Women in the Cinemas of Iran and Turkey

This volume compares the cinemas of Iran and Turkey in terms of the presence and absence of women on both sides of the camera. From a critical point of view, it provides detailed readings of works by both male and female film-makers, emphasizing issues facing women’s film-making. Presenting an overview of the modern histories of the two neighbour- ing countries, the study traces certain similarities and contrasts, particularly in the reception, adaption and representation of Western modernity and cinema. This is followed by the exploration of the images of women on screen with attention to minority women, investigating post-traumatic cinema’s approaches to women (Islamic Revolution of 1979 in Iran and the 1980 coup d’état in Turkey) and women’s interpretations of post-traumatic experiences. Furthermore, the representations of sexualities and LGBTI identities within cultural, traditional and state-imposed restrictions are also discussed. Investigating border-crossing in physical and metaphorical terms, the research explores the hybridities in the artistic expressions of ‘deterritorialized’ film-makers negotiating loyalties to bothvatan (motherland) and the adopted country. This comprehensive analysis of the cinemas of Iran and Turkey, based on extensive research, fieldwork, interviews and viewing of countless films, is a key resource for students and scholars interested in film, gender and cultural studies and the Middle East.

Gönül Dönmez-Colin is a film scholar specializing in the cinemas of the Middle East and Central Asia. She is the author of The Routledge Dictionary of Turkish Cinema, Turkish Cinema: Identity, Distance and Belonging, Cine- mas of the Other: A Personal Journey with Filmmakers from the Middle East and Central Asia, Women, Islam and Cinema amongst other works. Routledge Studies in Middle East Film and Media

This new series is for books that examine the development of film and media in the modern and contemporary eras. It includes works on cinema, television, and print and digital medias, and how these have impacted on society, politics, the economy and culture in the region.

Women and Turkish Cinema Gender Politics, Cultural Identity and Representation Eylem Atakav

Women in the Cinemas of Iran and Turkey As Images and as Image-Makers Gönül Dönmez-Colin

For more information about this series, please visit: https://www.routledge. com/middleeaststudies/series/MEFILM Women in the Cinemas of Iran and Turkey As Images and as Image-Makers

Gönül Dönmez-Colin First published 2020 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2020 Gönül Dönmez-Colin The right of Gönül Dönmez-Colin to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by her in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Dönmez-Colin, Gönül, author. Title: Women in the cinemas of Iran and Turkey: as images and as image-makers / Gönül Dönmez-Colin. Description: London; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge studies in Middle East film and media | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2019012225 (print) | LCCN 2019013241 (ebook) | ISBN 9781351050319 (Ebook) | ISBN 9781351050302 (Adobe Reader) | ISBN 9781351050296 (Epub) | ISBN 9781351050289 (Mobipocket) | ISBN 9781138485112 (hardback) Subjects: LCSH: Women in literature. | Motion pictures—Iran— History and criticism. | Motion pictures—Turkey—History and criticism. Classification: LCC PN1995.9.W6 (ebook) | LCC PN1995.9.W6 D647 2019 (print) | DDC 791.43/6522—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019012225

ISBN: 978-1-138-48511-2 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-351-05031-9 (ebk) Typeset in Times New Roman by codeMantra in memory of my father

Contents

List of figures ix Acknowledgements xiii

Introduction 1

1 From inflated plastic dolls, patience stones, honour bearers, home-breakers and ‘commodified others’ to free agents: Screen images of women 37

2 Women on the thorny trail of image-making 91

3 Post-traumatic cinema and gender 147

4 Narratives of resistance 189

5 Sexualities and queer imaginaries 233

6 Border-crossings and ‘deterritorialized’ film-makers 265

7 His films: Abbas Kiarostami and Nuri Bilge Ceylan 299

Afterword 339

Index 341

List of figures

1.1 Qaisar (Masoud Kimiai 1969) with Kobra Saidi known as Shahrzad (Courtesy of Shahin Parhami) 45 1.2 Qaisar (Masoud Kimiai 1969) with Kobra Saidi known as Shahrzad (Courtesy of Shahin Parhami) 46 1.3 Razor’s Edge: The Legacy of Iranian Actresses (Bahman Maghsoudlou 2016) (Courtesy of Bahman Maghsoudlou) 63 1.4 Ragbaar/The Downpour (Bahram Baizai 1971) (Courtesy of Bahman Maghsoudlou) 68 1.5 Kalagh/The Crow (Bahram Baizai 1977) (Courtesy of Bahman Maghsoudlou) 69 1.6 Cherikeh-ye Tara/The Ballad of Tara (Bahram Baizai 1978) (Courtesy of Bahman Maghsoudlou) 71 1.7 Bashu: Garibeh-ye Kuchak/Bashu, the Little Stranger (Bahram Baizai 1986) (Courtesy of Bahman Maghsoudlou) 72 1.8 Shayad Vaqhti Digar/May Be Some Other Time (Bahram Baizai 1987) (Courtesy of Bahman Maghsoudlou) 73 1.9 Marg-e Yazdgerd/The Death of Yazdgerd (Bahram Baizai 1982) (Courtesy of Bahman Maghsoudlou) 75 2.1 Qaisar (Masoud Kimiai 1969) with Kobra Saidi known as Shahrzad (Courtesy of Shahin Parhami) 96 2.2 From the set of the short film of Saidi,Arezoohaye Bozorg-e Maryam/Maryam’s Great Dreams starring Puri Banai (Courtesy of Shahin Parhami) 96 2.3 Shahrzaad’s Tale (Shahin Parhami, Iran/Canada 2016) poster (Courtesy of Shahin Parhami) 97 2.4 Saidi and Banai reuniting after many years in Parhami’s film (Courtesy of Shahin Parhami) 98 2.5 Saidi visiting Stone Garden in Parhami’s film, where she acted in ‘new wave’ director Parviz Kimiavi’s Baqe Sangi/The Garden of Stones (1974) (Courtesy of Shahin Parhami) 98 2.6 Saidi facing Parhami’s camera (Courtesy of Shahin Parhami) 99 x List of figures 2.7 Rakhshan Bani-Etemad, photo: Nasim Rohani (Courtesy of Rakhshan Bani-Etemad) 106 2.8 Rakhshan Bani-Etemad on the set of Nargess (1992) with Farimah Farjami and Abolfazl Poorarab, photo: Mitra Mahaseni (Courtesy of Rakhshan Bani-Etemad) 107 2.9 Nargess (Rakhshan Bani-Etemad 1992) photo: Mitra Mahaseni (Courtesy of Rakhshan Bani-Etemad) 109 2.10 Nargess (Rakhshan Bani-Etemad 1992) photo: Mitra Mahaseni (Courtesy of Rakhshan Bani-Etemad) 109 2.11 Rusariye Abi/The Blue Veiled (Rakhshan Bani-Etemad 1995) photo: Mitra Mahaseni (Courtesy of Rakhshan Bani-Etemad) 110 2.12 Rusariye Abi/The Blue Veiled (Rakhshan Bani-Etemad 1995) photo: Mitra Mahaseni (Courtesy of Rakhshan Bani-Etemad) 111 2.13 Rakhshan Bani-Etemad and cinematographer Aziz Saati on the set of Rusariye Abi/The Blue Veiled (Rakhshan Bani-Etemad 1995) photo: Mitra Mahaseni (Courtesy of Rakhshan Bani-Etemad) 113 2.14 Do Zan/Two Women (Tahmineh Milani 1998) (Courtesy of Tahmineh Milani) 120 2.15 Do Zan/Two Women (Tahmineh Milani 1998) (Courtesy of Tahmineh Milani) 121 2.16 Do Zan/Two Women (Tahmineh Milani 1998) (Courtesy of Tahmineh Milani) 121 2.17 Do Zan/Two Women (Tahmineh Milani 1998) (Courtesy of Tahmineh Milani) 122 2.18 Neemeh-ye penhan/The Hidden Half (Tahmineh Milani 2001) (Courtesy of Tahmineh Milani) 123 2.19 Vakpnesh Panjom/The Fifth Reaction (Tahmineh Milani 2003) (Courtesy of Tahmineh Milani) 124 2.20 Zane Ziyadi/The Unwanted Woman (Tahmineh Milani 2005) (Courtesy of Tahmineh Milani) 124 2.21 Bilge ve Öğrencisi: Bir Reji Asistanının Günlüğü/Bilge and Her Apprentice: Diary of an Assistant Director (poster) (Belmin Söylemez 2015) (Courtesy of Belmin Söylemez) 128 2.22 Bilge Olgaç with her film crew on the way to Diyarbakır to shoot Gömlek/The Shirt (Olgaç 1988) from the archives of Füsun Demirel and Nurettin Şen (Courtesy of Belmin Söylemez) 130 2.23 Obezonlar/The Obese (Gülten Taranç 2011) (Courtesy of Gülten Taranç) 140 3.1 ‘Shirin’ by Shirin Barghnavard, the first segment of Herfeh: Mostanadsaz/Profession: Documentarist (Barghnavard, Firouzeh Khosrovani, Farahnaz Sharifi, List of figures xi Mina Keshavarz, Sepideh Abtahi, Sahar Salahshoor, Nahid Rezaei 2014) (Courtesy of Shirin Barghnavard) 151 3.2 Gilaneh (Rakhshan Bani-Etemad and Mohsen Abdolvahab 2005) photo: Mitra Mahaseni (Courtesy of Rakhshan Bani-Etemad) 158 3.3 Gilaneh (Rakhshan Bani-Etemad and Mohsen Abdolvahab 2005) photo: Mitra Mahaseni (Courtesy of Rakhshan Bani-Etemad) 159 3.4 Gilaneh (Rakhshan Bani-Etemad and Mohsen Abdolvahab 2005) photo: Mitra Mahaseni (Courtesy of Rakhshan Bani-Etemad) 160 3.5 Nafas/Breath (Nargess Abyar 2016) (Courtesy of Mohammad Atebbai) 163 3.6 Bıyık/The Moustache (Belmin Söylemez, 2000) (Courtesy of Belmin Söylemez) 165 3.7 Bıyık/The Moustache (Belmin Söylemez 2000) (Courtesy of Belmin Söylemez) 166 3.8 Kirasê mirinê Hewïtí/A Fatal Dress: Polygamy/Ölüm Elbisesi (Müjde Mizgin Arslan 2009) (Courtesy of Müjde Mizgin Arslan) 179 4.1 Şimdiki Zaman/Present Tense (Belmin Söylemez 2012) (Courtesy of Belmin Söylemez) 201 4.2 Şimdiki Zaman/Present Tense (Belmin Söylemez 2012) (Courtesy of Belmin Söylemez) 201 4.3 Toz Bezi/Dust Cloth (Ahu Öztürk 2015) (Courtesy of Ahu Öztürk) 203 4.4 Toz Bezi/Dust Cloth (Ahu Öztürk 2015) (Courtesy of Ahu Öztürk) 204 4.5 Toz Bezi/Dust Cloth (Ahu Öztürk 2015) (Courtesy of Ahu Öztürk) 204 4.6 Toz Bezi/Dust Cloth (Ahu Öztürk 2015) (Courtesy of Ahu Öztürk) 205 4.7 Toz Bezi/Dust Cloth (Ahu Öztürk 2015) (Courtesy of Ahu Öztürk) 206 4.8 Zefir/Zephyr (Belma Baş 2010) (Courtesy of Belma Baş) 215 4.9 Zefir/Zephyr (Belma Baş 2010) (Courtesy of Belma Baş) 215 4.10 Zefir/Zephyr (Belma Baş 2010) (Courtesy of Belma Baş) 216 4.11 Güneşe Yolculuk/Journey to the Sun (Yeşim Ustaoğlu 1999) (Courtesy of Yeşim Ustaoğlu) 219 4.12 Bulutları Beklerken/Waiting for the Clouds (Yeşim Ustaoğlu 2004) (Courtesy of Yeşim Ustaoğlu) 219 4.13 Pandora’nın Kutusu/Pandora’s Box (Yeşim Ustaoğlu 2008) (Courtesy of Yeşim Ustaoğlu) 220 4.14 Araf /Somewhere in Between (Yeşim Ustaoğlu 2012) (Courtesy of Yeşim Ustaoğlu) 220 xii List of figures 4.15 Tereddüt/Clair-Obscur (Yeşim Ustaoğlu 2016) (Courtesy of Yeşim Ustaoğlu) 222 4.16 Tereddüt/Clair-Obscur (Yeşim Ustaoğlu 2016) (Courtesy of Yeşim Ustaoğlu) 223 4.17 Araf /Somewhere in Between (Yeşim Ustaoğlu 2012) (Courtesy of Yeşim Ustaoğlu) 225 4.18 Tereddüt/Clair-Obscur (Yeşim Ustaoğlu 2016) (Courtesy of Yeşim Ustaoğlu) 226 5.1 Kemal Sunal’s costume in Şabaniye (Kartal Tibet 1984) exhibited at the Antalya Film Festival 2015. Photo: Gönül Dönmez-Colin 237 5.2 Kemal Sunal’s props in Şabaniye (Kartal Tibet 1984) exhibited at the Antalya Film Festival 2015. Photo: Gönül Dönmez-Colin 238 6.1 Turbulent (Shirin Neshat 1998) (Courtesy of Shirin Neshat and Gladstone Gallery, New York and Brussels) 274 6.2 Turbulent (Shirin Neshat 1998) (Courtesy of Shirin Neshat and Gladstone Gallery, New York and Brussels) 274 6.3 Looking for Oum Kulthum (Shirin Neshat 2017) (Courtesy Shirin Neshat, Noirmontartproduction, Paris and Gladstone Gallery, New York and Brussels) 275 6.4 Looking for Oum Kulthum (Shirin Neshat 2017) (Courtesy Shirin Neshat, Noirmontartproduction, Paris and Gladstone Gallery, New York and Brussels) 275 6.5 Zanan-e bedun-e mardan/Women Without Men (Shirin Neshat 2010) (Courtesy of Shirin Neshat, Gladstone Gallery, New York and Brussels & Galerie Jérôme de Noirmont, Paris) 276 6.6 Zanan-e bedun-e mardan/Women Without Men (Shirin Neshat 2010) (Courtesy of Shirin Neshat, Gladstone Gallery, New York and Brussels & Galerie Jérôme de Noirmont, Paris) 277 6.7 Zanan-e bedun-e mardan/Women Without Men (Shirin Neshat 2010) (Courtesy of Shirin Neshat, Gladstone Gallery, New York and Brussels & Galerie Jérôme de Noirmont, Paris) 278 6.8 Zanan-e bedun-e mardan/Women Without Men (Shirin Neshat 2010) (Courtesy of Shirin Neshat, Gladstone Gallery, New York and Brussels & Galerie Jérôme de Noirmont, Paris) 280 6.9 Dah Be Alaveh-ye Chadar/10+4 (2007) (Mania Akbari 2004) (Courtesy of Mania Akbari) 289 6.10 Yek. Do. Yek/One. Two. One (Mania Akbari 2011) (Courtesy of Mania Akbari) 291 Acknowledgements

I would like to thank my commissioning editor Joe Whiting for trusting me with this project, the staff of Taylor and Francis for their valuable as- sistance and the four unknown readers who saw potential in the project in its infancy. Sincere thanks are also due to several colleagues and friends, from the academia Erju Ackman, Can Candan, Hakkı Kurtuluş, Michelle Langford, Mehrnaz Saeed-Vafa, Ragıp Taranç, Roland Tolentino and Levent Yılmazok; film-makers who shared their histories, hopes, disap- pointments and ambitions generously: On the Iranian side, Nargess Abyar, Mania Akbari (and her partner Douglas White), Rakhshan Bani-Etamad, Shirin Barghnavard, Abes Borhan, Bahram Baizai, Pouran Derakhshan- deh, Niki Karimi, Malak Khazai, the late Abbas Kiarostami, Bahman Maghsoudlou, Mohsen Makhmalbaf, Dariush Mehrjui, Tahmineh Milani and Mohammad Nikbin, Fatima (Simin) Mohammed-Arya, Marva Na- bili, Shirin Neshat, Jafar Panahi and Shahin Parhami; Fajr International Film Festival and its director Reza Mirkarimi; the Farabi Cinema Foun- dation and the head of international affairs for so many years, Amir Esfan- diari; Mohammad Atebbai of The Iranian Independents, Marjan Alizadeh of Iran Arthouse Film and Nasrine Médaed de Chardon of DreamLab Films amongst others for facilitating access to films and pertinent docu- mentation; on the Turkey side, film-makers, Mizgin Müjde Arslan, Belma Baş, Gülsün Karamustafa, Ali Özgentürk, Ahu Öztürk, Çiğdem Sezgin, Belmin Söylemez, Gülten Taranç, Yeşim Ustaoğlu, Görkem Yeltan and the late Atıf Yılmaz; Hülya Uçansu, one of the founders of the International Istanbul Film Festival and its director for 25 years; Ahmet Boyacıoğlu and Başak Emre of Ankara Cinema Association for facilitating access to films and direct contact with the film-makers and their public through invita- tions to provincial film festivals, Adana and Festival on Wheels in Kars; Alin Taşçıyan, film critic and festival programmer/advisor for valuable insider’s information and Indu Shrikent, former director of Cinefan in New Delhi for delving into her extensive archives whenever I needed to view an out of circulation film. My deepest gratitude to my daughter, film-maker/ xiv Acknowledgements scholar Phyllis Katrapani and granddaughters Maya and Inès for their constant moral support and my husband, André Colin for daily emotional and intellectual encouragement.

Gönül Dönmez-Colin Introduction

The woman as image has been the key element in most forms of art, but her involvement in the active process of image construction has been limited globally. In certain geographies, social and political evolutions in which traditions, religions and customs play a significant role have been instru- mental in determining the active place of the woman in society, or its lack. In Iran, during the Pahlavi Dynasty (1925–79), cinema used (and abused) the images of women liberally, particularly through a popular genre that came to be known as film farsi, but film-making by women was limited to isolated efforts of a privileged few. The Revolution (1979), which overthrew the Shah and established the Islamic Republic, resolved to erase women from the screens except in attributions of veiled identities – obedient mothers, daughters or dutiful wives – endorsed by the state and then, only in the shadows. Resourceful male film-makers – Amir Naderi, Abbas Kiarostami, Jafar Panahi, Abolfazl Jalili and Majid M ajidi – employed inventive tropes in narratives highlighting child protagonists and have created masterworks of modern Iranian cinema. Almost a decade later and despite strict control from the Ministry of Culture and the Islamic Guid- ance, pioneer women – Marzieh Borumand, Rakhshan Bani-Etemad, Pouran Derakhshandeh and Tahmineh Milani – stood behind the camera to recount their exigent narratives and laid the foundations for the next generations. The industry is still a battlefield for many women, funding as the ultimate challenge, in addition to state censorship, which menaces film-makers of both sexes. In the Republic of Turkey, from its arrival as a Western invention representing modernity, cinema flourished in derogatory images of women, as femme fatales, vamps, prostitutes or naive maidens. This tendency es- calated during the 1960s and 1970s at the peak of the commercial cinema known as Yeşilçam, a Turkish version of film farsi. Both trends held the reputation of a quick-mire for innocent country girls with stardom aspirations, ironically one of the favourite subjects of numerous films they produced. Ah Güzel İstanbul/Oh, Beautiful Istanbul (Atıf Yılmaz Batıbeki, Turkey 1966) about a village girl who arrives in Istanbul with aspirations of stardom is a classic example.1 2 Introduction Iran and Turkey, the two predominantly Muslim, majority non-Arab countries in the Middle East, share several historical and cultural traits despite differences in religious practices, local customs, dominant languages and political regimes. Western view of both countries has been shaped over centuries by the imaginary of the Orientalist artists, writers and historians, and more recently by the media that seem to consider Islam as the ‘other’ of the West. As Moallem argues, ‘‘the reductiveness of the Western media’s representational practices blatantly disregards both geopolitical differences in the Muslim world and the cultural significance of Iran’ (2005: 6), and the same would apply to Turkey. The Islamic Republic of Iran founded in 1979 by Ayatollah Khomeini (Sayyid Ruhollah Mūsavi Khomeini 1902–89) is a theocracy with Shia Islam as the official religion. The absolute authority rests on the Supreme Leader, a scholar of Islamic law elected by Islamic scholars.2 The Republic of Tu rkey, founded by Kemal Atatürk in 1923, is a secular state by constitution; the majority of the population belong to the Hanafi School of Sunni Islam. Neither Iran nor Turkey was formally colonized by the European powers although their geopolitical locations have played major roles in crucial global deci- sions. Both countries have experienced state-driven authoritarian modernization, nationalist and Islamist politics and geopolitics. In the late 2010s, relations have been strained over differences in political strategy in the region, particularly concerning the war in Syria and bilateral trade has been threatened by the sanctions imposed on Iran by the United States. Cross migration (trade, education, intermarriage, family reunion, etc.) between the two countries has existed over centuries, but migration from Iran to Turkey has intensified after the Islamic Revolution and during the Iran–Iraq War (1980–8) when Turkey offered temporary asylum pending repatriation and resettlement to Iranians. An estimated 1.5 million (some sources claim 3 million) Iranians sought temporary refuge in Turkey between 1980 and 1991, the majority intending to transit to Europe and North America (Kirişçi 2000). The ongoing conflicts in the Middle East, particularly the wars in Af- ghanistan, Iraq and Syria, have affected the social texture of not only the countries in the region but also the Western world. Iran and Turkey have become transit countries although Turkey’s proximity to the European Union has resulted in heavier predicaments. The economic difficulties created by the sanctions on Iran and the regime’s intolerance to any form of political, social or sexual dissidence have contributed to the increase in the influx of Iranians seeking asylum in the West. A small number decide to stay in Turkey for marriage, better education or job opportunities, the proximity of the home country making this an attractive choice, although the same proximity would discourage those seeking political asylum. Cinema has periodically responded to the ordeals of the Iranians in transit. The semi-autobiographical Mehmanan-e Hotel-e Astoria/Guests of the Hotel Astoria (1989) by Netherlands-based Reza Allahmehzadeh about an Introduction 3 Iranian couple arrested by the Turkish police while waiting for a visa to Cuba and Adam Barfi/Snowman (Davud Mirbaqeri 1996) about the adven- tures of an Iranian male in Istanbul who cross-dresses to seduce a United States citizen to marry him for a visa are two internationally successful examples.

Modernity from above Navigating Western modernity in an Eastern culture has been one of the crucial issues of nation-building in both countries. Reza Khan established the nation state during the post-constitutional period (1911–25) replacing the Qajar Dynasty and crowning himself as Shah in 1925. He ruled until 1941, when his son Mohammad Reza replaced him. With the support of the royalists and the help of the CIA and Britain, Mohammad Reza Shah withstood the nationalist movement headed by the Prime Minister Moham- mad Mossadeq who had nationalized the Iranian oil industry. Returning from temporary exile, he reined in full force and much bloodshed until the Islamic Revolution of 1979, masterminded by Ayatollah Khomeini and with a strong stance against Westernization. The Pahlavi regime, identified by Western scholars as a ‘monarchic dictatorship with a secularist ideology’ attempted to impose Western modernization and Westernization reforms similar to those implemented by Kemal Atatürk. Reza Shah’s interest in Kemalist reforms was sparked even before his famous visit to Turkey in 1934 but he took a more direct hierarchical secularist approach afterwards (Atabaki & Zürcher 2004). The obsession with clothing, which has marked today’s Islamic and secularist politics, shaped much of the interaction between the two countries (Halliday 1978; Elliot 2004; Perry 2004; Tuğal 2016). ‘Clothing is perhaps the most effective tool by which bodies are marked, categorized, displayed, and opened up to the public, or covered up and concealed as private’, states political scientist Alev Çınar, drawing attention to the importance of regulations and interventions related to the clothing of bodies in the constitution and transformation of the public and private spheres. The body has been a site of strong intervention for both secularist and Islamist modernizing projects in Turkey, which have pursued the institutionalization of political ideologies by defaming the present condition of the body and establishing themselves as its emancipator and protector. In the 1920s, the state used the body ‘to institute the norms of the public sphere and to transform official ideology into the norm’ to realize its modernization project. In the 1990s, the Islamists similarly used the medium to ‘contest and subvert established norms of the public and to promote their own national ideologies’ to imple- ment their own modernization project (2005: 55–7). Reza Shah’s most controversial decree was regarding gender and public space. First, he banned the traditional headgear for men replacing it with a ‘modern’ hat, the so-called Pahlavi hat, which was ill received by the clergy 4 Introduction and the traditionalists. Then, on January 7, 1936, he decreed that Iranian women would only be allowed in public if they discarded the traditional veil. A number of women, mostly urban, had already been testing the ground for a decade by appearing in public with a hat rather than the veil under the tacit protection of the government and the police. Nonetheless, the new decree created a shockwave amongst the more secular sector as well as the clerics and traditionalists. Feminists still regard the decree as an act of au- thoritarianism (Milani 2011: 58). The universities became co-educational the same year increasing opportunities for women although women won the right to vote only in 1963 as part of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi’s ‘White Revolution’ (Amin 2002). Amongst various reforms of Reza Shah was the plan to secularize the Iranian polity and limit the influence of the Shiite clergy whose main source of economic power and social status was the control over the judiciary and the education system and as executors of vagf, the religious endowments. Es- tablishing a modern university and a secular law school limited the clergy’s role reducing their ideological, economic and political power and distanced Reza Shah from the clergy. By mid-July, 1935, in a wave of resistance by the secular intellectuals, thinkers and even Shiite writers and theologians to the ancient practices of Shiism, he banned the traditional Shiite mourning that included self-flagellation and self-mutilation andta’zieh , the traditional form of passion play to mourn the martyrdom of Imam Hussein in the Bat- tle of Karbala. As an attempt to reconcile with the clergy, Mohammed Reza Shah eventually reversed some of his father’s policies, but still paid the price of their simmering indignation (Tuğal 2016: 56). Referring to Zürcher (2004: 98–112) and Abrahamian, (2004: 148–9), Tuğal underlines that Reza Shah remained a much more ‘arbitrary’ leader than Atatürk. Despite their similarities, Kemalism and Pahlavism differed in one fundamental aspect: Kemalism’s organization of consent through a political party, which left a distinct difference between the two countries. The Shah tried out consent-formation through several parties, one of them clearly based on the Kemalist model, but his fear of republicanism prevented him from developing these experiments (2016: 44). This divergence filtered into the contrasting formations of their Islamic movements. The obsession with clothing has remained a constant in both countries until the present, but consent was organized by a party in Turkey (more ‘voluntary’ and hence more ‘insidious’) and imposed by the state (and by paramilitaries) in different periods in Iran (Ibid: 45). The ‘White Revolution’ Mohammad Reza Shah undertook in the 1960s, which aimed at industrializing the country while undermining the priv- ileges of the landlords, merchants and the clergy, was the turning point for the Pahlavi Dynasty. Although most clerics were not initially against the modernizing dictatorship (Gill and Keshavarzian 1999: 442–5), they re- sisted the break-up of landholdings (including those owned by the clergy), of granting women the right to vote and equality in marriage and allowing Introduction 5 religious minorities to hold government office. Furthermore, while Turkey was on the way to democratization, the monarchy was becoming more authoritarian. The networks of the bazaar and the clerics constituted the heart of civil society but there was no autonomous political society since the banning of all major parties after the 1953 coup (Harris 2013: 61– 80; Tuğal 2016: 46). The monarchy’s development path drew on the republican models of Turkey and Egypt rather than the Gulf path, which was also a possibility, considering Iran’s oil wealth. The result was similar to that in the republican countries. The development and welfare benefited the urban regions more than the rural, and formal employees more than informal employees. The outcome was an exclusionary corporatism that left large parts of society outside the formal sectors of production and protection, which paved the way for Khomeini, a dissident cleric to take the opportunity to lead the dissatisfied masses (Fischer 1980; Arjomand 1988; Parsa 1989; Foran 1993; Tuğal 2016). Based on the ideology of modernization and Westernization, the Pahl- avi regime was laden with dichotomies regarding ‘the racial and civilizing tropes of the modern in contrast to the traditional’ according to Moallem. She admits to becoming aware, both in theory and through experience, ‘of modernization as a process of racialization, in which the local is rejected and the West declared superior’ after her ‘displacement’ from Iran. ‘In the modernist Pahlavi regime, the boundaries of tradition and modernity were rigidly drawn. […] The codes of conduct were either rigidly defined or so deeply embedded that they became naturalized’. Moving from one world to the other required ‘particular strategies of copying, passing, and mim- icking’ as the agents of discipline and control were not the same and what counted was ‘the staging of identity’.

While modernist forms of femininity were disciplined by the state through national performance, modernist education, and print and media representations, it was family and community members who policed the so-called world of tradition, the world confined to the private sphere (the household, community spaces, neighborhoods, particular urban spaces). Modernization and Westernization neither challenged patriarchy in Iran nor changed it. Indeed, they merely divided patriarchy into hegemonic and subordinated semiotic regimes positioned to compete for control of women’s bodies and minds. (2005: 3)

In the post-coup-d’état era, Moallem like other women of her generation learned ‘to distrust the official narratives of events’ and ‘things said’ (what is reiterated without any kind of ‘evolutionary’ or ‘revolutionary’ change, to borrow from Emma Perez 1999: 31). Instead, she searched for ‘oppositional subjectivities’ that offered an attractive alternative by promising social change through social movements and revolution, which provided young 6 Introduction women like her a space to distance themselves from ‘colonial and modernist civilizing models concerning femininity and seek refuge in a world where relations were less rigidly patriarchal and gender identities [were] more ambiguous’. This could justify Iranian women’s support of and participation in the revolution of 1979. Their optimism was later crushed when women were marginalized by what Moallem calls the ‘most anticolonial and nationalist movements in the postrevolutionary era’ (Ibid: 3). Modernization and Westernization have been entrenched in similar dichotomies in Turkey. Women were granted crucial civil rights with the establishment of the Turkish Republic, such as the right to vote; the right to be elected to the parliament; the right to equal education and equal in- heritance as men and the right to appear in public without the headscarf. Feminist scholar Deniz Kandiyoti notes that Ataturk’s attack on the theo- logical state was centred on the women as the group most visibly oppressed by religion, through practices such as veiling, seclusion and polygamy (1987: 321). Yet, Kemalist reforms were not easily adapted, especially in the rural areas. The avoidance of civil marriage in favour of the religious ceremony that facilitates child marriages, polygamy, repudiation and il- legitimacy; the denial of the girls’ right to education and the emphasis on women’s fertility continued. In the urban milieu, women began to join the work force, but in the absence of a significant women’s movement, the reforms instigated by a political vanguard left virtually untouched ‘the most crucial areas of gender relations, such as the double standards of sexuality and a primary domestic definition of the female role’ (Ibid: 324). Kemalist revolution, according to Şirin Tekeli, one of the most distinguished ana- lysts of ‘state feminism’,

has not transformed millennial patriarchal traditions in Turkey. On the contrary, it had reproduced them while modernising them. So women’s main role, whatever their social environment, was still limited to the one they had in the family, as mother and wife. All modern institutions, the primary and secondary schools, and particularly technical schools designed for them, aimed to produce modern housewives. (1995: 12)

My maternal grandmother, a Bosnian muhacir (a refugee) during the first Balkan Wars (1912–13), married at 13, mother at 14 and widow at 24, learned to read when she was almost 30, benefiting from the adult literacy programmes of Kemal Atatürk and the establishment of the Law on the Adop- tion and Implementation of the Turkish alphabet on 1 November 1928.3 She was the epitome of the dichotomy facing women during the modernization process with ambivalent loyalties to the Muslim religious practices. Daily prayers, fasting and visits to the mosque during the month of Ramazan were part of her routine. Aware of the controversial mahalle baskısı (community pressure) defined by Mardin as ‘everyone watching everyone else to Introduction 7 oppress with the critical gaze’ (2006), she would cover in public, which she believed was expected from a widow, but forego ‘modesty’ to appear ‘modern’ when welcoming my friends from the American College.4 Pictures of my mother from the 1930s to the 1940s show a ‘modern’ woman with fash- ionable Western-style hats and costumes. A woman who did not visit the mosque, did not fast during Ramazan or practise namaz (the daily prayers) began to cover her head in the 1950s (contrary to her fedora-clad husband’s point of view) when we moved to a middle-class suburban neighbourhood inhabited largely by religious families from the conservative town of Konya. In addition to an indication of the effects of migration from Anatolia on the cultural texture of the metropolises (a phenomenon which has pushed the urban modern image to the margins by the new millennium), her behaviour also illustrated that the reforms from above could not shatter the solid foundations of the patriarchal traditions.

The arrival of cinema Cinema arrived in both countries as another aspect of modernity and progress in tune with the prevailing state policies. It was embraced by the ad- vocates of Westernization; rejected by the conservative religious factions; censored for religious or political reasons and manipulated for ideological purposes. Over several decades, despite the traumas of revolutions, wars, coup d’états, religious fanaticisms and state oppressions, it has achieved remarkable international recognition. Amongst the prestigious awards are the Golden Palm for Yol/The Way (Şerif Gören) in 1982 (ex- æquo with Missing by Costa Gavras); for Tam-e Gilas/Taste of the Cherry (Abbas Kiarostami) in 1997 (ex-æquo with Unagi/The Eel by Imamura) and for Kış Uykusu/Winter Sleep (Nuri Bilge Ceylan) in 2014. Ashgar Farhadi has won the Oscar for Best Foreign Film, twice (2012 and 2017), with Jodaeiye Nader az Simin/A Separation (2011) and Forushande/Salesman (2016). In the early years, cinema promised a new form of entertainment for the nobility with screenings in the palaces and mansions to segregated audiences. Ordinary Iranian man experienced cinema in 1908, five years after its arrival in the country, whereas ordinary women waited another 21 years until the country’s first professional cameraman, Khanbaba Motazedi, opened a gendered movie theatre. Religious groups denounced cinema as a transgression that advocated Western values and secularism, and Motazedi’s en- terprise was closed after a year. He later opened another theatre, which was destroyed by fire, an incident he exploited to claim that the presence of men could be beneficial to the security of the women. As mixed seating was un- thinkable, separating the theatre in the middle with a curtain seemed to be the most reasonable solution. Cinema Pari opened under such conditions, women on the right and men on the left – the haremlik/selâmlık principle of Turkey – and other theatres followed (Dönmez-Colin 2004: 10). The exile video-artist Shirin Neshat metaphorizes this practice of segregation in her 8 Introduction video installation, Turbulent (1998), with two ‘genderised’ screens that ‘re- inforces their contrasting content, paralleling the strict segregation of sexes that the Islamic Republic has imposed in Iran’ (Naficy 2000: 47). In the Ottoman Turkey, Sultan Abdülhamid II, a photography enthusi- ast, was introduced to cinema through ‘Victor Bertrand, a French court jester and magician’ according to the memoirs of the Sultan’s daughter, Ayşe Osmanoğlu,

He (Bertrand) used to travel to Paris every year to renew his reper- toire… Those days cinema was very different than today. Films did not last more than a minute. Naturally, they were wetting the screen with a brush before the projection. The images were very dark, but we liked it as a novelty. (Osmanoğlu 1960)

The first public screenings were held in 1896, but Muslim women were prevented from accompanying men inside, at times by armed fundamentalists. Strong-minded women would resort to cross-dressing or impersonating Christian identities (And 1971; Scognamillo 1987: 17). Istanbulite ladies had the opportunity to watch a film in a cinema for the first time in the Pangaltı district (formerly, a residential neighbourhood for Levantine Christians), in an establishment run by the Asadurian family who organized special screenings for women on certain days. Open-air public screenings were held during the holy month of Ramazan on the Asian side of the Bosphorus where a curtain segregated the sexes (Scognamillo 1987: 17). While attending a screening at the Ankara Theatre in Izmir, Kemal Atatürk, who has foreseen several reforms about the emancipation of women, was disappointed that the women cheering him outside were barred from entering the theatre. He ordered his aide to open the doors, hence took place the first non-segregated screening in 1923, in the presence of the leader, according to the memoirs of the cinema-owner, Cemil Filmer (1984: 127). Western powers regulated the industry they introduced until the emergence of national cinemas. French, American, German or Danish films were distributed by Western companies and shown to non-Muslims of Pera and later on to upper-class Muslims in cinema halls with French names: Ciné Oriental, Ciné Central, Ciné Magic, etc. The first ‘image hunters’, mostly the cameramen of the Lumiére Brothers, sought exotic images reflecting the Western fantasies of the undifferentiated East, not unlike the painters and photographers before them. A good example is The Virgin of Stamboul (Tod Browning 1920), a silent drama set in Istanbul reflecting the West’s imaginary regarding the Orient as mysterious and decadent, with harems and maidens in distress to be rescued by brave Americans.5 Along with intellectual debates about whether cinema was an art form or not, the most current discussion in the 1930s was whether cinema was beneficial or harmful. An article with the title of ‘Sinemaya Neden Giderlermiş?’ Introduction 9 (Why Would They Go to the Cinema?) underscored that from the point of morality, cinema had more harmful effects on women than on the

conscientious children and youth of today who are tired of seeing the same yarns repeatedly. The bad influence of cinema, unfortunately is on the nerves and morals of certain women who have lost their way and remained ignorant with their half-baked knowledge and culture.

In another article a couple of years earlier, the same author had declared:

the disease one can catch from cinema is like being poisoned by sugar. One of the bad influences of cinemania is young girls stretching their legs and blowing the smoke from their cigarettes unashamedly in public places. To refresh their face powder or renew their lipstick insolently in the ferryboats, on the trains and amidst crowds using all make-up tools in their handbags is no doubt a gift of Hollywood for our young women. It is no exaggeration to say that cinemania has a role in perhaps fifty per cent of psychological problems and eighty per cent of nervous breakdowns of today. (Ekrem 1935, 1937)

Women and visibility Women in both countries waited several years to become spectators, but becoming performers was more demanding. The first Iranian silent feature, a black and white comedy, Abi va Rabi/Abi and Rabi (1930) by Ovanes Greg- ory Ohanian of Armenian origin, had no women in the cast. The second, Entegam-e Baradar ya Jesm va Ruh/The Brother’s Revenge or Body and Soul (1931) by Ebrahim Moradi, featured two Armenian women (Lida Matavou- sian and Jasmine Joseph). Moradi took one of the actors as temporary wife (sigheh) to make the casting of unrelated men and women in the same movie religiously lawful, an innovation that was tried again in the early 1980s (Na- ficy 2011: 222). The third film,Haji Aga, Aktor-e Sinema/Mr Haji, the Film Star (Ohanian 1932), cast an Armenian woman, Asia Qestanian, in the lead as the modernist daughter of the haji. She is considered as the first adult woman to act without veil in an Iranian feature (only in one sequence). Oha- nians’ daughter, Zoma, also took part in the film appearing without the veil as the dentist’s assistant. Armenian and other non-Muslim women’s role in replacing men cross-dressed to act the women’s parts in the early years of both the theatre and the cinema is not negligible for the film histories of both countries. In Ahmet Fehim’s sex vaudeville, Mürebbiye/The Governess (Ottoman Turkey 1919), the Greek Madam Kalitea was cast in the leading role. Armenian Eliza Binemeciyan and Bayzar Fasulyeciyan were two of the other prominent non-Muslim women who contributed to the development of cinema. 10 Introduction Dokhtar-e Lor ya Iran-e Diruz va Iran-e Emruz/The Lor Girl or Yesterday’s Iran and Today’s Iran (Khan Bahadur Ardeshir Marwan Irani/Abdolhosain Sepanta 1933), the first sound film in the Persian language, was also the first to show a Muslim woman on screen. Produced in India by Imperial Film, a Bombay company, by a parsi ‘born to an Iranian-Zoroastrian family’, who also directed the film and a Tehran-born film-maker, who wrote the script and played in it, this was a truly transnational endeavour (Naficy 2011: 232). An Iranian topic was chosen with the intention of distribution inside Iran but the film was heavily influenced by the Indian song and dance formula lacking any correlation to Iranian realities of the time. However, the heroic tale of a girl surviving on her own, the nationalistic sentiments expressed and the evocations of the traditional Persian poetry in the lyrics brought unprecedented success, with full house screenings in two Tehran theatres for almost seven months although Ruhangiz Saminezhad was reprimanded on her return to Iran for her audacity to break the taboos. Historians recognize Bedia Muvahhit and Neyyire Neyir as the first Mus- lim Turkish women on screen. They appeared in Ateşten Gömlek/The Shirt of Fire aka The Ordeal aka The Shirt of Flame (1923) by Muhsin Ertuğrul, the exclusive film-maker of the time, who adapted the eponymous autobiographical novel of a renowned woman writer, Halide Edip Adıvar. (Adıvar would not accept religious minorities to participate in a patriotic film.) Screening took place on 23 April 1923, few months before the establishment of the Republic, with a full cast of Muslim Turks. Recent research has revealed that a year earlier, another Muslim woman, a certain Nermin Hanım (Mrs Nermin), had acted in a foreign production, Esrarengiz Şark/Mysterious East, shot in Istanbul by Mr Andreas, a French engineer residing in the city. But her performance was reported only after the lifting of the law banning Muslim women from the screens in the third issue of the Opera-Sine magazine, dated 18 December 1924. Apart from the Turkish actors, Russian refugees fleeing the October 1917 revolution also took part in this story of the unsuccessful romances of two foreigners involved with Turkish women. The film was an unparalleled box-office success in Istanbul with its alluring images of the city, but did well in France and Germany as well, one Lyonnais critic praising the performance of Mrs Nermin (Özuyar 1999: 134–6). The first film by a woman was accomplished in 1951 in Turkey, 37 years after the officially established ‘first’ Turkish film.6 The second was 13 years later, a regrettable absence even considering the slow development of cinema in the first three decades of the Republic in comparison to other forms of art that benefited from the modernization and Westernization policies of Kemal Atatürk (Dönmez-Colin 2010: 98).7 During the three decades following the first film by a woman, out of more than 4,000 films, only 52 were made by women and 25 of these were made by the same woman, Bilge Olgaç (Özgüç 1991). Just as in Iran, the number of women working in the industry in the late 2010s is still in unfavourable Introduction 11 proportion to men. Local studies on women film-makers are also limited. Acknowledging the general lack of archivism mentality in countries with oral traditions, theorist Ruken Öztürk claims that the subject of women re- ceives even less attention (Öztürk 2003; Dönmez-Colin 2010). The identity of the first woman documentarian is still a mystery that I was not able to solve during research for this project. Prominent academicians and researchers that I have consulted have been aware of the first documentary made on Turkish soil by a woman, a Russian, but were unable to name the first Turkish woman documentarian, or the title of her film.8 The first camerawoman, the ecologist activist documentarian Şehbal Şenyurt Arınlı who began shooting in 1986 around Diyarbakır for foreign news agencies, was acknowledged as such by the media only after her arrest following the 7 June 2017 elections, in which she participated as a candidate from the pro-Kurdish HDP party (Halkların Demokratik Partisi/Peoples’ Democratic Party). Film criticism and scholarship have been under the monopoly of men in both countries. Feminist film criticism that would consider the mechanisms operating within the film – form, content – and the mechanisms that go beyond the film – the film industry, the distribution, the audience expectations – elaborating some of the ‘interrelations between ideological superstructure and economic base, particularly as regards the mechanisms of sexism’ (Lesage 1979: 144–55) has been slow to progress. The arrival of a generation of mostly film school graduate women has been a positive sign. However, few of these women are in powerful positions to challenge the male hierarchy, or to confront the sexist status quo that is embedded in the cinematic tradition, the structures of language, the artistic conventions in photographing women (make-up, breast size, halo lighting and visual iconography), social conventions and specific social sit- uations, which Lesage considers as part of the ‘milieu’ which incorporates both the economic base of the film-makers milieu and the ideological superstructure (ibid.).9 The ‘critical gaze’ of the state has been a major obstacle for serious cinemas in both countries. Ruthless interventions continue in overt and covert forms. During the 1920s when imported films dealing openly with sex were considered a threat to the Iranian family, both the rulers and the religious authorities exercised control over film exhibition. However, following the CIA-engineered coup d’état mentioned earlier, Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi’s cultural policies became lenient to Indian-style song and dance films with sexual overtones. What eventually developed into the so-called film farsi alienated the families. As the regime of the Shah became more repressive in political content, sex had free rein despite opposition from the clerics who condemned cinema, along with music and other art forms, as immoral and corrupt and, therefore, haram (forbidden). Iranian ‘new wave’ (1960s and 1970s) contributed to the shaping of the Iranian public’s perception of the modernization process and helped to influence a broader cultural transformation. The image of the woman on screen, however, was not 12 Introduction the concern of these film-makers, notwithstanding few exceptions, as I will discuss in Chapter 1. Most films continued to relegate the woman to the margins regardless of the social reforms and the recognition of the rights of women in certain fields (the right to vote in 1962; the restrictions on the husband’s right to divorce and the wife’s right to contest custody in 1973; free abortion on demand in 1974 and the ban on polygamy and the right to alimony after the divorce in 1976, in addition to right to education that had already been granted in 1910). Cinema either ignored the increasing number of women who entered the workforce, politics or educational spheres, or depicted them as corrupt and immoral.

Islamic culture and cinema: an equivocal relationship The relationship between the Islamic culture and cinema, a Western invention arriving in Eastern cultures with its own sets of rules, regulations and narratives, has been ambivalent. Renowned film-maker Mohsen Makhmal- baf, as a child, refused to talk to his mother when he discovered that she had gone to the movies (Dönmez-Colin 2004). Pious Muslims rejected cinema for evoking taqut, the forbidden idols. Immodest display of women’s bodies in the popular film farsi threatened the moral values of the devout conserv- atives. In the fervour of the approaching revolution, more than 180 movie houses, ‘the temples of corruption’ along with other temples of corruption such as the Shahr-e No district where the prostitutes plied their trade were set alight and hundreds of people were burned. For Ayatollah Khomeini, the founder of the Islamic Republic and its Supreme Leader, cinema equalled prostitution and both were haram, ‘raping’ the youth and ‘stifling the spirit of virtue and bravery’. Many film-makers were indicted on charges of cor- rupting the public. Several prominent names went to exile before Khomeini saw the potential of cinema as a modern tool that if used properly could be valuable in educating the young. A distinctively Islamist cinema adhering to feqh-based ideology (Islamic jurisprudence) was promoted during the First Republic, which made it almost impossible, the artists argued, to present a realistic picture of society. The woman’s body was the main target of most filmic restrictions- obligation to adhere to hijab (Islamic dress and behaviour code for women) on screen; prohibition of physical contact between unrelated members of the opposite sex, casting women as protagonists, close-ups of women, etc. Clerics claimed that women in major independent roles would arouse passion and lead men astray. It was best to keep them sangin o somet (solemn and silent).10 The regime strived to channel the audience towards national films with humanistic concerns emphasizing local culture, morals and ethics, and during the Iran–Iraq War (1980–8), patriotic narratives exalting the war heroes and martyrs. The ban on the distribution of foreign films ironically aided the growth of national cinema and resourceful film-makers, inspired Introduction 13 by the Persian tradition of poetry and literature and nourished by everyday experiences excelled in search for a new idiom through parables and allego- ries as in other repressive regimes such as the former Eastern bloc and the Soviet Union. Codes and symbols were developed to communicate taboo subjects, even heterosexual desire, intimacy and sexuality. The election of the moderate reformist Mohammad Khatami (1997–2005) as the president with the vote of more than 70 per cent of the electorate, particularly women and youth and his re-election in 2001 led to a relative relaxation of censorship laws encouraging the young generation to voice concerns about their closed society and its treatment of women. However, the next president, the populist Ahmadinejad’s highly conservative position, reversed some of these assumed freedoms. The hopes of women and the younger generation for a better and freer future were collapsed when the nationwide Green Movement was crushed brutally (13 June 2009–11 February 2010) and Ah- madinejad was sworn as the president for a second term despite claims from the opposition that Moussavi, a former prime minister in the 1980s, was the real winner. With a relatively moderate president, Hassan Rouhani (2013-), Iran has begun a new phase, and during the presidency of Barrack Obama, some of the US sanctions were lifted, an action that was reversed by the next president, Donald Trump. Internationally lauded film-makers, Mohsen Makhmalbaf (and his family of film-makers), Bahram Baizai and Mania Akbari, amongst others, remain in self or state-imposed exile; Abbas Kia- rostami shot his last three fiction films outside Iran. Jafar Panahi has been banned from making films, giving interviews and leaving the country and has been practising his trade clandestinely.

Gendered spaces revisited The cinema of Turkey has considered the Islamist agenda several times during its long history under several banners but systematically over the woman’s body. Between the 1960s and 1970s, milli cinema (literally national cinema but with an Ottoman term) promoting Islamic identity and religious morals gained popularity (Kızım Ayşe/My Daughter, Ayşe, Yücel Çakmaklı 1974). Such films used the woman as a metonymy for the nation to be rescued from bad elements exemplified as modern lifestyles – sex, poker, alcohol, mixed sex parties, miniskirts, heavy make-up and bouffant hairstyles and immodest body language as opposed to the head scarf and modest at- tires and body language. The movement resurfaced in the 1990s as beyaz cinema (white cinema), which argued that since the foundation of the Turk- ish Republic, cinema has served negative aims instead of directing the youth to positive channels (Dönmez-Colin 1993, 2004). Women have been treated in a manner similar to the period of cahiliyye, the pre-Islamic Arabia (as the lowest of all creatures, even below animals according to the Qur’an). Mesut Uçakan’s religious propaganda Yalnız Değilsiniz/You Are Not Alone 14 Introduction (1990) on the ordeals of one defiant student who persists on Islamic covering amidst intense polemic about compulsory de-veiling in official institutions, particularly the universities, appealed to young women trapped between modernity and tradition. However, its sequels did not receive the same en- thusiasm as white cinema presented the women as binary opposites or stereotypes rather than seeking solutions to problems (Ibid.). Mainstream cinema, particularly Yeşilçam, followed the dictates of the religious culture behind a secular and modernist facade to retain the conservative Anatolian audience. Films underscored the function of the woman as an object to form the institution of family in the religious sense, as un- derlined by the distinguished film-maker, Ali Özgentürk. If she could not accomplish this function, her punishment would be ‘re-education by violence or confinement to “sinful” spaces’ (Dönmez-Colin 2004: 34). What is astonishing is the popularity of such films amongst the women spectators, which E Ann Kaplan attributes to their paradoxical function of keeping women in social bondage while temporarily permitting their release into a dream world of empowerment and freedom. ‘It drew women in with images of what was lacking in their own lives and sent them home reassured that their own lives were the right thing after all’ (Kaplan 1983: 6–7). The largest audience of the commercial Yeşilçam were the women although the dark cinema halls remained the domain of men, except for prostitutes. As ‘decent’ women did not go out alone at night, they did not go to the cinema alone either, hence the popularity of the women’s matinees. Families usually rented a private box, called loca; otherwise, it would not take long for a hand or a leg to extend in the direction of the female viewer, the young girls being the most vulnerable, as I remember from my early experiences.11 Women always sat on the aisle, a habit I carry to this day, even at film festivals. Prostitutes would wait for the customers at the en- trance of certain lenient cinemas to lure men to a family loca, paradoxically convenient for sexual activities as well. The multimedia artist Gülsün Kar- amustafa and the distinguished author/screenwriter Füruzan revived the social atmosphere of the 1960s Istanbul in their first and only film,Benim Sinemalarım/My Cinemas (1990), adapted from Füruzan’s eponymous short story. More than the tragic account of a young girl of limited means who escapes her oppressive life through films by offering sex to older men in the cinemas, the film is a testimony of the end of an era of innocence and naiveté in the post-coup atmosphere.12

The dawn of a new era While Iran went through the trauma of drastic regime change in 1979 and a horrific war with its neighbour Iraq (1980–8), Turkey experienced three military interventions in the two decades between 1960 and 1980. The sociopolitical atmosphere of the post-1980 coup was not favourable to the subsist- ence of the commercial film industry that was supported by the audience for Introduction 15 over two decades, but lacked proper infrastructure, technology and funding. The video boom, the multiplication of private television channels, the state censorship and the short-sighted government policies that allowed the US majors to monopolize distribution resulted in drastic reductions in production. In a period of apoliticization as state policy, which coincided with the late arrival of feminism and more women joining the work force, films highlighting the image of the ‘new woman’, ‘neither virgin, nor prostitute’ gained popularity, albeit with only few benchmarks. The ingrained preju- dices and misconceptions about the place of the woman in society required profounder mental evolution and committed investigation than ambition to follow a trend.13 In the 1990s, the arrival of a new generation of film-makers, Nuri Bilge Ceylan, Zeki Demirkubuz, Derviş Zaim and Yeşim Ustaoğlu, as pioneers with transnational approaches to narrative forms and modes of production initiated what came to be known as the New Cinema of Turkey, which was not a ‘new wave’ in the French sense. Just like the new wave in the 1960s Iranian cinema and the post-revolution New Iranian Cinema, the movement has taken individual and diverse forms of expression. While Ceylan has followed a rather self-reflexive approach and Demirkubuz and Zaim have con- fronted social and political issues through ordinary characters, Ustaoğlu (an architect by training and the only woman) plunged into her career from a strongly political perspective orienting towards the individual and particularly the women as her work matured. Comparing the contemporary cinemas of Iran and Turkey, Jameson comments:

Along with Turkey, Iran is one of the rare Asian (or Eurasian) modernizing and non-socialist countries not to have been occupied by the colonial powers (and therefore not technically “postcolonial”). Both offer combinations of peasant production and urban industrial capitalism of a uniquely transitional kind, and their cinema in that respect has no particular equivalent elsewhere, not even in East Asia. I’m reminded of the excitement generated by the rediscovery of pre-Soviet Russian film and the possibility of an alternate route to film from the canonical evolutionary path we knew in the West. Here the village and the communal persist in ways scarcely visible elsewhere in the Third World, and yet coexist with capitalism… As for the Iranian cross-re ference, I want to reiterate the still communal fabric of these societies, in which people on the street still address each other as brother or uncle, as sister; in which the collective persists within modern urban life, and not as some impoverished village in the wholesale devastation of late capitalism and globalization. There is still, in Iran and in Turkey, very much the same phenomenon of the flight from the land and the immense over-population of the cities that can be witnessed on all the continents of the globe: but it is not the kind of social disintegration we find in 16 Introduction the Latin American cities, nor either the frantic and universal entrepre- neurial agitation of the East Asian ones. Their common debt to Italian neo-realism, with its non-actors and its commitment to everyday life, underscores that kinship, although we might have said that they touch that particular tradition from opposite ends, Iranian cinema emerging from the beginnings, with Rossellini; Turkish cinema emerging from neo-realism’s culmination and transformation in Antonioni…in a contemporary situation of globalization and its simultaneities. Thus both cinemas also register, each in its own way, a unique combination of the traditional, the modern, and the postmodern – a combination that has been able to fascinate Western audience, owing no doubt to the struc- tural deficiencies of their own societies and the absence from them of any traditional or collective elements. (2007)

Both cinemas have evolved in form and content since Jameson originally delivered this address in 2004, mostly because of rapid urbanization and globalization that he mentions. Yet, some of the basic concepts he underlines still remain, particularly ‘a unique combination of the traditional, the modern, and the postmodern’, unique, ‘each in its own way’.

Transnational perspectives and global cinema Although cinemas of Iran and Turkey are the focus of this study, I recognize the gradual disintegration of the established national identities of cinematic tradition and envision global cinema in constant dialogue with its compo- nents. Jameson cautions that general impressions risk implying some unity of style and

a sense of cultural identity, (indeed, the terminological problem we face in talking about Turkish cinema generally lies in the word “national”, a word utterly misplaced in any discussion of these anti-nationalist and cosmopolitan works). At any rate, nothing is more unlike the films of Ceylan than those of one of the other distinctive contemporary Turkish directors, Zeki Demirkubuz. (2007)

In fact, a close reading of the earlier works of Turkey’s Golden Palm winner Nuri Bilge Ceylan manifests remarkable intertextuality with the earlier works of Iran’s Golden Palm winner, Abbas Kiarostami, whose oeuvre, in return, carries remarkable intertextuality with another Iranian, Sohrab Shahid Saless (1944–98), as well as other masters from other cultures. Cinema beyond the nation state boundaries has responded to the emergence, within international cinema, of a considerable body of work that involves spatial overlaps, which is nothing new to these two neighbours Introduction 17 considering their film history. Co-productions, talent exchange and remakes of popular films were quite common before the Islamic Revolution. Direc- tor/producer Türker İnanoğlu, the founder of Erler Film in Turkey, claims to have co-produced dozens of feature films with Iran during the 1960s and 1970s starting with Hak Yolu/The Road to Justice (Mahmut Kushan 1971) featuring Cüneyt Arkın, an all-time Turkish star who also played the role of Qaisar, the romantic interest of the Iranian star, Nilufar, in the Turkish version of the eponymous film by Masoud Kimiai (1969). Arkın was very popular in Iran and he was paired with Nilufar in other fılms as well such as Melikşah/Meliksah (1969) and Ferhat ile Şirin/Shirin and Farhad (1970) by Esmail Kushan. Some of the other successful Iran/Turkey co-productions were Yusuf ile Züleyha/Yusuf and Züleyha (1969), Hırsız Kız/The Thief Girl (1968), Tahran Macerası/Adventure of Tehran (1971) and Yarım Kalan Saa- det/Unfinished Happiness (1970) by Türker İnanoğlu; İki Esir/Two Prisoners (Natuk Baytan 1969); Güzel Şoför/Beautiful Driver (Mahmoud Koushan 1970), Kader Bağlayınca/When Destiny Ties Us Together (Orhan Aksoy 1976) and Acı Hatıralar/Bitter Memories (Atıf Yılmaz 1977) (Scognamillo 2001).14 After the Islamic Revolution, film-makers in conflict with the authorities have found a haven in Turkey where filmic restrictions of Islamic codes of dress or behaviour are not imposed. Mohsen Makhmalbaf shot Nobat-e Asheqi/Time of Love (1991) in Istanbul with Iranian crew and a Turkish actor (Shiva Gerede) as the female lead, when he was informed that ‘the subject – love and adultery – did not exist in Iran’ (Dönmez-Colin 2006/12). Sending a clin d’oeil to homosexuality and transvestism, Snowman mentioned earlier was entirely shot in Turkey. A slapstick comedy blatantly nationalistic, the film was an unprecedented success in Iran after the lifting of the ban of the Ministry of Culture for the cross-dresser – MtF – failing to adhere to hijab. The Americans are the bad guys but the Turks also receive a fair share of defamation in the film; they are the thieves, con artists and ‘fair sex’ molesters who live in deplorable conditions. The Iranians are also crooks trying to survive on their cunningness, but they have codes of honour and a good heart. Allahmehzadeh’s Hotel Astoria, mentioned earlier, also shows Turkey in a negative light as a country of degenerate policemen and cunning human traffickers (Gow 2011).15 Bahman Ghobadi, Iranian of Kurdish origin, who spent three years in Turkey after his expulsion from Iran, filmedRhino Season (2012) in Iraq and Turkey with several actors from Turkey.16 ‘Deterritorialized’ film-makers of Iranian origin living outside the home country and creating what Naficy calls ‘accented cinema’ (2001) have collaborated with colleagues from Turkey in transnational projects. Güliz Sağlam, an independent documentarian and video activist involved with immigration and women’s issues, was the assistant director to Vienna-based psychiatrist/film-maker Houchang Allahyari inGeboren in Absurdistan/ Born in Absurdistan (1999), a mild satire on the Austrian immigration policies starring two now famous Turkish actors, Ahmet Uğurlu and Meltem 18 Introduction Cümbül. She worked in the same capacity with the Paris-based author/film- maker Chapour Haghighat in le Nocturne de voyageurs/The Nightly Song of the Travellers (2000), a road movie of escape from oppression and search for a new identity, based on Haghighat’s eponymous novel and shot through the Eastern Anatolia region. She collaborated with the Vienna-based Arash T. Riahi in his semi-autobiographical Pour un instant, la liberté/For a Mo- ment of Freedom (2008) on the actual stories of Middle Eastern refugees who come to Turkey to apply for European visas, shot with a multinational cast. All three films received much international visibility andFor a Moment of Freedom was Austria’s entry to the Oscars in 2010.

‘So close, yet so far apart’ Despite isolated initiatives by individual film-makers, film weeks organized through official channels and the inclusion of ‘festival films’ (films already endorsed by other festivals) in the programmes of major film events on both sides (Fajr International Film Festival in Tehran, International Istanbul Film Festival), cinematic exchange between the post-revolution Iran and Turkey has not been developed to full potential. Restrictions of the hijab rules could be one of the deterring reasons. (Foreign films depicting un- veiled women are shown at Iranian film festivals with blurred cleavages; virtual ‘dressing’ by television stations using Photoshop is not uncommon.) Projects have been underway in the late 2010s casting well-known Turkish female actors, so long as they accept the hijab rules. One such co-production is Bairam Fazli’s Beautiful Jinn (2018), a social drama mixed with comedy featuring Nurgül Yeşilçay in a black chador, conveniently deaf and dumb due to past trauma. Yeşilçay is a familiar face in the Iranian households for her roles in the popular Turkish TV series and for the cinephiles, for her performance in Fatih Akın’s Auf der Anderen Seite/Yaşamın Kıyısında/The Edge of Heaven (2007). Fully shot in Isfahan, the film is slated for distribution in Iran, Turkey and the Arab countries.17 ‘So close, yet so far apart’ laments one passenger on the Trans-Asia Ex- press, returning to Tehran from a visit to Istanbul. TransAsya/Trans-Asia (Turkey 2008) shot by Bingöl Elmas, a woman documentarian inside the train that connects the two cities, highlights the ambiguities in the relationship between these two close neighbours that seem to have a tendency to alienate each other. The four-day journey is a conduit to assemble different characters from adventurous European tourists; young Iranian men, having settled in Turkey when hopes for visa to brighter horizons failed returning for family visits; Iranians seeking a slice of temporary freedom – a few hijab-free days, alcohol, mixing with the opposite sex, singing and dancing in public – to gay Iranians in temporary residence in Malatya.18 The Irani- ans speak of their rich cultural heritage, their distinguished poets like Hafiz and lament the misconceptions amongst the Turks who call them ‘Arabs’ (a term somewhat derogatory in Turkey), insisting, ‘Arab or Persian is all the Introduction 19 same; they both eat with their fingers’. As much as the Iranians are willing to cross imaginary borders along with the actual ones, the Turks, relying on their proximity to the much-coveted West, seem to consider Iranians less modern, hence less cultured, and are more reluctant to visit their country. Perceptions of modernity (whose one may ask) seem to be a delicate issue to hold communities or nations together, or push them apart.

The race for modernity, ‘main-body dramas’ and the bodies of women In the new millennium, the cinemas of Iran and Turkey display a new tendency regarding space and the characters that occupy this space. This tendency could be linked to the rapid growth of the middle class, especially in the Asian countries (Agilonby 2018). Situated in ‘modern’ homes, these films feature well-groomed characters, supporting expensive outfits and accesso- ries and driving expensive cars, not unlike the commercials that promote consumerism. Dream worlds have always existed in cinema, Hollywood as the most influential role model. Yeşilçam commercial cinema in Turkey also flaunted expensive cars, opulently decorated living rooms and women in furs, but such ‘modernity’ was utopia that was also dystopia, whereas today’s films seem to be in a race to promote ‘modern-ness’. The Iranian film industry produced 93 films in 2016 with the state as the largest investor and distributor (Anonymous 2017). What reaches the West is only a fraction of the output. Films distributed nationally may succeed com- mercially or disappear after a short release; comedies doing better generally. Very few of these films are overtly religious or direct political propaganda. Contrary to the engaged films of the 1960s–70s investigating poverty and inequality, and the rural morality tales of the post-revolutionary cinema, Iranian cinema in the new millennium has excelled in exhibiting modern lifestyles, living room walls with abstract paintings, fully equipped kitchens and women driving expensive cars and arguing with men over their rights, in essence, the torchbearers of modernity. A new genre of urban-set narratives has emerged, labelled by the film-makers and critics asbadaneye asli (main-body drama) to distinguish from more popular mainstream films. Without being visually or verbally explicit, the main-body dramas are imbued with sexual themes – betrayals, one-night stands, abuses and exploitations – so long as order is restored by repentance, revenge or punishment before the curtain falls. Man Madar Hastam/I am a Mother (Fereydoun Jeyrani 2012), which became the second box-office hit after Asghar Farhadi’sJodaeiye Nader az Simin/A Separation (2011) is a good example. From wine drinking to illicit sex, the film pushes the limits of the Islamic restrictions although no transgression remains un- punished. During a prolonged episode, everyone is sobbing over the immi- nent execution of the girl who kills her mature seducer, but no one questions the judiciary system that gives death penalty to a 19-year-old.19 20 Introduction Tahmineh Milani’s Yeki Az Ma Do Nafar/One of Us Two (2011) about a young businessman luring women to his office to deflower them is another example. According to Harouni, such films follow similar patterns that differ from the films appreciated in the West as art house (such as Kiarosta- mi’s); horizontal direct medium shots of steady camera; not a single frame without a character; pastel coloured make-up, spotless interiors and an act- ing style that wavers between artificial naturalism and theatricality (2013). Harouni finds a striking similarity between such stylistic traits and that of Hollywood films of the classic era, between 1921 and 1969 in terms of purpose and worldview. All visual surfaces are deliberately bland in both cases, Harouni explains; the walls are freshly painted, the furniture is new, the faces are freshly made and the bodies are separated from the back- ground with lighting and brought to focus. Surfaces do not bear the marks of time; history is erased. Another common aspect is that affluence is taken for granted; its source is never clearly explained or questioned. Economic inequality or the existing politics is not the concern; the focus is on personal and psychological conflicts – love, sex, betrayal. Except for a few well-made social dramas such as Farhadi’s A Separation or Reza Mir-Karimi’s Be Hamin Sadegi/As Simple As That (2008), the main- body films lacking realistic portrayal of social conflicts are also in a state of crisis, Harouni states, just like early Hollywood, but they receive authori- zation because they are mobah – religiously unobjectionable. The successful ones, particularly Farhadi’s Oscar-winning dramas, follow the film-making sensibilities of new Hollywood, which has incorporated elements of independent European cinema (Ibid.). Main-body dramas are part of the diverse film industry of Iran along with the more popular mainstream films and films seeking international festival recognition. Farhadi’s films may be included in the main-body category based on surface elements, although I could hardly define them as lacking representations of social, political or economic realities (for my interpretation of Farhadi’s work, see Chapter 1), neither As Simple As That about a stay-home wife’s dreams to reach beyond her limits is a film devoid of social commentary.

Challenges and obstacles In Turkey, where 180 new local films were released in 2018 (in comparison to 151 in 2017), the commercial cinema and a segment of the ‘art-house’ also thrive in flaunting modern cars, modern kitchens, abstract paintings and modern women in designer clothes, with a difference that the women are generally cardboard characters overshadowed by men.20 This is in sharp contrast with the 1980s, when the wave of the ‘woman films’, initiated by the late Atıf Yılmaz, brought the flesh-and-blood woman to the forefront. Alarmingly, cinema has returned to the fodder for comedy, object to sat- isfy male sexual impulse and dutiful wife/daughter to preserve the sanctity Introduction 21 of marriage prototypes and the voiceless or invisible characterizations. Çiğdem Sezgin, a woman film-maker from the new generation Kasap( Havası/Wedding Dance, Turkey 2015), told me in 2018 that male directors and screenwriters approach women from the men’s point of view.

Their self-reflexive films are too occupied with personal inner journeys to reflect on serious social issues of our society. The positive sign is the arrival of women film-makers who approach women, not necessarily with the so-called ‘woman’s eye’ but from a non-gendered humanist point of view.

The political implication of the screen exploitation of the woman and her body, whether through traditional or modern representations, is threaten- ing to the identity of the real woman. With the sexual harassment issues in the film industry (the ‘me, too’ campaign making the headlines in 2017), it has become imperative to re-examine the presentations of women on both sides of the camera in an industry globally dominated by men. The power play is not only in the sexual transgressions but also in the products themselves. Patriarchy has silenced women’s dialogues in insurmountable ways. Films that disrespect and disgrace women, present them with fixed identities and eclipse their experiences proliferate in man-produced narratives, controlled by man-made language that supports masculine standards. Male film critics, who outnumber female film critics, at times maintain biased attitudes towards women film-makers.21 Television productions are not part of this study. Considering the immense popularity of the Turkish television series (second in the world in global sales after the US) and the close ties between the series and the the- atrically released films (exchange of actors, technicians, screenwriters and even directors), it is worth mentioning that the image of the woman follows the trend observable from Hollywood to Bollywood. Based on the report, ‘Gender Equality in Television Series’, published on 5 March 2018 by the Turkish Industrialists and Businesspeople Association (TÜSİAD), 80 per cent of the female characters in these series are not involved in a work environment. Ninety-two per cent of the housework content is written for female characters and 82 per cent of business-related content for the males. Men are not portrayed as fathers, but 79 per cent of parenthood is done by women. A large proportion of the female characters are depicted as young and weak. Out of 75 analysed female characters, only one – a widow in her forties – was a businesswoman and she was portrayed as smart but aggressive, extrovert, competitive and rude. Strong female characters, those who try to resist societal impositions and fight for their goals and ideals, rarely succeed against the patriarchal system. The phrase ‘like a woman’ is used quite frequently in a condescending sense (62 per cent) for both men and women.22 During a panel organized by TÜSİAD, the president of the Screen- writers Association, a producer and a woman screenwriter mentioned the 22 Introduction deterioration of diversity in female characters since 2002 – the year Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi/Justice and Development Party (AKP/JDP) came to power. Overemphasis of the family and the Islamic values has been another obvious repercussion of the increasingly conservative political. The Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTUK), which monitors the media and censors scenes considered against social moral values, announced on 3 April 2018 a budget of around $2 million for new incentives for ‘family-friendly’ television series, which is likely to place creative producers and screenwriters in a quandary. However, civil society groups organized by feminist women are strong in Turkey and determined to combat gender inequality and discrimination. TÜSİAD has taken a decision to endorse the key prin- ciples of more gender equality in the series. These include increasing the diversity in physical appearance, character, emotion and professional sense of women and men; balancing the responsibilities of life, work and home: Not ‘normalizing’ violence; using appropriate language towards gender equality and providing and enhancing the visibility of characters with role model potential.23 In Iran, the state television, Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB) has had monopoly over domestic radio and television services, independent of successive governments. The head of IRIB is appointed by the Su- preme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. The directors and producers are obliged to follow the strict policies of IRIB, or face repercussions including blacklisting. Distinguished actors such as Fatemeh Motamed-Arya and Baran Kosari were banned from the screens during the regime of Ahmad- inejad (President from 2005 to 2013) for their political views (Faghihi 2018). Motamed-Arya could not be involved in any film or theatre activity for eight years and the films in which she had appeared were also banned from the television screens as she told me in Tehran in April 2018. Women have broken the professional barriers earlier in both Iran and Turkey by entering the film industry. The establishment of the film schools, the digital revolution and the access to social media (despite restrictions such as the official ban of Facebook in Iran) have contributed to a significant increase in the number of young film-makers, several of them women. The spirit of ‘resistance’ in tackling controversial themes, particularly concerning women, has been brewing and individual voices have risen, more so, by younger women and especially, in the documentary sector. Yet, state censorship or self-censorship motivated by political or economic concerns are serious obstacles in counteracting the patriarchal hegemony. ‘Cine- feminist’ critics and ‘cine-feminist’ scholars who would elaborate feminist theoretical positions are still few. Film-makers working outside the country of origin are in more advantageous and less risky positions in approaching multiracial issues, inter-ethnicity, sexuality and sexual orientation. The profound challenges facing women are limited neither to gender nor to geography. The dominance of corporate capitalism that marginalizes and impoverishes women everywhere; the exploitation of women’s labour Introduction 23 by the system; the androcentric customs and traditions preserved by hetero- sexist state practices and heteronormative representations of the nation; the environmental devastation; the religious fundamentalism; the global con- sumer culture and the collective amnesia prevalent in most modern cultures are urgent issues to engage. To participate in transnational dialogue that prioritizes issues of borders, migration, exclusion, home and belonging, sexual politics or social and economic justice has become an essential compo- nent of film-making practices today. Counter-stories (Lindemann 2001) by women are imperative to alter not only the oppressors’ perceptions of their gender, but also the individual member’s perception of their self so that they can reject harmful master narratives.

Journey to the West My interest in the cinemas of Iran and Turkey began, not in Istanbul, my birthplace or Tehran, a fascinating city that I have visited on several occa- sions, but in Montreal where I settled as a young student. During my ado- lescence in the 1960s Turkey, ‘yerli sinema’ (literally local cinema, referring to commercial Yeşilçam) was a derisive term for the middle class and the as- piring middle class, who frequented Hollywood cinema. During the polemic between ulusal and milli cinema (both mean national but milli has religious connotations as mentioned earlier), the intellectuals congregated around the cinematheque, which glorified European cinema with a penchant for the Eastern Bloc (easily accessible through embassies keen on propaganda).24 If you were an Istanbulite student, you would esteem European films. The idols of the girls at the elite American College, where I spent several years, were Jeanne Moreau, Brigitte Bardot, Jean Seberg, Romy Schneider, Claudia Cardinale and perhaps Grace Kelly, Natalie Wood and Audrey Hepburn, but not the local girl, Türkân Şoray, flashing her false lashes in spotless folkloric costumes as she tilled the soil. By university age, you would have graduated to Ingmar Bergman, Tystnaden/The Silence (1963) and Persona (1966) having marked the intellectual milieu of the 1960s (I saw The Silence chaperoned by my grandmother). Occasional exceptions to the rebuffing of the Hollywood fare were not unusual. I remember cutting the Shakespeare class at the University of Istanbul one morning to attend the matinee of West Side Story (Robert Wise, US 1961) as a group at the now defunct Emek Cinema.25 A new window to the world opened for me in 1980 during the Montreal World Film Festival (MWFF), where I saw Hazal (1979), the debut feature of Ali Özgentürk (a protégé of Yılmaz Güney), starring Türkân Şoray (without the false lashes).26 Still the story of the rural woman as the victim of her fate, the film did not abstract the issues of women but linked them to the issues arising from feudalism and the social and economic disorders of the capitalist system with a subtext that condemned the state policies towards the Kurdish population (a courageous achievement at the height of political 24 Introduction censorship). Hazal’s tragedy arises, first from the murder of her fiancé (most likely a smuggler) by the state forces, then the patriarchal customs of enforcing the widow to marry the brother of the deceased (a little boy in this case) and thirdly, the custom of demanding bride-money from suitors, which hinders her prospects for a different life. While indicting feudalism and backwardness, Özgentürk also questions modernity forced from above in a memorable scene showing the state representatives actually dividing the village into parcels to pave a road for transportation and commerce (Dönmez-Colin 2014). MWFF followed a policy of global cinema, giving equal space to lesser- known film industries, Festival du nouveau cinéma (Festival of New Cinema, FNC, its ‘avant-garde’ rival in the city, supported independent innovative film-makers.27 In 1989, FNC screened Khane-ye doust kodjast/ Where is the Friend’s Home? (1987) to a very enthusiastic audience; MWFF invited Kiarostami in 2000 (after his Palme d’Or) as the jury president. With the establishment of the Farabi Cinema Foundation (1983), Iranian cinema sought to open to the world and Montreal, the only A class film festival in North America, which also had an influential Film Market at the time, was a good opportunity for promoting films, not to forget the sizable Iranian community in the city. My first encounters with a large number of distinguished Iranian film-makers, Majid Majidi, who broke re- cords winning the MWFF Grand Prix of the Americas thrice in 1997, 1999 and 2001; Abbas Kiarostami; Rakhshan Bani-Etemad; Tahmineh Milani; Bahman Farmanara and Maryam Shahriar, amongst others, took place at the MWFF.28 Jafar Panahi’s open support of the Green Movement on stage in 2009 as the jury president, carrying the photograph of Neda Agha-Soltan, shot dead during the demonstrations and his arrival at the closing ceremony with the green scarf, the emblem of the protests eventually led to his imprisonment and a ban on making films.29 A special year for Iranian cinema’s journey to the West was 1990. On 26th June, Mostra Internationale del Nuovo Cinema Pesaro (Pesaro Inter- national New Cinema Festival) in Italy presented the first largest panorama of mostly post-revolution Iranian cinema with 20 films plus a special focus on Amir Naderi. Daylong screenings and round table debates (with ear- phone translations) were accompanied by protests from the critics and the audience who argued that showing post-1979 films meant supporting Aya- tollah Khomeini’s ‘bloody revolution’. In November, festival des 3 continents (festival of 3 continents) in Nantes, France screened close to 30 films, mostly from the pre-revolution era ranging from Mr Haji, the Film Star; The Lor Girl; Shab Neshini Dar Jahannam/A Night in Hell (Moushegh Sourouri and Samuel Khachikian 1957); Khesht va Ayeneh/Mudbrick and Mirror (Ebra- him Golestan 1965); Qaisar; Gav/The Cow (Dariush Mehrjoui 1969) and Ar- amesh Dar Hozur-e Digaran/Tranquility in the Presence of Others (Nasser Tagvai 1973) to Ragbar/Downpour (Bahram Baizai 1972) and Dastforoush/ Introduction 25 The Pedlar (Mohsen Makhmalbaf 1987). The meeting of the exile film- makers (mostly from Paris) with those coming from Iran after so many years was emotionally charged and awkward, including reproaches and suspicions on both sides.30 I had the opportunity to meet Susan Taslimi, the exception- ally talented actor of memorable Bahram Baizai films, a sad woman who left her country at the height of her career to settle in Sweden. When I saw her first film as a director,All Hell Let Loose (2002) at the MWFF a decade later, I was struck by her sharp sense of humour in delving into the quibbles of the exilic/diasporic spirit while capturing with remarkable distance the unavoidable grief within that outspreads over generations. Settling in France in the early 1990s, I found myself amidst a ‘movable feast’ in a city whose love of cinema has no rivals. The retro/panorama of Turkish cinema at the Georges Pompidou Centre in Paris stretching over six months during 1996 (April to October), with screenings of several rare old films restored for the occasion (some recuperated from the police in return for a bribe), was one of the best gifts the city has offered me. However, nothing compares to the visits to both countries, as a guest of the Fajr Interna- tional Film Festival in Tehran since 2002 (except for some lapses during the Ahmadinejad regime) and attending and serving on the juries of most film festivals in Turkey (Adana, Ankara, Antalya, Izmir, Kars), particularly the International Istanbul Film Festival since the early 1990s. Women in the Cinemas of Iran and Turkey: As Images and as Image-Makers is a comparative study of the place of the woman, both behind and in front of the camera in Iran and Turkey, two countries in the Middle East with flourishing film industries and an amazing passion for cinema.31 Investigat- ing the establishment of cinema and the women’s role in its development, I examine cross-cultural influences and the key convergence/divergence points. Hollywood is the classic role model concerning the imagining of the woman during the emerging phases of most national cinemas, but dialogues with other rich film industries in the area, for example Egypt and India, popular in the formative years should not to be overlooked. The influences of the European currents, the Italian neorealism (as mentioned earlier by Jameson) and the French nouvelle vague, on the so-called art cinemas are also significant in exploring convergences in terms of film language, a film language that has transformed the European model to create its own neorealism for its own realities. One of my classic examples is the amazing dialogue between two landmark films,Gav/The Cow (Dariush Mehrjui, Iran 1969) and Umut/Hope (Yılmaz Güney, Turkey 1970), both hailed as pure cinéma verité by Western critics. Both are recognized as carrying the influences of Italian neorealism and Latin American magic realism. In return, both exhibit remarkable intertextuality with Ousmane Sembène’s Borom Sarret/Cart-Owner (Senegal 1964), which most probably was seen by neither Mehrjui nor Güney (Dönmez-Colin 2008). Such intertextuality interests me rather than a schematic one-to-one comparison of works, which would not do justice to individual creativity. 26 Introduction Gender, power, culture and domination are the key issues that I address. How do the cinemas of Iran and Turkey navigate global modernity? What role women play or are cast to play in advocating or disowning Western modernity? How does cinema manipulate the bodies of women to this purpose, or to any purpose? What are some of the feminist movements in both countries that have shaped the struggles of the women artists? Do these movements have any direct interaction with cinema? What are the conditions that encourage or limit the production and recognition of women’s film-making? Has there been a tendency to produce a ‘counter-cinema’ representing a ‘de- constructive cinema’ as proposed by Johnston (1979) in which sexist ideology is openly exposed from a feminist point of view? Is there such a thing as ‘feminine aesthetic’ considering women’s experiences throughout history have been different from men’s and acknowledging that the ‘feminine artistic production takes place by means of a complicated process involving conquering and reclaiming, appropriating and formulating, as well as for- getting and subverting’ (Bovenschen 1977)? Alternatively, a perspective that runs counter to the dominant ideology of the film to be allowed to seep through the ruptures in the narrative as in early Hollywood and the works of Dorothy Arzner? A type of subversive reading even considering the problem of limitations regarding the number of films this could be possible and the possibilities of the actual moments of rupture (Erens 1990). What about the question of female spectatorship, which Laura Mulvey in her seminal essay, Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema (1975), claimed was passive and under the control of men? Mulvey’s contention was counter- poised by B. Ruby Rich amongst others who have argued that a real woman sitting in the dark may experience pleasure in film reviewing, interacting with the film with a ‘conspicuous absence of passivity’ and even ‘reading against the grain’ such as lesbian readings (Rich 1978 in Erens 1990). As a scholar with roots in the region, I consider myself a privileged insider regarding the languages, cultures and traditions, but a privileged outsider as well having made my home(s) away from my place of birth. My in-between status provides me the relative impartiality and neutrality of the distance intel- lectually and emotionally and allows me the freedom and objectivity without concern for repercussions. My objective is to maintain an open and impartial standpoint to counterbalance some of the existing hegemonic histories and Eurocentric approaches that could be inadvertently patronizing when dis- cussing cultures outside the imaginary ‘Western’ borders. ‘Islam and the West’ are ‘unedifying labels’ according to Edward Said, which ‘mislead and confuse the mind’ and fail to address ‘the interconnectedness of innumerable lives, “ours” as well as “theirs” ‘(2001). As Abu-Lughod argues, it is time to move beyond the East/West binary that has clouded much analysis regarding Muslim women and to ‘fearlessly examine the processes of entanglement’ (1998: 16). My research benefits from personal interviews, questionnaires, cor- respondences and fieldwork that include on location viewings with the local audiences in both countries. Focusing on aesthetic, theoretical and Introduction 27 socio-historical analysis, I explore the overt and covert gender and sexual politics that inform and structure the cinematic productions. I strive to identify common concerns through canonical works of outstanding film- makers as well as promising newcomers, the ethno-religious minorities and the diasporic and exilic film-makers to establish productive connections in film practices. Transnational elements arising from shared histories in collective memory do exist and are manifest in cultural interpretations. At the same time, cultures are diverse and the challenge is to find cross-correlations amongst such diversity. I position films within their sociopolitical context, but acknowledge the limitations of space in relation to history to locate films sufficiently in their precise historical and established context. I have watched countless films by and about women from both Iran and Turkey, some of which have stayed with me much longer. My aim, however, is not to collate an inventory, or a ‘best of’ list. I rather try to focus on ‘representative’ examples of ‘female positioning’, to borrow from Kaplan, ‘within a particular decade and across decades’ to emphasize ‘the larger structuring of the narrative’ and ‘the placement of the woman within that narrative – a structuring that in any case transcends the historical and individual specificities’ (1983: 2). I have taken a conscious decision not to compartmentalize fiction films, documentaries and experimental works but rather have a holistic approach. Contemporary cinema in both Iran and Turkey while initiating critical thinking and even political action on the part of the viewer often oscillates at the intersection of fiction and non-fiction and between fictionality and factuality. Distinguished works by Rakhshan Bani-Etemad, Abbas Kiarost- ami, Jafar Panahi, Mania Akbari and Gülsün Karamustafa amongst others are fitting examples. This decision is commensurate with my belief in bor- derless cinema – from actual borders to imaginary ones, from barbed wires to taboos of any kind, including sexual. I am aware that women, especially in Turkey, are weary of being identified as ‘woman film-maker’ when male film-makers are not presented with a gender identity. I respect their concerns within the boundaries of Turkey, but for readers who are not familiar with the Turkish language and names, I have felt obliged for the purposes of this volume to specify if the film-maker is a female. The volume is divided into seven chapters that I have tried to collate in a tan- gible manner. Cross references are essential to my approach. Chapter 1, From Inflated Plastic Dolls, Patience Stones, Honour Bearers, Home-Breakers and ‘Commodified Others’ to Free Agents: Screen Images of Women, is a chronological and critical examination of the representation of the woman on screen in Iran and Turkey, the evolvement of certain themes, trends, patterns, motifs and stereotypes parallel to the sociopolitical transformations. The films of Bahram Baizai and Asghar Farhadi receive special attention. Chapter 2, Women on the Thorny Trail of Image-Making, examines, again from a chronological and critical perspective, the positions, predicaments 28 Introduction and accomplishments of prominent women film-makers opening the discussion to the labels/concepts ‘woman film-maker’. Chapter 3, Post-traumatic Cinema and Gender, investigates the repercussions of traumatic events on women’s representations in cinema. The Islamization of the woman’s body on screen following the Islamic Revolu- tion and during the Iran–Iraq War (1980–8) is considered in this context. The emergence of post-traumatic cinema is highlighted with remarkable works of women from different generations who reconstruct history from different perspectives. The reflection of the traumatic paralysis (Kaplan & Wang 2004: 8) experienced in post-1980 coup Turkey on the representations of the woman – from infliction of graphic violence to her body to her audial or visual spatial disappearance from the screens – is integral to this chapter, which draws attention to the upsurge of male alienation and despair narratives in contemporary films. As the focus is not on coup films but rather the repercussions of the coup on the images of women on screen, I do not aim at an inventory of the coup films, which has been done by others elsewhere. I rather explore a special subgenre that has created its own label, ‘masculinity in crisis’ films with a focus on the women in the films of Zeki Demirkubuz. Dissatisfaction with urban existence is the overriding theme of several noteworthy films in both countries since the beginning of the new millennium. While Iranian productions underscore alienation amongst the urban young entrapped in vicious circles, particularly following the 2009 events that have shattered hopes for freedom, several films from Turkey are either premonitions, or carry the scars of the Gezi demonstrations of May–June 2013 against the irresponsible policies of the government regarding ecology, history and collective memory. Although these nationwide events, largely supported by the youth and the women were crushed brutally, the texture of the societies has been changed irreversibly. Chapter 4, Narratives of Resist- ance, focuses on the works from both countries that question the tradition- ally untouchable subjects of family, motherhood, society and authority in the atmosphere of repression and violence. Chapter 5, Sexualities and Queer Imaginaries, investigates cinema’s stand and contribution to the often taboo subject of sexual choices and LGBTI (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex) identities in Iran and Turkey, where religion and religious tradition have silenced society into conform- ism, encouraging hypocrisy and double standards that have alienated individuals to their own self. While Iran, where homosexuality is punishable by death, aids those seeking sex change, Turkey, which used to be somewhat of a haven for Iranian gay people, has been curbing any activity related to LGBTI issues, through not so legal means, including cancelling the Gay Pride Parades. This chapter refreshes the historical representation, under- representation or ill-representation of non-endorsed sexual identities in cinema and explores LGBTI films both inside and outside the borders of the two countries in focus. Introduction 29 Chapter 6, Border-crossings and ‘Deterritorialized’ Film-Makers (bor- rowing the term from Naficy), explores the themes of mobility, displacement, border-crossing, migration, identity and memory and the boundaries and hybridities within boundaries. In the twenty-first century, the representations of mobility have become more gendered and racialized. New frontiers of migration appear constantly parallel to political conflicts and upheavals. Coming from a lineage of refugees, migrants and immigrants, and having crossed multiple borders myself, an immigrant twice by choice including an academic year spent in Hong Kong and extended sojourns in several parts of Asia, I am interested in how culture travels and how the concept of vatan (homeland or motherland) transforms itself. How does the imagination cross and recross real or imaginary borders? Do the diaspora film-makers articu- late and interpret history and its traumas within the context of the adopted cultures and agendas? To who/where the transnational artist/work belong? Through detailed analysis of the works of multimedia artists, Gülsün Kara- mustafa from Turkey, Shirin Neshat, Mania Akbari and Ana Lily Amirpour originating in Iran, I seek answers to some of these essential questions. Chapter 7, His Films: Abbas Kiarostami and Nuri Bilge Ceylan, focuses on the two distinguished film-makers, from Iran and Turkey, respectively, the two Palme d’Or winning masters, often reproached for the absence/mis- representation of women in their films and analyses their works from a feminist perspective. Afterword includes a few words of reflection as I conclude the work.

Decades ago, I left my country of birth, neither as a refugee, nor as an exile, but as a young student searching for a place of my own to evolve intellec- tually and emotionally without family pressure, community intimidation or state oppression. To breathe the air freely, even in the dark, on my own, without a male chaperone and to think freely. At the time this book is written, in many parts of the world, young intelligent women are exposed to worse conditions than what made me envisage future in faraway lands. This book is dedicated to those who combat to preserve their dignity, their indi- viduality and their birthright to freedom and ownership of their body and soul and to those artists who strive to become the voice of the voiceless.

Gönül Dönmez-Colin Lourmarin 2019

Notes 1 She meets an alcoholic street photographer, who wants to ‘save’ her despite ad- vice from his drinking mates that hundreds of thousands of working girls need more pity than the one who tries to find the easy way. As a study of migration to the metropolises and the subsequent erosion of human values and as a stylistic experiment with the distantiation device, the film was a novelty for its time. Over the decades, it has become a cult classic, the alluring shots of the city captured 30 Introduction by the distinguished cinematographer Gani Turanlı as a reminder of how the urban space, its history, functionality and beauty have been destroyed systematically with bad planning and rapacious speculations. 2 Much of the anger of the demonstrations that began before the end of 2017 was directed at Ayatollah Khamenei, who had held this position for 28 years at that time and still continues when this book goes to print. 3 Over a million men and women participated in millet mektepleri (nation schools), compulsory literacy programmes for adults to learn the Latin alphabet (1929– 38), which was said to be easier to learn for the illiterate than those who had already learned to read in the Arabic alphabet. During his travels, Kemal Atatürk actively participated in the classes as the ‘chief tutor’. Abandoning the Arabic alphabet in favour of the Latin alphabet was also a manner of cutting the ties with the Ottoman past and a major link with the Islamic heritage and turning consciously towards the West. 4 Şerif Mardin (1927–2017) was a prominent Turkish scholar who created contro- versy when in 2007 he coined the term mahalle baskısı (community pressure), which was perceived by some as a criticism of the ruling AKP party. Mardin also underscored that this kind of oppression was very effective during the Islamic Revolution in Iran, which the regime of Ahmadinejad tried to continue to ex- ert religious authority through the environment, the community and the people who support such ideology. 5 Orientalist imaginary regarding women is at its peak in a French film more than four years later, l’Immortelle/The Immortal (Alain Robbe-Grillet 1963). A Frenchman, a total stranger in Istanbul meets a mysterious woman and is at- tracted to her. They become lovers but he knows nothing about her, neither her name nor her address, or her origins. They wander around the equally mysterious city, which is also uncanny. Roaming the claustrophobic streets to trace her after her disappearance, finding and losing her once again, he becomes the prisoner of her image reconstructed from memory. One comment ties the two films: InThe Virgin of Stamboul, we hear ‘It is forbidden for women to enter the mosque’ and in Immortal, the same sentence is repeated by the mysterious woman, ‘Women are not allowed to pray. They are impure and only good for love-making’, a statement that prepares the spectator for the sex slaves and prostitution rings (the harem of Browning) that the mysterious city is supposed to be immersed in. The visual poetry and the poetry of the construction of the narrative using fragments of memory aside, the stretching of the Orientalist imaginary beyond facts leaves an uncomfortable taste, even if this is done by a nouvelle vague auteur and the celebrated screenwriter of the Alain Resnais classic l’année dernière à Marienbad/Last Year in Marienbad (1961). Both films were screened during the 29th Istanbul International Film Festival (2010) as part of the ‘Istan- bul Inside-Outside’ programme. 6 Aya Stefanos’daki Rus Abidesinin Yıkılışı/The Demolition of the Russian Monu- ment at St Stephan (Uzkınay 1914) is considered as the first Turkish film although no copy exists and no one has seen it. The demolition of a monument erected by the Russian Army to mark their victory in the 1876–7 war with Turkey was one of the propaganda events organized by the Committee of Union and Progress to gain favourable public opinion. The project was assigned to (Ali) Fuat Uzkınay, a Turkish reserve officer with no experience. According to an announcement discovered in 2018 in a journal called Sinema Haberleri/Cinema News, Uzkınay shot the film with ‘Mösyö (Mr) Mordo’ and sent it to Budapest to develop with the intention to have its premiere at the Ali Efendi Sinema (Mr Ali Cinema) on its return (Odabaşı 2018). 7 The slow development of cinema in relation to other forms of art can be attrib- uted to reticence of a conservative Islamic society to embrace the new Western Introduction 31 attraction that relies on the images of living beings, which some hadiths consider a sin to be punished on the Day of Judgement. 8 Samuel J. Hirst underscores that Esfir Il´inichna Shub, one of the most prominent Soviet documentarians, worked on Idet novaia Turtsiia/The New Turkey on the Move as a director in 1934 and early 1935. She left the project by the time Ha-Ka Studio released it in 1937 (Özön 1962), in conflict with her producer, Halil Kamil who would not allow her to film camel caravans and peasant women rid- ing donkeys as images contrary to the Turkish government’s policy to portray contemporary Turkey as a site of progress. Censor’s focus on symbols of development corresponded to Soviet film-makers’ instructions for portraying the East and Shub’s plan for the film suggests that she was ready to speak their language. Unlike the Orientalist literature of French writers like Pierre Loti and Claude Farrére, her script promised to focus on industry, a recognizable theme for both Soviet and Turkish audiences with ‘factory buildings stretching out along the Golden Horn as symbols of progress’ as quoted by Hirst from RGALI (Rossi- iskii gosudarstvennyi arkhiv literatury i iskusstva) (f. 3035, Personal collection of E. I. Shub, op. 1, d. 159, l. 12, Letter from Shub to Halil Kamil, 13 November 1934). What was crucial to such transnational collaborations between the two competing states was the sense of a shared foe (French), Hirst comments, such documentary films across the borders providing a space to engage with what was modern, out of the ‘pan-European’ context and Western-centric narratives (2017). 9 Alin Taşçıyan, a print and television journalist from Turkey, was the president of the International Federation of Film Critics (FIPRESCI) for two terms starting in 2014, the first woman to hold this position. 10 An old-fashioned axiom still widely used in Iran to define the ‘ideal’ woman. 11 Hamid Naficy’s early experiences of cinema as a young boy in Iran include similar events (2011). 12 The film was selected for the Critics’ Week of the Cannes Film Festival and received the Best First Film Special Prize of the Jury at the Fajr International Film Festival in Iran in 1991. 13 It is somewhat ironical that the modern feminist movement in Turkey found an outlet in the repressive years following the bloody coup. The first authorized demonstration by women was held on 17 May 1987, which was to protest physical violence against women, a pressing issue even after three decades. 14 See also the producer’s site: www.turkerinanoglu.com 15 Hotel Astoria refers to Iran as a violent country that tortures, imprisons and executes dissidents. An ex-SAVAK agent for the Shah now working undercover for Khomeini’s SAVAMA remarks, ‘the two are the same’ (Gow 2011). 16 On the release of Rhino Season in Turkey, he was obliged to remove Iraqi Kurd- istan from the credits, which made him question the nature of freedom in the country he thought was a safe haven. 17 Online. Available HTTP: http://theiranproject.com/blog/2017/10/31/turkish- actress-cast-persian-film/ (accessed 10 March 2017). 18 Iranian LGBTI individuals arrive in Turkey to escape possible death penalty, or government-induced sex change operations. Turkish government places them in conservative Anatolian towns, particularly Kayseri, to discourage contact with the Turkish LGBTI communities. The wait for a visa to Europe or Canada is very long and harassment by the locals or official authorities is common. With- out a work permit, they are obliged to work illegally. (See BBC Our World Series: Iran’s Sex Change Solution with Ali Hamedani shot mostly in Kayseri.) 19 After protests from the conservative Ansar-e Hezbollah, certain scenes found ‘un-Islamic’ were cut by the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance while it was already released. 32 Introduction 20 Online. Available HTTP: https://boxofficeturkiye.com/turk-filmleri/ (accessed: 6 February 2019). 21 During the Istanbul International Film Festival in 2018, when the jury headed by the accomplished film-maker Pelin Esmer granted the Best Film Award in the national category to Borç/Debt by a female, Vuslat Saraçoğlu, a male critic, twitted demeaning remarks about Esmer and her work, which he claimed had value only when she worked with a certain male cinematographer. Available. Online. www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/kultursanat/963128/Kerem_Akca_nin_ cinsiyetci_aciklamasina_tepkiler_dinmiyor___Ozur_istiyoruz_.html (accessed 23 April 2018). 22 The report was prepared by two academicians from the Kadir Has University in Istanbul, Alif Akçalı and İrem İnceoğlu, and focused on the traditional perceptions and stereotyped femininity and masculinity on Turkish screens. A total of 14 TV series selected from the list of the top-20 ranked were used for the research conducted between May 1 and 31, 2017, based on analysis of scripts, main and supporting characters, language usage, venue selections, depictions and audiences (Akyol 2018). 23 Ibid. 24 Cinematheque was founded in 1965 in Istanbul by intellectuals who gathered around the film journal,Yeni Sinema/New Cinema. Publishing interviews with celebrated film-makers such as Godard and Antonioni; screening masterpieces of European cinema, particularly the Soviet Revolutionary Cinema and organ- izing discussions on the French nouvelle vague, Italian neorealism and Brazilian Cinema Novo, the group aimed at establishing resistance against Yeşilçam similar to the resistance of European art cinema against Hollywood. After reach- ing its peak during the mid-1970s, it was closed in 1980 by the military regime (Dönmez-Colin 2014). Preparations are underway for a reopening in 2019 inside the municipality of Kadıköy on the Asian side. 25 The historical Emek Cinema that had played an important role in the film education/love of Istanbulites was demolished in 2013 to build a shopping mall despite protests from the film community and the conscientious citizens. A symbolic hall was rebuilt on one of the upper floors. 26 The Montreal World Film Festival was founded in 1977 by Serge Losique who had already established Conservatoire d’art Cinématographique de Montréal in 1968 inside the Concordia University where international quality cinema met with enthusiastic audiences for a nominal fee. By 1995, the project disintegrated, and was eventually reintegrated to the national cinematheque in Ottawa. 27 Founded in 1971 by Dimitri Eipides, the FNC had the support of Jim Jarmush, Wim Wenders, Marguerite Duras, Chantal Akerman and Abbas Kiarostami amongst other notables of contemporary cinema. 28 For my interviews with some of these film-makers, read Dönmez-Colin (2006/2012). 29 Panahi was arrested along with Mohammad Rasoulof while shooting a protest film without permit. After 77 days at the notorious Evin prison, he went on a hunger strike. Under house arrest, he made In Film Nist/This is not a Film (2010) with Mojtaba Mirtahmasb and Parde/Closed Curtain (2013) with Kambuzia Par- tovi and Taxi (2015), which won the Golden Bear. When I met him in his home in Tehran in 2017, he told me that he had five projects waiting with no possibility to shoot them. Miraculously, he participated in main competition at the Cannes Film Festival 2018 where he had won the Camera d’or in 1995 with Badkonak-e sefid/The White Balloon, with a new film,3 Faces and won the Best Screenplay Award but was not given permission to leave Iran to attend the event. 30 In February 2018, I called Philippe Jalladeau, the co-director of the festival at the time and asked him to share his recollections. A delegation from France, Introduction 33 including the co-director of the festival, his brother Alain Jalladeau, esteemed critic/author Serge Daney, the director of Unifrance and Marceline Loridan, the French documentarian visited Tehran in 1990 during the Fajr Film Festival, he told me, the first year that foreigners were invited. The Jalladeau brothers did not accept the suggestion of the Iranian authorities to show only post-revolution films arguing that the history of Iranian cinema goes further back than the Rev- olution. They were able to receive the pre-revolution films of Kiarostami The( Passenger), Mehrjui (The Cow), Kimiai (Qaisar), etc., from the Farabi Cinema Foundation and meet with some film-makers in person. The films that were ‘not available’ were found through channels outside Iran, to which the Iranian authorities did not object. The relations were very amiable. 31 In 2018, the total number of tickets sold for 642 films (442 new films) was 70,408, 641 in Turkey. Online. Available HTTP: https://boxofficeturkiye.com/yillik/ 230 national films (180 new films) sold 44,634,917 tickets. Online. Available HTTP: https://boxofficeturkiye.com/turk-filmleri/ (accessed 30 January 2019). If we consider the other means of watching films – festivals, television, DVD and In- ternet streaming – these figures show an amazing interest in cinema on the part of the public.

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