Stranded 'Birds of Passage'? ERITEAN AND ETHIOPIAN REFUGEES IN KHARTOUM Gaim Kibreab, University of Uppsala, Sweden

INTRODUCTION recent census of the refugee population It is not clear how the government The government of Sudan has in Khartoum, however, found that the intended to distinguish war victims from consistently accepted refugees on a total number of refugees in the capital drought victims. In the refugees' coun- humanitarian basis since the mid 1960s. was about 35,000 instead of 45,000. Even tries of origin, war and environmental The refugees in the country are in: (i) though the census was based on a total degradation are interwoven. Similarly reception centres; (ii) organized wage- enumeration, it is reasonable to expect unclear is how the government's new earning and semi-urban settlements; and some refugees may have evaded the policy has affected the inflow of new (iii)urban and rural areas where refugees census. asylum seekers. According to the Gen- have self-settled among the local GOVERNMENT POLICY ON URBAN eral Project Manager, Syd H. M. Osman, population. The main concern here is the REFUGEES the new restrictive policy had resulted in self-settled urban refugees, with more a considerable decrease in the number of emphasis on those in the capital, Generally the Sudanese new arrivals. Khartoum. Government has one of the most Some evidence suggests that the generous refugee policies in the world. government was determined to In the beginning of 1989 there were Despite economic difficulties caused by implement its restrictive refugee policy. a total of 770,000 refugees throughout a range of factors such as civil war in the For example, on January 15, 1988 the the country. Among them, 60,000 were South, drought, unfavourable terms of newspaper, Ayam, reported that from Uganda and 5,000 from Zaire trade, declining productivity in all "concerned authorities in the Eastern residing in Southern Sudan. Another region have refused to grant asylum to 30 75,000 Chadianrefugees were in Western Ethiopians". According to COR Sudan. The majority, about 630,000, It is not clear how the authorities, the decision was based on were in the Eastern and Central regions, government intended to the country's new policy towards and were all from Eritrea and Ethiopia; distinguish war victims refugees (Ayam, Issue6230, Jan. 15,1988). there is no breakdown of the proportion, from drought victims. In However, there is no concrete evidence but themajorityare Eritreans. Of 770,000 showing that the country's refugee refugees, only 38% were assisted by the the refugees1countries of policy has become more restrictive than UNHCR as of 31 July 1988. The others migin, war and it was in the past. managed their own affairs by sharing environmental degradation Even though it has accepted whatever services were available to are interwoven. refugees from neighbouring countries in Sudanese nationals. Among the 630,000 the past three decades, Sudan has always Ethiopian and Eritrean refugees in the attempted to place all refugees in Eastern and Central regions of the organized camps and settlements. One country, about 25% are in organized sectors of the economy, debt burden etc., concern has been national security. The wage-earning and semi-urban its doors still remain open. Until 1988 most important reason seems to be the settlements. Another 17% are in transit even environmental refugees (those minimization of the strain such a large centres living on international aid and whose flight was prompted by severe influx of refugees may cause on the about 60% are spontaneously settled. environmental degradation) were country's economy, social services and These data are, however, indicative provided with succour. After 1988, common property resources such as rather than conclusive. however, there has been an intention, at water, grazing and woodlands. By Self-settled or spontaneously least at a policy level, to refuse entry to placing refugees in spatially segregated settled refugees are not provided with those who flee their countries of origin sites, the government wants to achieve any kind of assistance. They are due to environmental degradation two things. First, it wants to discourage scattered both in the rural and urban which poses a threat to their lives. For the refugees from competing with areas. According to government sources, instance, the Minister of Refugees, nationals for scarce natural resources, there are about 210,000 refugees in urban during his visit to the Eastern region, employment opportunities, consumer centres (Khartoum: 45,000; Gedaref: instructed the authorities in the area and goods and physical and social services. 35,000; Kassala: 50,000; Port Sudan: in the Central region not to admit Second, it wants the international donor 50,000 and another 30,000 in the small additional refugees. He stated that community to meet their needs until they towns of Es Showak, Wad Madeni and "refugee status is to be granted only to voluntarily return to their countries of Damazin with about 10,000 in each). A war victims." origin.

6 Refuge, Vol. 10, No. 4 (April 1991) The Asylum Act of 1974, which refugees because their status is not bureaucrats, police officers and regulates refugee status in the country determined by the authorities municipal authorities. Despite its embodies the basic principles of the 1951 concerned. determination, the government has not United Nations and the 1969 OAU Sudan's settlement policy appears been able to phase out spontaneous Conventions. Not only is it seen as extremely unrealistic because it does not settlement. generous, but it is also viewed asa model take into account the huge amount of The effects of this unrealistic policy legislation for emulation by other Third capital and natural resources required to have been detrimental to both the World countries. However, there are implement such a policy. It seems that country and the refugees. If refugees certain serious restrictions which, on the the government is aware of its inability to were allowed to participate freely in the one hand, influence the future implement its own policy. The economic life, they would have anticipation of refugees, and, on the awareness of this may have led to its contributed to Sudan's social progress other, constrain the ability of refugees to tolerance of spontaneous settlement by and economic growth. One constraint engage in meaningful economic the refugees in the urban areas without facedby the industrial sector is high tum- activitiescommensurate with their skills formally sanctioning it. However, as over of Sudanese skilled labour to the and previous work experiences. long as Sudandoesnot officially sanction Gulf States (Bank of Sudan: 1980;1987). Section 10(2) of the Asylum Act spontaneous settlement of refugees in The uninhibited participation of forbids a refugee to leave a place of the urban centres, such tolerance only refugees in the labour market may residence specified for him/her by the partially overcome the skilled authorities concerned. This constitutes a manpower bottleneck in Sudan. Sudan serious deprivation of freedom of Whenever aggrieved, they has not invested in education or training movement. Formally, the government of refugee labour. Refugees would have can legally restrict the freedom of cannot seek redress from represented an asset if the government movement of refugees within its formal government had a policy that favoured tapping such territories by making reference to Art. 26 structures because they are a resource. of the 1951 Convention as stipulated in not legally entitled to reside Many refugees have never lived in Art. 42 of the same Convention. The in the urban centres. rural areas, but government policy does deprivation of the right of freedom of not take this into account. All refugees, movement imposed by section 10(2) of regardless of their social or professional the Asylum Act is, however, inconsistent backgrounds, are expected to stay in with the recommendations of the 1979 paves the road to abuse by municipal camps or settlements in rural areas. As Arusha Conference and with the spirit of and police authorities. long as the government does not address the OAU Charter of Human and People's Technically, unregistered refugees the question of urban settlement, its Rights (see Recommendation 5 of the haveno legal rights. They arenot entitled policy will not only remain ineffective, Arusha Conf. and Art.12.1 of the to protection or work. They are not but it will exacerbate the plight of the Charter). allowed to engage in income-generating self-settled refugees. As indicated, most refugees in activities, nor do they have access to The government says it does not Eastern and Central Sudan are self- public amenities. Yet, not only is thereno want refugees in urban centres, but it has settled. Formally, residence outside single case of refoulement, but a no place for them elsewhere. It is not organized centres is illegal and refugees considerable proportion do engage in willing to provide assistance to refugees who reside outside the camps or income-generating activities (wage- and it also does not allow aid agencies to settlements without authorization are labour, trade, etc.), send their children to fulfil this function for fear of attracting subject to harassment, detention, fine school, enjoy access to the available more influx from the rural areas. and deportation to remote rural areas. health services, etc. without being Refugees can only survive by engaging According to the Regulation of the formally entitled to such rights. in income-generating activities to which Asylum Act, refugeesmust register upon However, since such entitlements they are not formally entitled. entry, but the overwhelming majority do cannot be claimed by the refugee Their weak legal status has, not, mainly for fear of being sent to the communities by right, access can be therefore, made their position extremely reception centres in the unfamiliar rural denied arbitrarily by municipal vulnerable. They are often harassed by areas or because the authorities do not authorities. Refugees pay bribes to corrupt police and security officerswho insist on registration. Refugees with secure residence and work permits or to threaten them with deportation to the urban backgrounds see no future in the escape harassment for illegal residence rural areas. To escape this, refugees are rural camps or settlements. They try to in the urban areas. By adopting a policy often forced to pay bribes in cash or avoid relocation by not reporting to the which it cannot implement, the services. Greedy employers take authorities upon arrival. The majority government has unintentionally advantage of their undocumented are self-settled without proper rendered the refugee communities position and landlords also charge them documents. Legally, they are not vulnerable to the whims of corrupt exorbitant rents. Whenever aggrieved,

Refuge, Vol. 10, No. 4 (April 1991) 7 they cannot seek redress from formal children if they are born in a situation no discernible difference regarding government structures because they are of being somewhere "in-between"or determination to leave the Sudan. All not legally entitled to reside in the urban not really at home (1987). were equally determined to leaveSudan, centres. Fear of deportationto rural areas Other studies confirm the refugees given the chance. is universal, and problems are often in urban areas perceive no viable points Yet despite the fact that the solved through an informal network of of reference to plan for a new life in the overwhelming majority of the refugees inter-personal relations which are often Sudan. saw no viable future in Sudan, they kept biased in favour of those who have better Some reports claim a discernible on applying for extremely limited contacts and resources. difference between attitudes of Moslem resettlement opportunities without Fearing deportation to rural areas and Christian refugees regarding being discouraged by rejections; the and not seeing any future for themselves willingness to put roots in Sudan. A 1984 majority leave no stone unturned to earn or their children in Sudan, most refugees report by the US Embassy in Khartoum, an income both for survival and saving are too insecure to make investments in for example, states that the Moslem to facilitate departure from Sudan. Most the cities. Aid agencies have also been refugees in Port Sudan have successfully activities they engaged in were far below reluctant to alleviate their plight because acculturated and have ceased to be their qualifications and skills. they are discouraged by the government. refugees except in a technical sense. Theoretically, a community that The majority of the agencies are also What the report overlooks is that sees no future in a certain environment reluctant to provide assistance to the factor which has facilitated adapta- would be expected to be resigned and refugees in urban areas because they do tion of the refugees is not religion as lethargic, but available evidence shows not consider their situation as stable. that the majority of refugees are hard- Consequently, most refugees in working, resilient and creative. What Khartoum dream of returning home or Theoretically, a community underlies the unwillingness to stay in emigrating to the Gulf states or to the that sees no future in a certain Sudan? In addition to the unfavourable West. Among 500 refugee household environment would be government policy towards refugees, heads I interviewed in Khartoum, less expected to be resigned and already discussed, additional likely than 20% of the Eritrean refugees were lethargic, but available factors spring to mind: (1) Lack of planning to stay in the Sudan until the international assistance; (2) Cultural circumstances in connection with which evidence shows that the incompatibilities; (3) lack of economic they fled their country were eliminated. majority of refugees are hard- opportunities; (4) exaggerated Among Ethiopian refugees, none working, resilient and expectations of opportunities in the thought of either returning home or creative. industrialized countries. These are in staying in Sudan, but did dream of turn discussed in the following. migrating to OECD countries. 1. LACK OF ASSISTANCE Other researchers have also found such, but common ethnicity between the When a refugee leaves his/her the same results. H. Schonmeier, for host society and the refugee community. country of origin, there is always an example, states: Religion was not decisive. Moslem Almost all the refugees in Khartoum refugees from the Eastern low lands and expectation of a better future not only in would like to leave their present the Eritrean highlands are as alienated as termsof physical safety and security,but location. The majority of them would their Christian brethren in all the urban also in terms of material assistance at like to leave the Sudan either in the centres of Sudan. Among the refugees in least at the initial stage. There is an direction of the Gulf States or of the Kassala, T. Kuhlman found ethnicity as expectation of an organized reception. northern industrial states (1988). one of the factors that facilitate refugee On arrival, the refugee concerned finds A. Pezaro also states that all her integration. In areas where there is no out that s/he has to rely on her/his own inte~iewees,except two, wanted to be common ethnicity between the host and ingenuity both for survival and for resettled in the Western industrialized the refugee population, as in Khartoum, acquiring the necessary documents to be countries. Not only that, but most of her there is no discernible difference of atti- able to proceed to the border towns. women inte~ieweespreferred not to tude between Moslem and Christian For many, the movement does not give birth in the Sudan. She further refugees regarding future anticipation. end at the border towns, but a states: This is noted in all the available studies. considerable number aim for the capital Some of them even excluded marriage In Pezaro's study, the refugee from their future plans as long as they city -Khartoum-and from there to the women, who were unwilling to give Gulf States or Western Europe, Canada, cannot either go back to Eritrea or birth and who excluded marriage from leave for resettlement. This was USA and Australia. For themajority, this partially ascribed to the economic their future plans as long as they represents an uphill task which may problems they faced, but a more remained in Sudan, were Moslems. never materialize. Whether one important factor seems to be the Respondents in my study comprised succeeds with such tasks is determined feeling that there is no future for the Moslems and Christians and there was by the amount of money, personal

8 Refuge, Vol. 10, No. 4 (April 1991) contacts with Sudanese authorities, In Sudan social norms, values and Sudanese youth, especially by young influential refugees, relativesand friends gender relationships are defined by women, may "contaminate the cultural both within and outside the Sudan. Sharia. The dominant culture is Islamic purity" of Sudan. Those refugees who lack the necessary and rigidly paternalistic. Roles are For example, a woman whom they financial resources and/or social defined with a very low degree of see greeting a man in the street, or a networks often fall easy prey to tolerance for non-conformity, especially woman who does not wear a tobe (veil)is corruption and abuse. The majority of when the non-conformist is a woman. likely to be mistaken as a prostitute. the refugees belong to this category. Refugees come from patriarchally and Pezaro, in her study of the situation of Those who take advantage of such paternalistically determined social Eritrean refugee women in Khartoum, organizations, but these are not on the found that the way Eritrean women same level as in Sudan. Compared to handled the rules that govern gave rise to For example, a woman whom Sudan, cultural pluralism, at least in conflicts in daily life in which: they see greeting a man in urban centres, is relatively more refugee women have to be afraid of tolerated in the refugees' countries of their reputation, if they - as they are the street, or a woman who origin. All schoolsare open for both men used to in Eritrea -talk or interact in does not wear a tobe (veil) is and women from early childhood. an "easy" way with Eritrean as well as likely to be mistaken as Women socialize relatively freely with with Sudanese men. They [the refugee men, not only in private, but also in women] complain about being a prostitute. considered either as potential public spheres. Sudanese society, at least marriage candidates by certain the Islamic north, is rigidly divided along Sudanese boys or as prostitutes. They vulnerable groups are not only gender lines and there are rules which feel, therefore, restricted in their Sudanese, but also refugees who work govern interaction between the sexes. leisure-time activities or generally in independently or with Sudanese. As Non-conformity to these tacit and their freedom of movement (1987,15). will be revealed in the following explicit rules, especially by women, often The response of refugees is varied discussion, the situation is more leads to ostracization and humiliation. and the factors influencing the nature of burdensome to women. Eritrean and Ethiopian refugees, their responses are quite complex. In the The absence of organized reception regardless of their religious affiliations, short-run, however, many refugees tend is exacerbated, as we saw earlier, by a do not fit easily into this cultural pattern. to make some modifications in their government policy which forbids The reason for this does not only derive behaviour, especially in those aspects refugees from residing in the urban from original cultural dissimilarities "detestable" to the dominant culture. centres. For the majority, residence in between the two societies, but also from Generally, however, they tend to cling to the urban areas is crucial, not only the drastic changes refugees undergo in their former way of life, especially when because the urban environment is lifestyle as a result of flight. When young no serious costs are to be incurred or familiar, but it is only if they live in the refugees flee their country, they not only serious consequences to be suffered as a urban centres, mainly Khartoum, that escape persecution, but also result. On the whole, the refugee their dream of emigration to the Gulf authoritative parental controls. Young communities constitute distinct and States or to the OECD countries may refugees, who were socialized to separate communities in the different materialize. conform to norms and to accept the residential areas of Khartoum. All the embassies are situated in values and standard behaviour of their The intolerance of the dominant Khartoum. For the majority, residence in society, find themselves suddenly freed culture to non-conformism is considered the capital is only possible either by from such authoritarian socialization by many refugees as constituting a fetter obtaining documents through non- mechanisms. to social progress for which, in their formal channels (through payment of In the new environment, they try to view, no solution exists, other than bribes) or by evading controls. The enter into inter-personal relationships emigration either back to their countries groups that victimize them are aware of which would have not been allowed of origin or to the OECD countries. their vulnerability and use different even in their countries of origin. For the In my study, among the refugees in means to force them into social networks host society the cultural contrasts, Khartoum, I found discernible of dependence. Emigration, especially namely the behaviour patterns, the differences in terms of perceived to the OECD countries, is, therefore, norms, thought and belief habits of the solutions entertained by Ethiopian and perceived by the majority as a form of refugees, become too radical to the extent Eritrean refugees. For the Ethiopian liberation from being socially degraded of being considered as a threat to cultural refugees, the only solution they and economically exploited. hegemony. To many conservative perceived was emigration to the OECD Sudanese, the behaviour of refugee countries, while for the majority of the 2. CULTURAL DIFFERENCES women is considered to be unacceptable Eritreans, repatriation following the Civil society is more secularized in and dangerous. They fear that emulation elimination of the circumstances in Ethiopia and Eritrea than in the Sudan. of such behavioural patterns by connection with which they fled their

Refuge, Vol. 10, No. 4 (April 1991) 9 country was the most acceptable Sudan due to sheer geographical little or non-exis tent. The consequence solution. Emigration to the OECD or the proximity and not to seek durable of this for the refugees' possibility to be Gulf countries was preferred only if the asylum. absorbed in the modern industrial sector circumstances in their countries 3. LACK OF ECONOMIC is extremely limited. The lack of remained unchanged. Another OPPORTUNITIES employment opportunity in the urban sector is also, as indicated earlier, difference which emerged from the Agriculture is the backbone of the exacerbated by language difficulties. results of the study was that while none national economy of the Sudan, which Since one of the constraints on industrial of the Ethiopians wanted to stay in contributesabout 35% to GAP. Over 90% production is emigration of skilled Khartoum, some Eritreans said they of the countqs total export earnings labour to the oil-rich Gulf States, the would be willing to stay if the derive from it. About 80% of the presence of skilled individuals among government changed its restrictive population is dependent for its the refugee population would have, policy towards urban refugees. livelihood on the sector (The Six Year under favourable government policy, The Sudanese seem to consider their Plan of Economic &Social Development: filled the vacuum created by the culture superior to those of the refugee 1977; Kibreab: 1987). departure of the Sudanese skilled labour communities. As a result, they lookupon The manufacturing sector presents the behavioural patterns of the refugees a small fraction of the national economy force. This is, however, blocked partly with contempt. Karadawi states: not only in terms of contribution to GAP, by structural problems, such as lack of The Sudanese core-culture despises but also in terms of the amount of labour knowledge of Arabic, but above all by what is considered as the moral laxity the stubborn resistance of the labour employed. Between 1982/83 and 1986/ of therefugees. Theincompletefamily unions to open up membership to the 87, the contribution of manufacturing life, unrestricted movement in town refugees. The exclusion of union and the liberated socialization by and mining to GAP was only 7% (Bank of Sudan: 1987). The industrial sector has membership has in effect meant denial of females are both alien and detestable entry into the industrial labour market been suffering from serious problem of to the reserved, maledominated and (see Document of the Office of Refugee chauvinistic Khartoum society (1978, under-utilization of capacity throughout Affairs, US Emb.: 1983; 1984). The 19)). the 1980s due to obsolete and inefficient majority of the refugees in Khartoum are It is noteworthy to point out that machinery, failure in electric power, many of the refugees looked down upon shortages of supply of raw materials and mainly employed in the service sector often in activities which do not correlate the Sudanese way of living. A spare parts, high skilled labour turn over considerable number of the refugees I to the oil-rich Gulf States, inefficient to their skills and past work experiences. interviewed had an oversimplified view Most of the refugee women are, for of the Sudanese lifestyle. For example, example, engaged in domestic labour the seclusion of women from public life The material standard of regardless of their education or and the extreme male domination that living in the OECD countries professional background. characterizesSudanese culture was seen Even though there are some self- compared to that in the Sudan employed refugees in the informal asbeing oppressive and backward. For a is also higher, and relatives large proportion of the refugees, sector, there are a whole range of language also represents a serious abroad genuinely believe that structural problems which constrain barrier, because a large majority, the living conditions of their effective refugee participation (Kibreab: especially among the Ethiopians, do not relatives would considerably forthcoming). These limited speak Arabic. improve if they joined them. employment and other economic The consequence was that, for the opportunities create, on the part of the majority of refugees, an alternative long refugees, a sense of pessimism. As a result, many see no future either for term solution outside such a society was management, and transportation themselves or their children in the seen as being more preferable, rather bottlenecks (Bank of Sudan: 1980; 1986; than radically modifying their culture to 1987; The Six Year Plan of Economic and Sudan. Consequently, they become obsessed either with dreams of fit with the styles of living of their host Social Development: 1977). The level of repatriation to their home country or society. Sudan is viewed by the majority capacity under-utilization in the as a stepping stone for further industrial sector, in the 1980~~has been resettlement in one of the OECD countries. emigration. In fact, even though the estimated at 20-40% (Bank of Sudan: argument may sound counterfactual,one 1985). 4. EXAGGERATED EXPECTATIONS may safely assume that no matter how The fact that the modern A considerable proportion of the favourable the cultural environment in manufacturing sector constitutes a small refugees in Khartoum have relatives in Sudan may have been, there would still fraction of the national economy and the OECD countries. One would, be some who would wish to emigrate to suffers from reduced production therefore, expect them to have some the OECD countries, given the chance. It capacity suggests that employment information about the kind of life can be said that this category came to the opportunity in the urban sector is either awaiting them in the countries of

Refuge,Vol. 10, No. 4 (April 1991) resettlement. Judging from the data Nobel, P. (1982). Refugee Law in the Sudan, Showak Magazine (1988). Interview with Syd elicited among the refugeesin Khartoum, Research Report no. 64. Uppsala: SIAS. Hassen M. Osman, General Project Manager, I was struck by their level of ignorance in Office of the Commissioner for Refugees Es Showak, Aug/Sept. this regard. The majority had an (1989). Monthly Statistical Reports, The Recommendations from the Arusha oversimplified picture of life in the OECD Khartoum, Sudan Conference on the African Refugee Problem countries. They perceived life in the Pezaro, A. (1987), Refugee Women Research in (1979). countries' of resettlement as being free of Khartoum - Preliminary Report, Socio- UNHCR 1988). Briefing Note on Refugees in the problems. This is attributable to many psychological Research Center on Development Sudan, Branch Office, Khartoum, Sudan. factors. Most of the refugeesin the capital Planning- University of the Saar, FRG United Nations (1951) Convention Relating (mimeo). have had, since their childhoodlalifestyle to the Status of Refugees which is uncritically Westem-oriented. Schonmeier, H. (1988), Eritrean Refugees in the USEmbassy (1983), Refugeesituation in Sudan, Sudan: Waiting to return or start a new life? Office of Refugee Affairs, Khartoum, Sudan This orientation is further reinforced by (mimeo). their to the core culture in Sudan, which (mimeo). is increasingly influenced by Islamic Seyyasa, (Newspaper in Arabic), Khartoum, US Embassy (19841, Refugees in Sudan's Urban Sudan. fundamentalism. Their relatives do not Centres, Office of Refugee Affairs, Khartoum, give them a true picture of the living Sudan (mimeo). conditions in the OECD countries. Several factors account for this. It is unusual among such communities to tell bad news to relatives in distant places for fear of creating worry and anxiety. The general tendency is rather to tell one's CONFERENCE OF relatives that everything is fine even when this is not true. The material THE CANADIAN ASSOCIATION OF AFRICAN STUDIES standard of living in the OECD countries compared to that in the Sudan is also YORK UNIVERSITY higher and relatives abroad genuinely believe that the living conditions of their TORONTO relatives would considerably improve if they joined them. MAY 16 - 18,1991

REFERENCES THE MAIN THEME Ayam, (Newspaper in Arabic), Khartoum, Sudan. AFRICA IN THE 1990s: Bank of Sudan, 1980, 1983, 1985, 1986 and DEVELOPMENT WITH DEMOCRACY 1987 Annual Reports. Khartoum, Sudan. Ministry of National Manning (1977). The Six There will be a stream of consecutive sessions on refugee related Year Plan of Economic and Social issues. The topics include: Development 1977/78 - 1982/83, Vols. 18x11. Khartoum, Sudan. African Refugees in the Era of the UNHCR's Crisis Repatriation of the ANC and its Effects on Democracy in Duda, G. R. (19851, Dynamics of the Refugee Experience: Psychological Functions of Future South Africa Anticipations. Paper presented to the First African Political Crisis IACCP Circum-Mediterranean Conference Refugee and Resttlement on "Ethnic Minorities in Europe", June 25-28, Women Refugees 1985 Malmo, Sweden. Government of Sudan (1974).The Regulation of Asylum Act, 1974, Act No. 45, Sudan Inquiries to: Gazette No.1162. Mr. Ogenga Otunnu Karadawi, A. A. (1978). A Note on Urban Centre for Refugee Studies, York University Refugees in the Sudan, 1975 - 1978, Office of 4700 Keele St., North York, the Commissioner for Refugees, Ministry of Ontario, Canada M3J 1P3 Interior, Khartoum, Sudan (mimeo). Tel: (416) 736-5663 Kibreab, G. (1987).Refugees in the Sudan Urban Fax: (416) 736-5837 Areas with Emphasis on Khartoum Kuhlman, T. (1990). Burden or Boon? A Study of Eritrean Refugees in the Sudan. Amsterdam.

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