.02
Herb 8 Rice straw 粳子 Fa Aboveground parts Ropes 0.02
Herb 9 Carex meyeriana 靰鞡草 Da, Fo Aboveground parts Sandals /
Tree 10 Fraxinus rhynchophylla 花曲柳 Fo Trunk Whip stick /
Shrub 11 Lespedeza bicolor 苕条 Cl, Fe, Sl Branches Baskets /
Tree 12 Quercus mongolica 柞树 Fo Trunk Pestles /
Herb 13 Rice straw 粳子 Fa Aboveground parts Fans, hats, sandals /
Baskets, kitchen Tree 14 Salix rorida 簸箕柳 Rs, Ss Branches / skimmers, winnowing fan
Herb 15 Typha latifolia 蒲草 Da, Ps Stems and leaves Sandals /
Habitats: Cl = Cutover land; Da = Damp areas; Fa = Farmland; Fe = Forest edge; Fo = Forest; Ps = Pondside; Re = Roadside;
Rl = Residential land; Rs = Riverside; Sl = Shrubland; Ss = Streamside; Ua = Uncultivated areas.
Thirty-five out of 55 sample households used vegetable supports. Wooden vegetable supports are used in cultivating vegetables in the domestic gardens. The diameter of the wood used in these instances was only approximately 5 cm. Villagers reported that they used to use Quercus mongolica to make vegetable supports; however, they also used other dead trees to make vegetable supports because there had been a Q. mongolica shortage. Villagers collected the branches from local forests in winter, stored them in storehouses or sheds, and used them to support vegetable cultivation in
79 spring. The utilization rates for brooms, mats, and ropes were all 0.02. Villagers reported that they collect Kochia scoparia in autumn for use as brooms to clean rooms; some households grow it in domestic gardens simply for aesthetic purposes (Figure 5.14). Phragmites communis is a special plant used for woven mats to the cover traditional Ondol, however, these woven mats have been replaced by modern plastic flooring in the recent two decades. Every Korean-Chinese household produces soybean paste one of the most important ingredients of their daily diet. Villagers reported that they use the rice straw to make rope; moreover, they use straw rope for binding soybean paste in order to promote its fermentation (Figure 5.15).
Figure 5.14 Kochia scoparia Figure 5.15 Soybean paste bound rice straw rope
5.4 Discussion
5.4.1 Characteristics of other NTFP use in Korean-Chinese villages Based on interview, surveys, and participant observation, traditional Korean-Chinese knowledge of plants and fungi used in medicine, fodder, roof, honey, and handicrafts were learned. These findings differed from the simplistic descriptions given by previous literature on Korean-Chinese use of NTFPs (Editorial Committee of Hunchun Chorography, 2000; Li, 2005; Hao, 2008; Li, 2009). The findings of this chapter not only show detailed variety of indigenous uses of NTFPs, but also their cultural meanings and importance. This is helpful to know the role of local plants and fungi in Korean-Chinese daily life, and to understand the relationship between the landscape surrounding villages and traditional Korean-Chinese livelihood. (1) Medicinal plants and fungi used for food therapy Forty plant and fungus species are used for medical purpose in the nine sample villages; of these, 27 species (68%) are commonly used as daily food ingredients, and seven species (18%) are used routinely as seasonings. Based on common knowledge of medical functions of wild plants and fungi, previous lists include Acanthopanax senticosus, Allium macrostemon, Platycodon grandiflorum,
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Tricholoma matsutake, and eight other plants species used in the Korean-Chinese daily diet (Zhang and Piao, 2012). According to the interviews and questionnaires, it is found firsthand data of 40 species used daily for their medical properties; furthermore, the high utilization rate of medicinal plants and fungi species in their daily diet shown the characteristics of “medicine food homology” as applied by Korean-Chinese. Since they use medicinal species with the purpose of curing different diseases, it can be concluded that the cultural characteristic of Korean-Chinese medicine is as food therapy. (2) Both wild plants and farm residue used for fodder Fifteen of the sample households reported using 17 plant species for livestock fodder. Since modern agricultural machinery has replaced traditional farming tools, the purpose of raising livestock evolved from farm labor to meat production. Because many households gave up raising livestock, traditional knowledge of fodder plant use is disappearing. Furthermore, the abundant production of farm corn stalks and abundance of wild plants growing in now abandoned farmland, provide more fodder resources, hence collection of wild fodder plants is no longer needed. At present, villagers graze livestock in forestlands, grasslands, and farmlands in different seasons; and farm residues play a more important role than wild plants as fodder resources in autumn and winter. In addition to a timber resource shortage that was analyzed in chapter 3, the decline in traditional wooden livestock enclosures is also a result of the abandonment of livestock feeding, replaced with free-range grazing. (3) Reeds used for roofing In addition to rice straw, this chapter discussed another three wild plant species used as roofing materials for traditional Korean-Chinese wooden houses. Previous literature did not mention M. sacchariflorus, P. alopecuroides, or P. communis used as roofing materials by the Korean-Chinese. This finding illuminates more detailed information regarding roof material collection, management, and maintenance by local villagers. However, the number of traditional wooden houses has decreased as a results of the Wooden House Reconstruction Project; consequently, wild plant roofs have been replaced by tile and steel roofs or simply covered with plastic sheeting as a way to address labor and resource shortage. As a result, the traditional of roof plant utilization and management is disappearing in Korean-Chinese villages. The thatched roof is an important element of the traditional wooden house, reflecting the unique characteristics of the traditional village landscape. Therefore, measures to conserve traditional wooden houses and roofs are critical. (4) Abundant honey plant resources and rare apiculture practices While there are 28 plant species used for honey resources in local villages, there were only two households in the Jingxin Township participating in apiculture in 2014, far less 20 years ago. The declining population not only changed the traditional rice cultivation life-style (Zheng, 2012), but
81 also traditional apiculture, which is an integral part of agriculture. Honey is also a main ingredient of traditional Korean-Chinese rice cakes and sweets (Cui and Gao, 2008), and therefore, apiculture practices reflect traditional food culture. Furthermore, traditional technology of bee barrels is disappearing because of the increasing rarity of apiculture of a practice and timber shortages. Since the market demand for honey is great in urban areas, non-Township residents came to Jingxin for the purpose of making and selling honey. Measures are therefore needed to protect local villagers’ rights to access natural resources; moreover, local government should organize the production and sale of honey products, and encourage local villagers to do apiculture. In doing so, villagers will benefit in numerous ways from honey production and continue traditional natural resource utilization practices. (5) Handicrafts Twelve plant species are used for 12 handicraft types in local villages. Among the 12 handicraft types, a total of 35 sample households (64%) used vegetable supports the most common type of handicraft. Because villagers usually cultivate tomatoes, cucumbers, and green beans in their domestic gardens for daily food consumption that vegetable supports are shared necessary handicrafts. On the other hand, after the Forest Law2) enforcement in 1984, local government restricted the felling of trees for villager use to trees that were more than 5 cm in diameter. The wood sourced for vegetable supports is approximately 5 cm in diameter, therefore, is not prohibited by this forestry policy restriction. Booms, mats, and ropes were each used by 2% of respondents. These numbers indicate that these traditional handicrafts are disappearing from Korean-Chinese villages. For instance, mats are furniture made of reeds and laid on the Ondol. In the past, these reed mats were necessary furniture for every Korean-Chinese household, nowadays however, they have been replaced by plastic flooring. Another example is rice rope used for hanging soybean paste: the rice straw contains bacteria, essential to the fermentation process. Since soybean paste is the most important seasoning in the Korean-Chinese diet, so therefore the utilization of rice straw as hanging rope must be important to the people’s traditional diet. However, this practice is rarely found at present. Other handicrafts, such as sandals, baskets, and pestles, are merely reported by oral history, any examples were witnessed since these objects were no longer in use by local villagers. Handicraft technology reflects this region’s traditional knowledge and unique culture, and needs to be studied and protected as quickly as possible.
5.4.2 Conservation of traditional utilization of other NTFPs In addition to ten medicinal species, the percentages of other wild species for other usage types were less than 50%, and many NTFP usage types were even less than 10%. Combined with factors such as the decreasing and ageing population, NTFPs have been replaced by more “modern” and
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“efficient” goods. Traditional knowledge of NTFPs is, consequently, fast disappearing. Of great concern, we are rapidly losing our only sources of information of these specific local practices. Heritage can help enhance the value of forest resources to the people holding traditional forest- related knowledge (Youn, 2009). Traditional knowledge systems are not only valuable aspects of cultural heritage, but also of great value regarding sustainable use of forests, ecosystem management and poverty reduction (Pei et al., 2009). Traditional knowledge about resource collection locations and species habitats is the basic information needed to conserve traditional Korean-Chinese villages and surrounding landscapes. Clearly, conservation of traditional forest-related knowledge is important for the sustainability of traditional Korean-Chinese culture. Preserving traditional knowledge about NTFPs consists of recording and preserving traditional utilization and management methods and resource habitats. Conservation efforts of NTFPs not only have to address questions of the impact of harvest strategies on the environment but also on local livelihoods dependent on these resources (Weckerle et al., 2010). In order to safeguard traditional village landscapes and satisfy the principle source of livelihoods, this chapter suggests local governments should take three measures. (1) A market system of NTFPs should be set up to increase household income and encourage villagers to continue traditional practices, especially regarding medicinal and honey plants. Because the promotion of more sustainable NTFP systems requires mechanisms that address the inequalities in forest resource access, usage, and management (Lucy et al., 2012), policy of natural resource utilization should be developed to protect usage rights for local villagers, and prevent habitats being damaged by non- Township residents. (2) Usage types that are affected by resource shortages should be protected, such as roof plant utilization, especially rice straw and reeds used as roofing material. Traditional roof plant utilization needs to be protected in combination with traditional wooden house conservation. (3) The habitats of NTFP resources should be protected during new village construction. According to this study results, forest edges, grasslands, and shrublands that are near to village residential lands need to be protected. Because most resource collection locations are within these neighboring lands, they are easily damaged by new village construction and land use changes.
5.5 Conclusion
This chapter analyzed traditional Korean-Chinese NTFPs for medicine, fodder, roofing, honey, and handicrafts. NTFP utilizations can reflect the unique food therapy culture, architectural landscape, traditional rice cultivation lifestyle, and the wisdom of handicrafts existing in Korean- Chinese villages. Due to a number of reasons and development, traditional NTFP utilizations,
83 however, have lost their place in present-day Korean-Chinese life. In terms of traditional practices of NTFP utilization, traditional landscape and sustainable forest resource utilization can be maintained. Therefore, in an effort to protect traditional NTFP utilization, traditional knowledge and practices should be protected through measures of recording traditional knowledge, making and improving policy, supporting the establishment of market mechanisms, and protecting traditional technology.
NOTES 1) The People’s Government of Jilin Province: Wooden House Reconstruction Project: Homepage of The People’s Government of Jilin Province
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Chapter 6 Discussion
This study analyzes forest resource utilization in Korean-Chinese villages through various research methods including interviews, questionnaires, Participatory Rural Appraisal (Luoga et al., 2000), participant observation, field surveys, and map analysis. A comparison of simplistic descriptions found in previous literature is provided in chapters 2 to 5 showing that the Korean- Chinese ethnic minority has a thorough knowledge of timber and non-timber forest resource utilization and management. Korean-Chinese people are not only highly dependent on forest resources for their daily lives, but also this relationship has resulted in unique village landscapes through the integrated use of forest resources. Furthermore, the results of this study indicate that the availability of forest resources cannot currently meet villagers’ demands as a result of policy restriction and many other factors. Traditional Korean-Chinese village landscapes and livelihoods hardly benefit from forest resources at present, and traditional village landscapes and forest-related knowledge are in danger of disappearing. Therefore, measures need to be taken immediately to ensure sustainable forest resource use and the conservation of traditional Korean-Chinese village landscapes in order to provide a principle source of livelihood.
6.1 Importance of sustainable use of forest resources to traditional village landscape conservation and daily lives sustainability
(1) Characteristics of traditional Korean-Chinese village landscape According to the results of timber resource use described in chapter 2 and those of roof material use in chapter 5, Korean-Chinese people construct wooden houses and accessory structures for living and other purposes. These wooden structures not only support daily lives but also constitute the traditional Korean-Chinese village landscape (P23-Figure 2.2; P64-Figure 5.2). The specific cold climate, rice cultivation life-style, timber resources, and roof materials enable the Korean- Chinese people to create a unique wooden structure landscape. The wooden houses, wooden chimneys, and wooden sheds of the Korean-Chinese, are especially different from the “Ganlan” (Cai, 2009; Cui and Yang, 2010; Li, 2007a; Pan, 2013; Peng and Ma, 2009; Zhou, 2007), “Ayiwang” (Cui and Ning, 2010; Wang, 2002), and “Yurt” (Gao et al., 2009) folk houses of China’s other ethnic minorities. According to the results of chapter 2, Korean-Chinese wooden houses are one-story, built on stone foundations, and have is a pitched roofs (P19-Figure 2.1). Their wooden accessory structures have
85 specialized functions, for instance, sheds are used for storing farm products, storehouses for farm tools, and livestock enclosures for housing livestock. The characteristics of Korean-Chinese wooden structures are differ from the folk houses of China’s other ethnic minorities. The “Ganlan” folk houses of the southwest ethnic minorities are built on stilts, are two-storied, and have pitched roofs. The stilt floors are used for multiple purposes including storing farm tools, products, and fuel wood, and enclosing livestock (Cai, 2009; Cui and Yang, 2010; Li, 2007a; Pan, 2013; Peng and Ma, 2009; Zhang, 2013; Zhou, 2007). The Korean-Chinese share a similarity the southwest ethnic minorities, regarding their folk houses: pitched roofs. The differences, however, are foundation and floor styles, as well as the Korean-Chinese have wooden accessory structures separate from their houses, each with their own respective functions, while the stilt level of folk houses of southwest ethnic minorities performs a variety functions. According to the findings in chapters 2 and 3, in order to deal with dampness in the house, a cold climate, and daily cooking, Korean-Chinese use an Ondol in the house (P48-Figure 3.7), and also use a wooden chimney to emit the smoke to the outside (P23-Figure 2.2). Southwest ethnic minorities and Mongols build fire pits in their homes for heating and cooking, and use smoke vents on the roofs for releasing indoor smoke (Wang and Liu, 2012; Gao et al., 2009). The Uyghur have a “Kang-bed-stove” in the house for heating and cooking, and use soil or brick chimneys. Therefore, the Ondol and wooden chimney of the Korean-Chinese are unique landscape features compared with China’s other ethnic minorities. Moreover, the wooden chimneys ejecting smoke reduce indoor air pollution, which is important to inhabitants’ safety. Korean-Chinese people use timber for major structures and roof frames; use mud and rice straw for insulation materials to make walls, ceilings, and roofs (You and Ando, 2008); and use rice straw for roofing materials (Li, 2009; Zheng, 2012). According to the analysis of roofing materials in chapter 5, this study found that Pennisetum alopecuroides, Phragmites communis, and Miscanthus sacchariflorus are also used as raw materials for Korean-Chinese wooden house roofs (P75-Table 5.5). Generally, the folk houses of southern ethnic minorities are built with timber structures, timber roof frames, timber/bamboo walls, and rice straw/shingle roofs (Cai, 2009; Cui and Yang, 2010; Li, 2007a; Nong, 2005; Pan, 2013; Peng and Ma, 2009; Wang and Liu, 2012; Wu and Zhu, 1999; Zhou, 2007). The folk houses of the Uyghur are built with timber structures and roof frames, soil walls and roofs; and roofs are further insulated using plant fibers (Cui and Ning, 2010). The folk houses of Mongols are made with timber walls and roof frames that are covered with felt (Gao et al., 2009). Observably, timber is the common material of folk houses of all of these ethnic minorities; the unique features of Korean-Chinese wooden houses are the kinds of materials used for roofing.
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(2) Contributions of forest resources to traditional Korean-Chinese village landscapes and daily lives Korean-Chinese wooden structures make up the unique traditional Korean-Chinese village landscapes. The wooden construction technology was handed down from ancestors who came from Hamgyong of North Korea (Jin, 2004; Hao, 2008; You and Ando, 2008). According to results discussed in chapter 2 (P31-Table 2.7), Korean-Chinese people indigenously use Pinus koraiensis for the major component of their wooden structures, use Quercus mongolica for other components of wooden structures, and use the Abies nephrolepis specifically for chimneys. According to chapter 3, Q. mongolica is the principle source for fuel wood. Local villagers were proud of how they can efficiently use fuel wood energy because of their special construction technology connecting stove and Ondol. Furthermore, according to chapter 5, rice straw, P. alopecuroides, P. communis, and M. sacchariflorus are used for roofing materials. Understandly, the traditional Korean-Chinese village landscape highly depends on the sustainable use of forest resources. However, the utilization of wooden structures is fast declining because of a timber and fuel wood shortage. Chapters 4 and 5 discussed the contribution of NTFPs as foods, medicines, honey plants, fodders, and handicrafts in daily Korean-Chinese lives. NTFPs are often the backbone of cultural traditions among communities worldwide (Sheona et al., 2011). NTFP resources, therefore, have great value in Korean-Chinese livelihood, even in relation to the cultural matters. For instance, wild plants and fungi are used in traditional daily diets (P54-Figure 4.1) and the medicinal species food therapy (P70-Table 5.2); wild plants are used as sources for fodder (P72-Table 5.3) and honey (P78-Table 5.6); wood resources and plant materials are used in making traditional handicrafts (P79-Table 5.7). However, many important NTFP resources are also in short supply due to the fact that nature reserve regulations have limited villagers’ collection ranges and habitat destruction has reduced the number of plants and fungi.
(3) Influencing factors on forest resource utilization and management The influencing factors on forest resource utilization can be concluded in Figure 6.1. It is found that the decreased availability of forest area for villager use and forest resource collection was the result of policy enforcement. Since 1981, significant changes occurred when the forests were divided into national forests and collective forests. In terms of timber resource utilization based on the chapter 2’s discussion, local villagers preferred to use A. nephrolepis P. koraiensis and Q. mongolica as timber materials, however, discarded timber and dead trees were also used for wooden structures because the three tree species were in shortage. The rate utilization and inhabitation of wooden houses was 27% (P29-Table 2.5) in 2014, a momentous decrease from the approximate 100% rate in the 1980s. The utilization of
87 wooden accessory structures in 2014 was as following (P30-Table 2.6): fences (53%), chimneys (44%), storehouses (31%), sheds (20%), toilets (13%), and livestock enclosures (3%). In term of a series forestry policies implemented since 1950 (Figure 6.1), villagers could not obtain timber from forests as freely as before because logging need to receive permission from Jingxin Township Forest Center (for national forests) or village governments (for collective forests) (P27-Table 2.4); the available forest area for villagers’ logging has decreased since 1981, as has discarded timber and dead trees being used for wooden structures. Therefore, tree species selection has not been in accordance with traditional practices since the 1980s. Moreover, since 2005, local government has been supporting villager use of steel, brick, and PVC materials during village reconstruction, and since 2007 supporting the constructions of new brick houses (P28-Figure 2.4). Therefore, villagers almost stopped collecting dead trees and used new modern materials to construct houses and accessory structures, hence the village reconstruction resulted in the decline of wooden structures. Previous articles concluded that the population decrease caused the decline of Korean-Chinese wooden houses (Li and Jin, 2007; Zheng, 2012). However, the villagers who are still living in villages cannot use timber resource as much as they desire; and most of the original villagers, who have migrated to cities, have kept their houses and yards in the villages, sometimes returning to live in the village for a while. Therefore, in addition to the population decrease, this study found that the forestry policies caused a timber resource shortage and a decrease in wooden structures; and the village reconstruction policies further accelerated the decline of wooden structures.
Figure 6.1 Changes to government policy and forest resource area of National and collective forest
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When it comes to fuel wood, chapter 3 describes villagers’ preference for Q. mongolica as a fuel wood resource; however, because there is a shortage of Q. mongolica, dead tree in general are used for fuel wood. Local villagers all collected fuel wood before 1981; however in 2014, 16% of households required help from other villager to collect fuel wood, and 2% of households bought fuel wood. In 2014, among the 90 fuel wood collection locations, merely two locations (2%) were in the forest area that conformed to forestry policies while other 88 locations (98%) were not (P44- Table 3.5; P45-Figure 3.4). Although logging wood from national forests was prohibited, trees logged for fuel wood at 16 out of 34 locations in the national forests according to the analysis. There have been restrictions on taking fuel wood outside of collective forests since 1981 (Figure 6.1). The restriction resulted in the available forest area for fuel wood decreasing, meaning most of villagers could not collect fuel wood from collective forests because they did not have usage rights; since 1981, dead trees were used as fuel wood. The labor shortage and the far distance from home to available forests (P45-Figure 3.4) caused the pattern changes in fuel wood collection. Even though 98% of collection locations did not conform to forestry policies, local villagers were logging trees from adjacent forests, indicating that the dead trees could not meet villagers’ demands, not just in terms of tree species but also the amount that was available. Previous articles state that the collective forests of the Yanbian Area were contracted to a few villagers and companies that could promote sustainable management of the forest (Chi and Zheng, 2010). According to the results of this study, the collective forests should be used and managed by local villagers as their traditional practices can both contribute to the traditional village landscape and sustainability of local livelihoods. As discussed in chapters 4 and 5, local villagers use 15 plant and 41 fungus species as ingredients of 12 daily dishes of Doenjang jjigae, fruit drinks, hot pots, kimchi, medicated rice dishes, medicated wines, Naengmyeon, raw foods, rice cakes, soups, stir-fries, and sweets (P54-Figure 4.1). Forty medicinal species are generally used as food therapy for curing diseases (P70-Table 5.2). In addition to rice straw, farm tools and handicrafts (such as vegetable supports, baskets, mats, ropes, and sandals) were traditionally made of wood and plant materials (P79-Table 5.7). Local villagers also do apiculture and raise livestock to support household incomes. However, some NTFP resources were in a short supply, especially edible plant and fungus including medicinal species. Although the NTFP resources were not directly restricted by forestry policies, the integrated use of timber, fuel wood, and NTFP resources were negatively influenced by the policies. With the timber and fuel wood collection ranges limited in collective forests since 1981, the production of NTFPs (mainly fungi) decreased (Figure 6.1). With most of the dead trees being used for timber and fuel wood since 2000, fungi habitat decreased, causing a decline in its production. In general, changes in the integrated use negatively influenced the environment and habitats, hence the production of wild plants declined. At the same time, On the other hand, non-Township residents overexploited the
89 important NTFPs, acting without concern for habitat protection. Moreover, since 2001, Hunchun Natural Reserve regulations have restricted hunting in the forest in order to protect wildlifs. Local villagers have ended up walking further and further in forests to collect NTFPs in order to avoid encounters with dangerous wild animals. As a results, NTFP resource collection ranges became limited to nearby residential lands of villages and forest edges (P60-Figure 4.6). Based on the above analysis, it is evident that local governments are concerned with protection of forests and logging restrictions and protection of wildlife; however, they ignored the livelihoods of the forest-dependent Korean-Chinese villagers. The actual demand of forest resources and traditional forest-related knowledge of the Korean-Chinese were not well recognized by local governments and policy-makers until now. With regards to timber and fuel wood resource use, the national and collective forests were not freely accessible to local people because of environmental protection policies and regulations. With regards to NTFP resource use, the habitats of NTFPs were negatively impacted by these changes to the traditional integrated use of forest resources. Obviously, this points to ongoing conflict between forestry policies and local villagers with customary rights to forest resource utilization.
6.2 Traditional forest-related knowledge of Korean-Chinese ethnic minority According to the results of this study, Korean-Chinese villagers have a wealth of knowledge when it comes to wild species utilization and management, such as wild species and habitats, and the harvesting, preparation, and preserving techniques of these forest resources. Traditional Korean- Chinese village landscapes and daily lives closely relate to forest resources. Indigenous use of forest resources is a key factor for traditional landscape conservation and sustainable livelihoods. Effective measures for landscape conservation and sustainable livelihoods must consider how Korean- Chinese villagers are using and managing forest resources.
(1) Plant and fungus species and their habitats Forest resources are commonly and indigenously used in Korean-Chinese daily lives. The forest resource use pattern in Korean-Chinese villages can be divided into eight utilization categories: timber, fuel wood, wild food, medicine, honey, fodder, roofing, and handicrafts. According to the results of plant and fungus species utilization (P31-Table 2.7; P55-Table 4.2; P57-Table 4.3; P70- Table 5.2; P72-Table 5.3; P75-Table 5.5; P78-Table 5.6; P79-Table 5.7), a total of 112 plants and fungus species were recorded, including 97 plants (19 trees, 16 shrubs, 56 herbs, and six lianas) and 15 fungus (Figure 6.2). Forty-seven out of 112 species (42%) were included in more than two utilization categories. According to the species percentage of each utilization category, the eight categories could be ordered as following: wild food (56 species), medicine (40), honey (28), fodder
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(17), timber (13), handicrafts (12), fuel wood (9), and roofing (4). This shows that most of the plant and fungus species were used in wild food, medicine, and honey categories. In addition to villager preferences of, A. nephrolepis, P. koraiensis, and Q. mongolica, there were another ten plant species (dead trees) used as timber. Moreover, in addition to villagers’ preferred Q. mongolica, there were another eight plant species (dead trees) used as fuel wood. This reflects the changes of plant species selection methods for timber and fuel wood resources. According to the results (P55-Table 4.2; P57-Table 4.3; P70-Table 5.2; P72-Table 5.3; P75-Table 5.5; P78-Table 5.6; P79-Table 5.7), villagers mentioned 21 habitat types for 112 plant and fungus species (Figure 6.3). Eighty out of the 112 species (71%) were founded in more than two habitat types. According to the species percentage of each habitat type, 21 habitat types could be ordered as following: forest edge (43 species), forest (40), roadside (22), grassland (19), damp area (18), riverside (16), shrubland (16), farmland (10), stream side (9), valley (9), rotting wood (8), pondside (7), cutover land (6), forest floor (6), mountain road (5), uncultivated area (4), live wood (3), burnt land (2), open forest (2), branches (1), and residential land (1). Noticeably, forest and forest edge were the most important habitat for plant and fungus species. Moreover, forests also cover other habitats types, including burnt land, branches of trees, damp areas, forest floors, live wood, mountain roadsides, open forests, rotting wood, and valleys. Overall, these findings reflect that most habitat types for plant and fungus species relate to forests.
Trees Shrubs Herbs Lianas Fungi 60
50 15
40 3 8 30 5 1
Species 25 20 13 20 10 7 8 13 5 13 2 1 7 667 2 6 0 2 4 Timber Fuel wood Wild food Medicine Honey Fodder Roof Handicraft (13 species) (9) (56) (40) (28) (17) (4) (12)
Figure 6.2 Plant and fungus species of each forest resource utilization category
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Burnt land 2 Branch of poplars and willows 1 Cutover land 6 Damp areas 18 Farmland 10 Forest edge 43 Forest floor 6 Forest 40 Grassland 19 Live wood 3 Mountain roadside 5 Open forest 2 Habtats Pondside 7 Roadside 22 Residential land 1 Riverside 16 Rotting wood 8 Shrubland 16 Streamside 9 Uncultivated areas 4 Valley 9 0 1020304050 Species
Figure 6.3 Habitat types for plant and fungus species
(2) Management methods (harvesting/preparing/preservation/mode of use) According to chapters 2 and 3, Korean-Chinese villagers collect timber and fuel wood in winter because the wood weighs less than in summer and are then easily transported. In the case of utilization parts of plant species, the stems of 13 tree species were used as timber; the stems and branches of seven tree species and the aboveground parts of two shrub species were used for fuel wood. As discussed in chapter 4, local villagers collect edible wild fungi after rains between April and October (P55-Table 4.2). Collection locations were mainly in broad-leaved forests and planted coniferous forests (P60-Figure 4.6; P61-Figure 4.7). The fruiting bodies of 15 fungus species are used as ingredients in villagers’ daily diets (P54-Figure 4.1). They collected edible wild plants mainly from broad-leaved forests and planted coniferous forests between April and October (P57- Table 4.3; P60-Figure 4.6; P61-Figure 4.7). These plants can be categorized according to edible parts: the all parts (3 species), flowers (2), fresh leaves (10), fruits (12), nuts (4), roots (4), seeds (1), soft stems (5), sprouts (1), and young fronds (4) (P57-Table 4.3). Therefore, it can be concluded that edible parts of fruiting bodies, fruits, and fresh leaves are mostly used fungus and plant parts in Korean-Chinese daily diets. Drying and salting wild food species are common preservation methods. As discussed in chapter 5 (P68-Figure 5.3; P69-Figure 5.4; P70-Table 5.2), local villagers collect 40 medicinal species, mainly from broad-leaved forests and planted coniferous forests for curing 33 different diseases. The modes of use include: alcohol extract/orally (5), blanching/orally (6), cooking congee with rice/orally (2), cooking with rice/orally (1), decoction/bath (2),
92 decoction/orally (3); grinding/smoking (1), honeyed pill/orally (1), pickling/orally (9), none/orally (11), stewed soup/orally (10), and stewed soup with chicken/orally (2). Medicinal purposes cover all parts, fresh leaves, fruits, fruiting bodies, leaves, roots, rhizome, seeds, soft stems, sprouts, and stems. The harvesting of honey plants occurs between April and September, fodder plants in spring and summer, and raw materials for handicrafts mainly in autumn (P72-Table 5.3; P75-Table 5.5; P78-Table 5.6; P79-Table 5.7). Local villagers use rice straw and aboveground parts of an additional three wild plants to renew their roofs. Because roof renewal is hard work, requiring many villagers to work together, local villagers generally renew roof materials after farm harvests in autumn.
(3) Integrated use of timber and non-timber forest resources Chapter 2 to 5 described the integrated use of forest resources, including logging for timber and fuel wood, collecting NTFPs, and hunting wild animals. Traditional management methods of logging for timber and fuel wood were shown to benefit NTFP habitat protection; at the same time, hunting wild animal provides enough collection range for NTFPs. On the other hand, the most direct connection between timber and non-timber forest resources is when a single species has both timber and non-timber value (Laird, 1999). This study found that a single species could be used in multiple utilization categories in Korean-Chinese villages. For instance, local villagers logging Q. mongolica from forests, use the stems as timber or fuel wood (P31-Table 2.7), branches as fuel wood, fodder, and handicrafts (P72-Table 5.3; P79-Table 5.7), nuts as food and fodder (P57-Table 4.3; P72-Table 5.3), and leaves as fodder (P72-Table 5.3); moreover, the stumps (rotting wood) of the remaining
Q. mongolica created the habitat for Hohenbuehelia serotina and Auricularia auricular, two important fungi. Therefore, if villagers stop logging Q. mongolica for timber, not only can they not build or repair their wooden houses and accessory structures, but also many other utilization categories of Q. mongolica, such as food, fuel wood, fodder, and handicrafts would be limited. According to the results of this study, the Korean-Chinese have a thorough knowledge of forest resources utilization and management that benefit their traditional village landscape and daily lives. A careful look at traditional knowledge and use of the landscape is important because declining knowledge leads to decreasing use (Johann, 2007). Can the decreasing use lead to declining knowledge? This study found that the shortage of forest resources caused decreasing use of forest resources and wooden structures among local households (P29-Table 2.5; P30-Table 2.6; P43-Table 3.3 and 3.4). Clearly, if forest resources are not abundant enough for villager use, it can lead to the decline of traditional forest-related knowledge. Because indigenous use of forest resources is a key factor for traditional landscape conservation and sustainable livelihoods, local governments and policy-makers should recognize the importance of forest resources to local livelihoods and support local villagers to use and manage forest resources in accordance with their traditional knowledge.
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6.3 Possibility of future efforts for sustainable use of forest resources
(1) Villagers’ desires to use forest resources According to the results discussed in chapter 2 regarding wooden house utilization and management, 16 out of 55 sample households were living in wooden houses. Twelve out of the 16 households said that they were used to living in a wooden house and they were unwilling to live in a wooden house to brick house. One household reported that they would like to continue the use of the Ondol of their wooden house to make traditional bean sauce. Three households reported that they enjoyed the traditional cultural atmosphere of living in a wooden house. Although the government supports villagers in building brick houses if they are willing to relinquish their wooden house, these villagers preferred to continue their traditional style of living. According to chapter 5’s discussion on wooden house roof materials, six out of the16 households covered their roofs with plastic sheeting to protect the thatched roofs. While the state of the traditional wooden house is poor, villagers who still inhabit wooden houses are making an effort to extend the lifespan of these structures. On the other hand, research discussed in chapter 2 indicated that wooden accessory structures utilization and management, such as wooden chimneys and sheds, are necessary in local daily lives. Wooden chimneys discharge smoke smoothly: this is important for family safety. The large storage capacities and effective ventilation of wooden sheds contribute to corn storage, which can ensure income security for villagers. Wooden chimneys and sheds are relevant to villagers’ safety and income, therefore, local villagers still use these wooden accessory structures although the sources of wood have changed. The reason for declining wooden structure utilization is due to local villagers having no rights or opportunities to use their local timber resources. In an effort to conserve traditional Korean-Chinese landscapes and satisfy the principle source of livelihoods, villager demand for timber resources should be met. According results discussed in chapter 3 regarding fuel wood resources, although some households use coal, farm residue, and solar energy in addition to fuel wood, wood is still a necessary energy source in local villages. Fuel wood resources are also in short supply in the villages of other China’s ethnic minorities. Researchers suggest to them that they use new energy technologies, energy saving stoves, and plant more trees for fuel wood (Liu and Su, 2001; Liu, 2009). However, in the respect of Korean-Chinese, fuel wood resource use is not only an issue of daily needs but also a component of traditional residence culture. The heat for an Ondol comes from fuel wood, which keeps houses warm and allows residents to cook their daily meals. During the field survey, it was found that there was an Ondol in every one of the traditional wooden houses and even many of the new brick houses. This indicates that most Korean-Chinese villagers still prefer the traditional residence culture of Ondol utilization. Furthermore, it also indicates that fuel wood
94 remains a necessary energy source for present-day living. Although fuel wood collection outside permitted forest areas is forbidden, villagers still collect dead trees and log trees from adjacent forests. Fuel wood as a basic requirement for living requires that local governments should allow villagers to log and collect fuel wood resources from adjacent forests. According to the results of research on edible wild plants and fungi described in chapter 4, there are 56 wild food species used as ingredients in the subjects’ daily diets. Traditional dishes and drinks reflect the food culture of Korean-Chinese, such as kimchi, hot pot, and medicinal wine. Local villagers frequently responded that there is a shortage of wild foods and that 20 important species were too scarce to collect, such as the Armillaria mellea, Auricularia auricular, and Tricholoma matsutake. Moreover, 27 out of 56 wild food species had medicinal effects based on the results of medicinal species use described in chapter 5. Therefore, the wild food (medicinal) species utilization in daily diet reflects the food (food therapy) cultures of the Korean-Chinese ethnic minority. Local villagers were eager to use wild food and medicinal species according to their traditional methods; moreover, the utilization could contribute to sustainable food cultures. Therefore, it is necessary that wild food and medicinal species, especially as the principle sources for daily lives, be protected by measures that ensure sustainable production and utilization. Timber and non-timber forest resources are principle sources for Korean-Chinese livelihoods. Although forest resource utilization and management are limited, many villagers insist on using forest resources in accordance with traditional practices. As aforementioned, forest resource utilization is in great demand in Korean-Chinese villages. Traditional forest-related knowledge can survive only if there is a demand for the products or services using it (Youn, 2009). However, the shortage of forest resources in the research sites will not only lead to declining traditional forest- related knowledge, but also cause the disappearance of traditional Korean-Chinese village landscapes and food cultures. Therefore, the sustainable use of forest resources is meaningful to conserve minority culture and provide social security. Measures to protect sustainable use of forest resources should be taken immediately.
(2) Measures for sustainable use of forest resources Firstly, traditional Korean-Chinese village landscapes and forest-related knowledge should be included in ethnic minority culture protection policies. Current protection policies and practices for traditional villages and cultures of Korean-Chinese ethnic minority of the Yanbian Area focus on the intangible cultural heritages (Xu and Jin, 2012; Fang Qi, 2012). Although folk diet preparation methods, folk crafts, traditional festivals, and traditional knowledge of medicine were originally listed in The Regulations on the Protection of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of the Korean Ethnic Minority of Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture that was implemented in 20151), conservation
95 of the traditional Korean-Chinese village landscapes was omitted and only a few aspects of traditional forest-related knowledge were included. According to the results of this study, traditional Korean-Chinese forest-related knowledge covered almost every aspect of daily living, such as housing, accessory structures, energy, food, medicine, livestock, and handicrafts. The utilization of forest resources based on traditional forest-related knowledge established the architecture, food and medicine cultures. This indicates that traditional forest-related knowledge was the foundation of many other traditional Korean-Chinese cultures. Therefore, traditional forest-related knowledge should be included in ethnic minority culture protection policies, especially since traditional Korean-Chinese wooden structures show the unique landscape characteristics compared with China’s other ethnic minorities. Therefore, in order to conserve traditional Korean-Chinese village landscapes and contribute to cultural diversity in China, traditional wooden structures should be included in ethnic minority culture protection policies. This way the conservation of traditional Korean-Chinese village landscapes and forest-related knowledge can be understood and supported by society and local governments, moreover, the protection measures can be carried out more smoothly. Furthermore, making and improving other policies can refer to the items of traditional forest-related knowledge in ethnic minority culture protection policies. For instance, in order to provide more forest resources to local villagers, nature reserve regulations should be improved by deregulating the restriction on hunting by local villagers within forest areas. Secondly, collective forest usage rights should be distributed to each household. Local villager knowledge, skills and systems are now recognized as the foundation for sustainable natural resource management. Providing local people with secure access to property rights and respecting their knowledge will result in more sustainable land use, protection of biodiversity, and less forest destruction (Mulyoutami et al, 2009). Therefore, providing all local villagers with equal opportunity for accessing forest resources is important for sustainable forest resource use. The Reform of the Collective Forest Rights System (2008) makes clear that the purpose of establishing collective forests in China is for meeting villager demand of forest resources2). Because forest resource collection and management in collective forests was restricted by many policies leaving villagers with no collective forest usage rights, the central government required local governments to implement The Reform of the Collective Forest Rights System, and to distribute collective forest usage rights to each household. However within research sites of this study, most households reported not having collective forest usage rights and their forest resource utilization was limited by forest policies according to discussion in chapters 2 and 3. Because the establishment process of collective forests in the research site did not take timber and fuel wood utilization into consideration, the location and area of collective forests in each village are different, with even two out of nine villages not having collective forests (P42-Figure 3.3). This resulted in problems with the
96 sustainable development of traditional Korean-Chinese village landscapes and forest-related knowledge. Therefore, in order to conserve traditional village landscapes and forest-related knowledge, it is necessary to distribute collective forest usage rights to each household in Korean- Chinese villages. Furthermore, forest types, locations, and areas of collective forests should be readjusted according to actual villager demand. For instance, collective forests should include broad-leaved forests and planted coniferous forests. Because these two forest types are the main sources of timber and fuel wood, and furthermore, most of collection locations of NTFPs are within these two forest types providing integrated use of timber and non-timber forest resources (P47- Figure 3.5; P61-Figure 4.7; P68-Figure 5.3), they should be made available to villagers. The area of collective forest within each village needs to be based on calculating timber and fuel wood consumption (P32-33 Traditional wooden structures management; P46-Table 3.6). Collective forests should be near to residential lands by referring to the furthest collection range in each village (P47-Figure 3.5; P60-Figure 4.6; P68-Figure 5.3). Finally, in order to prevent over-logging by local villagers and to prevent overexploitation of NTFPs by non-Township residents, effective legal regulations are needed to control illegal logging and NTFP extraction. Non-Township residents collected NTFPs without concern for habitat protection resulting in the declining production of NTFPs, hurting local villager use. Therefore, the regulations should prevent non-Township residents from collecting NTFPs and ensure local villagers can collect enough NTFPs to meet their daily needs. In respect to logging by local villagers, timber and fuel wood should be used for meeting daily needs rather than for other purposes: over- logging may cause deforestation. Therefore, regulations should calculate annual consumption needs of timber and fuel wood for each rural household in order to provide sufficient forest resources and avoid waste. Furthermore, villagers reported that their NTFPs collection ranges were limited as they tried to avoid encounters with dangerous wildlife. They also reported that every year wild birds and boars destroy their crops. Therefore, in order to ensure secure access to NTFP utilization, local governments and policy-makers also should consider the necessity of hunting by local villagers in forests. It is crucial that these regulations should be addressed in order to ensure sustainable forest resource utilization.
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NOTES 1) Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture Government: Protection of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of the Korean Ethnic Minority of Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture: Homepage of the People’s Congress of the Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture
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Chapter 7 Conclusion
The Korean-Chinese are an ethnic minority living in Northeast China for more than 150 years. This study analyzes the forest resource utilization in Korean-Chinese villages with the aim of conserving traditional village landscapes. Four aspects were researched for this study: (1) Characteristics of traditional Korean-Chinese village landscapes; (2) Traditional knowledge of timber and non-timber forest resource utilization and management; (3) The state of forest resource use and influencing factors; (4) Measures for sustainable use of forest resources to conserve traditional Korean-Chinese village landscapes and to satisfy the principle source of livelihoods. The results presented in this study support the conclusions that: (1) Traditional Korean-Chinese village landscapes consist of wooden houses and wooden accessory structures (chimneys, fences, livestock enclosures, sheds, storehouses, and toilets). Specific residence culture conditions, construction technologies, and forest resources formed the uniqueness of traditional Korean- Chinese village landscapes compared to China’s other ethnic minorities. (2) The usage types of forest resources in Korean-Chinese daily lives include timber, fuel wood, wild food, medicine, honey, fodder, roofing, and handicrafts. Traditional Korean-Chinese forest-related knowledge covers plant and fungus collection, habitats, harvesting, preparation, preservation, and modes of use. (3) Governmental forest policies have caused a declination in available forest resources for villager use. Village reconstruction policies have further led to the utilization of new materials instead of forest resources. These both have negatively affected traditional forest resource utilization, causing a declining in the utilization of forest resources and a significant decline in wooden structure utilization in the last 30 years. (4) Sustainable forest resource use is the key issue for conserving traditional Korean-Chinese village landscapes and sustainable livelihoods. This study suggests local governments and policy-makers improve forestry policies, village reconstruction policies, and nature reserve regulations based on the findings of this study. Overall, traditional Korean-Chinese village landscapes are based on forest resource utilization, reflecting the unique characteristics of China’s diverse ethnic minorities. Timber and non-timber forest resources used in their daily lives reflect traditional Korean-Chinese wisdom. Although both traditional village landscape and traditional forest-d knowledge are important elements of Korean- Chinese culture, they have not been sufficiently recognized by government and policy-makers until now. The resulting shortages in forest resources meant there were not enough forest resources for sustainably maintaining traditional landscapes and supporting daily lives. Hence the contribution of forest resources to traditional landscapes and daily lives is becoming smaller and the traditional landscape is fast disappearing. In an effort to conserve the traditional Korean-Chinese village
99 landscape and to satisfy the principle source of local livelihoods, policies must be improved in accordance with traditional forest-related knowledge and provide sustainable forest resources for local villager, as an effective and long-term approach.
100
Acknowledgement
I wish to express deepest gratitude to Dr. Shozo Shibata, Professor of Landscape Architecture,
Kyoto University, for his guidance, constructive comments, scientific advises, kind encouragement, and critical review of this thesis.
I would like to express sincere gratitude to Dr. Katsue Fukamachi, Associate Professor of
Landscape Architecture, for constructive comments, useful suggestions, kind encouragement, and critical reading of the manuscript.
I would like to express sincere gratitude to Dr. Junichi Imanishi, Assistance Professor of
Landscape Architecture, for helpful discussions, valuable advises, kind encouragement, and critical reading of the manuscript.
I am greatly appreciated to Professor Zhu, Yanbian University, China, for useful suggestions during the filed survey, helpful comments and encouragement of this research.
I would like to acknowledge to Professor Piao and Professor Jin, Yanbian University, for useful advises and kind help during the research site selection.
I would like to express special thanks to Mr. Luo, Mr. Qin, Mr. Wang, Mr. Zhang, and Ms. Zhou,
Yanbian University, for their help and support during the field work.
I would like to acknowledge to all laboratory members for their helpful support and assistance during my PhD studies.
I am also grateful to people of research sites for offering their useful information.
Finally, I am deeply indebted to my wife, my daughter, my parents, and all of family members for untiring support and warm encouragement.
101
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