T Ahltan Ethnoarchacology

Home , Cassiar Mountains, Klastline Plateau, Morice Range, Mount Edziza, Samuel Black, Sheslay River

T ahltan Ethnoarchacology

Sylvia L. Albright

Department of Archaeology Simon Fraser University Publication Number 15 1984 DEPARTMENT OF ARCHAEOLOGY

PUBLICATIONS COMMITTEE

Roy L. Carlson (Chairman)

Knut R. Fladmark Philip M. Hobler Jack D. Nance Erie Nelson

The Department of Archaeology publishes papers and monographs which relate to its teaching and research interests. Communications concerning publications should be directed to the Chairman of the Publications Committee.

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ISBN 0-86491-044-4

Cover Photo: Fishing camp at Tahltan-Stikine Confluence. All photographs, including cover, by S. Albright Tahltan Ethnoarchaeology

Sylvia L. Albright

Department of Archaeology Simon Fraser University Burnaby, British Columbia

Publication Number 15 1984 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This report was originally written as a graduate thesis in the Archaeology Department at Simon Fraser University. Knut Fladmark, Brian Hayden, and Mark Skinner, members of my advisory committee, are thanked for their encouragement, direction, and criticism while conducting research and writing of this report. Monica Deutsch is acknowledged for her typing of the original manu script, as is Brenda Peacock for help with drawing of maps and figures. I would like to express my sincere appreciation to the Tahltan people and other residents of the Stikine River area; without their support this research would not have been possible. A special note of thanks is extended to Dora Williams and Fannie Woods who first invited me to share in their daily lives and activities and challenged me to learn more about their traditional ways. My thanks go also to Ivan Quock, chief of the Tahltan Band, for encouraging me to develop a program to involve the local young people in understanding their cultural traditions. John Frank is thanked for his enthusiasm and assistance in supervising these summer projects. Financial assistance for research was provided by the B.C. Heritage Conservation Branch, a grad uate student stipend from Simon Fraser University and grants from B.C. Youth Employment Program administered by Simon Fraser University, and the Federal Summer Student Employment Program. My grateful appreciation is extended to friends and relatives who provided moral support and en couragement in bringing this report to completion. TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ii

LIST OF FIGURES v

LIST OF TABLES vi

I BACKGROUND TO RESEARCH

Introduction 1 Theoretical Framework 2 Methodology 5

II THE TAHLTAN PEOPLE

Introduction 9 Traditional Territories 10 Social Organization 11 Subsistence Economy and Trade 12

III HISTORICAL EVENTS IN THE STIKINE RIVER AREA

Introduction 15 Discovery and the Fur Trade Era 15 The Gold Rush Period 17 Missionary Influences 19 Recent Developments - Opening of the North 20

IV THE ENVIRONMENT

Physiographic Areas 23 Climate 24 Biogeoclimatic Zones 25 Paleoclimate 27

V THE RESOURCE BASE

Mammal Resources 29 Reptiles 34 Avian Resources 35 Amphibians 35 Insects 36 Fish Resources 36 Plant Resources 41 VI TECHNOLOGY OF RESOURCE EXPLOITATION

Hunting Techniques 43 Hunting Implements 46 Skinning and Butchering Game 47 Use of Animals for Raw Materials 50 Hide Processing 51 Fishing Techniques 60 Processing of Salmon 63 Use of Edible Plants 65 Technological Uses of Plant Resources 67 Woodworking Tools 68 Shelters and Other Structures 70 Methods of Cooking and Preparing Foods 76 Storage Facilities 78

VII A SEASONAL MODEL OF TAHLTAN SUBSISTENCE AND SETTLEMENT PATTERNS

Introduction 79 Subsistence Requirements 79 Resource Attributes 80 Seasonality and Resource Availability 83 Technological Efficiencey 84 The Seasonal Round of Subsistence Activities 85

VIII ECONOMIC STABILITY

Fluctuations in Resource Abundance 93 Strategies for Maintaining Economic Stability 94

IX ARCHAEOLOGICAL CORRELATES OF SEASONAL SUBSISTENCE STRATEGIES

Site Formation Processes 99 Factors Affecting Visibility of Archaeological Remains 102 Cone!usions 106

REFERENCES 107

APPENDIX 1 Bird Species Occuring in the Stikine Plateau Area 115

APPENDIX 2 Plants Used in Technology 118

APPENDIX 3 Edible Plants of the Stikine River Area 120

APPENDIX 4 Maps of Ethnographic Fishing Villages 125

iv LIST OF FIGURES

1. Location of Tahltan territories 9 2. Clan territories and Tahltan tribal boundaries 10 3. Historic settlements and routes in the Stikine area 1900 18 4. Physiographic areas in northwestern Brititsh Columbia 22 5. Comparisons of temperatures and precipitation at Telegraph Creek and Cold Fish Lake 26 6. Location of barriers impassable to salmon within the Stikine watershed 38 7. Snare with tossing pole used for rabbits 44 8. Bone swivel and rattle used at the end of beaver net 45 9. Deadfall trap used for carnivores 45 10. Tahltan bow with antler point 46 11. Attachment of point to arrow shafts 47 12. Blunt headed arrow for birds and small game 47 13. Bone skinning knife 48 14. Split beaver hanging to dry over the campfire 49 15. Bone awl used in sewing 51 16. Bone scrapers for defleshing and scraping hides 52 17. Beamer for removing hair from large hides 53 18. Scraping frozen hides 54 19. Wringing the hide 55 20. Hafted stone tools used for dressing hides 56 21. Dressing the stretched hide 56 22. Hide smoking frame and pit 57 23. Flaking the hide dressing stone * 59 24. Two types of hide dressing stones 59 25. Cylindrical basket trap used for salmon 60 26. Gaffing salmon in shallow waters 61 27. Gaff pole with detachable hook 61 28. Dip net used in fishing 62 29. Three pronged spear used for ice fishing 62 30. Splitting salmon on the A-frame cutting board 63 31. Scored salmon hanging to dry 64 32. Bundling dried salmon for storage 64 33. Reconstruction of knife with obsidian flakes 65 34. Stone axe used for chopping trees 69 35. Curved knife with beaver incisor 69 36. Straight bladed knife 69 37. Traditional style smokehouse at Tahltan-Stikine confluence 71 38. New smokehouse at a contemporary fishing camp 73 39. Gravehouse at Telegraph Creek 75 40. Dog houses built into a slope 75 41. Roasting meat over the campfire 76 42. Flat mortar stone used for breaking marrow bones and pounding dried fish and meat 77 43. Carved spoon of sheep horn 77 44. Cache pit used for storing dried foods 78 45. Chart indicating seasonal abundance/availability of resources 84 46. Salmon fishing villages in Tahltan territories 85 47. Salmon fishing villages on the Stikine River system 85

V 48. Schematic representation of major seasonal moves and settlement locations 89 49. Approximate location of several winter villages and caribou fences 90 50. Floorplan of smokehouse Mo. 1 101 51. Floorplan of smokehouse No. 4 101 52. Floorplan of smokehouse remains A2 101 53. Floorplan of smokehouse remains A2 101

LIST OF TABLES

1. Alternate Names Used in Reference to Tahltan Clans or Families 11 2. Hours of Direct Sunlight 24 3. Fish Species Occurring in Study Area 37 4. Average Catches of Stikine Salmon by Alaskan Gillnet Fisheries 39 5. Estimates of Exploitation and Abundance of Stikine River Sockeye 1959 to 1980 40 6. Uses and Relative Value of Raw Materials Provided by Animal Resources 50 7. Measurements of Several Stone Hide Working Tools (mm) 58 8. Tahltan Fish Camp/Smokehouse Survey 72 9. Average Daily Requirements of Proteins, Vitamins, Minerals 80 10. Calculation of Average Caloric Values for Individual Resources 81 11. Tahltan Divisions of the Year 83 12. Salmon Fishing Villages in Tahltan Territories 86 13. Behavioral Chain Model for Salmon 100 14. Archaeological Correlates of Seasonal Subsistence Strategies 104

v i 1

I BACKGROUND TO RESEARCH

Introduction

This report presents results of research accompanied by changes not only in the into traditional Tahltan subsistence physical landscape but also in the social practices. It represents an attempt to environment of groups living in these areas. apply a relatively new approach, This means that opportunities for ethnoarchaeology, to British Columbia ethnographic recording of traditional aspects archaeology in order to understand the of native culture are quickly being eroded nature of past cultural adaptation in a away. This situation is not restricted to northern sub-arctic environment. British Columbia and has been recognised The goals of the present research are by the National Museum of Man through based on the premise that an understanding the implementation of an Urgent Ethnology of the dynamics of prehistoric subsistence Program for research in many parts of behavior and site formation processes is Canada. Two research contracts have been crucial for full interpretation of granted for work in the Stikine area of archaeological remains of an area. Thus, British Columbia; one to Robert Adlam, of the major goal of this research was to the University of Toronto, for a study of establish a model of traditional subsistence Tahltan kinship systems, the second to patterns of the Tahltan Indians useful for Howard Higgins, of the University of New interpretation of archaeological sites in the Mexico, who is concerned with symbolic Upper Stikine River area of northern aspects of Tahltan use of space. British Columbia. Most of the Stikine River area is still A second goal has been to provide more relatively isolated in comparison with other general theoretic contributions to the study parts of British Columbia. However, a of hunter-gatherer societies. Using an number of development projects have been ethnoarchaeological approach to the study proposed for the area. Plans for leasing a of subsistence patterns, this research has large tract of Crown Land along the Stikine gathered data which provide a basis for the River on either side of Telegraph Creek formulation of testable hypotheses instigated an archaeological site survey and concerning processes of subsistence specific inventory project by the B.C. Heritage site formation and transformation. Conservation Branch during the summer of The rapid increase in development of 19 78. This survey project recorded 132 natural resources in the northern part of new sites along the Stikine and lower the province has stimulated an increased Tahltan Rivers (French 19 80). need for archaeological research in more Previous interest in the prehistory of remote areas of British Columbia. The B.C. the Stikine River area was first stimulated Hydro and Power Authority are currently by the discovery of archaeological remains conducting feasibility studies for the in the vicinity of Telegraph Creek by W. damming of several major rivers in the Workman during a brief visit in 1967, province, including the Stikine and Liard Bryan C. Gordan carried out preliminary rivers in the far north. The expansion of survey of the road between Telegraph Creek mining and logging operations and the and the Tahltan River in 1968, recording development of hydroelectric power also several sites. J. Smith, of the University require the extension of highways, railways, of Calgary, returned to the area in 1969 and and transmission line corridors, as well as 19 7 0 at which time he conducted test the sale of large tracts of land for private excavations of several sites in the vicinity and commercial development. of the confluence of the Tahltan River Rapid increase in resource development is with the Stikine. On the basis of obsidian 2 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

hydration values, Smith defined five phases 1980, Friesen 1982, Magne 1982). in a somewhat questionable chronological Many native people in British Columbia sequence of occupation extending from the still maintain strong ties to their aboriginal historic period back more than 10,000 land through continued involvement in years. The latest "Tahltan" phase has been traditional subsistence activities. In some directly related to occupation of the area areas traditional economic pursuits are still by Athabaskan speaking Tahltans for at carried out even in the face of rapidly least the last 500 years (Smith 1970, 1971). encroaching industrial development, as More recently, Fladmark and Nelson poignantly described by Brody (1981) in his (19 77) conducted a brief reconnaissance in recent study with the Beaver Indians. Many the southwestern portion of Mt. Edziza older native people have a wealth of Provincial Park to assess the archaeological knowledge concerning traditional activities potential of this previously unknown area. which they are often willing to share with A large number of quarry sites as well as the archaeologist who has a genuine interest associated workshops and camp sites were and who is willing to spend time actively found in several localities adjacent to participating in them. extensive obsidian sources in the Rasberry The present author's introduction to the Pass area. Subsequent investigation of Stikine River area was during the summer these sites (Fladmark 19 82) indicates of 1978 as part of the crew carrying out occupation and use of the area during the archaeological survey and inventory under K. past 5,000 years. Fladmark. It was during this time that I X-ray fluorescence analysis of obsidian had the opportunity to observe and artifacts (Nelson gt_ al_. 1975) suggests that participate in summer salmon fishing extensive trade networks were established activities with several Tahltan people. throughout northern British Columbia by Although it was suggested that a more aboriginal peoples in early prehistoric narrowly focused study would have been times. Artifacts made of obsidian from Mt. suitable for research, it was the Edziza sources have been identified in encouragement of Tahltan people to learn archaeological sites as far away as the more about their traditional subsistence Yukon, northern Alberta, central B.C., and activities that led to the research on which southeast Alaska, and from components as this report is based. This study is old as 9,000 to 10,000 years (Fladmark therefore a reflection of my extended 1982). involvement with the Tahltan people in the Archaeological investigations have also Stikine area. It is written as much for been conducted in the middle Stikine River them , and oth ersw h o live in or are area in response to B.C. Hydro's proposed interested in the Stikine area, as for generation dams on the Stikine (Apland students of aboriginal peoples and cultures.

Theoretical Framework

The conceptual framework underlying supplement the usual historic approach in the focus of this study of subsistence anthropology in order to explore the patterns is founded in the approach of creative processes involved in the adaptation cultural ecology. The tendency to adopt an of culture to environment. Using a holistic ecological perspective in anthropological view of culture in which all aspects of analysis began to gather momentum in the culture are functionally interdependent on late 19 5 0's and early 1960's (Netting one another, Steward (1 9 5 5 :3 7) also 1977:6). Steward (1955:30), who first developed the concept of culture core—the defined the concept of cultural ecology, constellation of cultural features which are felt that a new approach was needed to most closely related to subsistence activities BACKGROUND TO RESEARCH 3

and economic arrangements. together with the relationships between the In presenting a method for cultural objects and between their attributes" (Hall ecological research Steward accords three and Fagan 19 5 6:18). A system can be research priorities: 1) the analysis of biological, physical, or cultural and can be interrelationships of the exploitative or divided into subsystems. General systems productive technology and the environment; theory is useful at the theoretical level of 2) the analysis of behavior patterns in the model building in order to study all exploitation of a particular area by means possible relationships between component of a particular technology; and 3) to parts of a system which are abstracted from ascertain the extent to which behavior a concrete situation or body of empirical patterns entailed in exploiting the knowledge (Boulding 19 56:11). A model is environment affect other aspects of culture a theoretical construct which represents our (Steward 1955:40-41). understanding of the system under Following in the footsteps of cultural investigation. It is not static as long as anthropology, archaeology slowly adopted research on the problem is in progress. As ecological approaches in the study of new data are acquired and our understanding prehistoric societies, accompanied by of the system changes so do the models we changing concepts of culture, and expanding use. Model building is thus important for goals for archaeological research. A the formulation and testing of hypotheses theoretical debate which developed in the concerning relationships between component mid 1960's in American archaeology resulted parts of the system. in a split between the 'normative' approach Within an ecological framework, of cultural historians and approaches used su b siste n ce behavior is viewed as a by members of the process school. A basic subsystem of the larger cultural system assumption of the process school, derived which most closely links human groups to from the ecological approach in their environment. Each environmental zone anthropology, is that culture is adaptive consists of a set of potentially exploitable and systemic (Binford 1962, 1964, 1965, resources which presents particular Flannery 1967). Process archaeologists have problems for human utilization. adopted White's definition of culture as Subsistence behavior reflects the nature of man's extrasomatic means of adaptation the cultural adaptation of a group to which serves to fulfill his needs (White environmental variation in order to fulfill 1959:8). its basic needs of food, shelter, and Influenced by a developing body of clothing. Being complex adaptive systems, general systems theory and ecological sociocultural groups are involved in approaches in the biological sciences, White processing, storing, and retrieving viewed cultures or sociocultural systems as environmental information in order to make living, open systems involved in harnessing decisions concerning the scheduling of free energy for maintenance and se lf activities (Buckley 1968:490-91), extension. White was concerned with According to cultural materialists, the following the flow of energy through the study of subsistence activities is of primary cultural system as a process of energy importance in understanding the way transformation which conforms to the first cultures function and for the reconstruction and second principles of thermodynamics of other aspects of culture (Harris 1968, (White 1959:38, Odum 1975 :60). Energy 19 7 1, 19 74, 19 7 7, 19 79, White 1959). flow models are useful for analyzing how Subsistence activities have a direct and various forms of energy in terms of demonstrable influence on other cultural resources available within the physical subsystems and variables such as settlement environment are procured, transformed and patterns, level of technology, social and finally discarded by the cultural system to political organization, degree of sedentism, form part of the archaeological record as well as on archaeological factors such as (Schiffer 1972, 19 76). intensity of refuse discarded at sites of A system is defined as "a set of objects occupation. 4 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

Since subsistence activities can be more variety of predictive models of subsistence readily reconstructed and interpreted from behavior, focusing on such problems as remains which are visible and indentifiable optimal diet, optimal group size, and in the archaeological record, subsistence optimal levels of information exchange. studies have predominated the field of Optimal diet models (Hawkes et_ al_. 1982, ecological archaeology over the past few Perlman 1980, Winterhalder 1981) attempt years. A growing body of recent studies on to predict the range of items exploited hunter-gatherers has focused on the need to based on relative abundance and net caloric develop general models of economic behavior yield of different resources in relation to which have predictive value in interpreting costs of procuring and processing them. adaptive responses to specific situations. Earle (19 80) combines a decision making In a survey of some of the recently approach with optimal foraging concepts to proposed general models of hunter-gatherer develop a model in which the costs of behavior, many of which draw upon individual procurement strategies are theories or principals used in other weighted against their potential yields in disciplines, Bettinger (1981) groups these order to predict an optimal foraging strategy into four types according to their specific mix. focus and predictive value. Among the The recent application of linear models of environment, subsistence, programming techniques to optimal foraging settlement location, and population, models models (Keene 1979, Reidhead 1979, 1980) of subsistence are seen as having the allows for a more complex analysis of a greatest potential for developing general wider range variables and resource attributes explanatory approaches to problems of in order to predict the most efficient adaptive responses among hunter-gatherers. solution to a given economic problem. While subsistence studies must include a Bettinger (1981: 23 1-241) has reviewed consideration of environmental variables, some of the critical assumptions and prior knowledge of subsistence adaptation is conditions that must be dealt with if the required in formulating models of settlement predictions of recently proposed models are location and population. to be valid: 1) The models require that Several recently developed models of all potential resources be listed and their hunter-gatherer subsistence examine the costs and payoffs specified. It must also extent to which adaptive subsistence be assumed that aboriginal groups had full strategies depend on maximization of energy knowledge of these resources so that the acquisition and minimization of risk. These subsistence system is the result of economic models use mathematical techniques for decision; 2) It must be assumed that the weighing relative costs and benefits of environment and its resources are stable so different economic choices in an attempt to that the yield of individual resources can predict optimal strategies for a given be described by a mean or range of values, environment. and that exploitation of a resource does not Among these recent models, Jochim (19 76) affect these values; 3) Holding technology uses a decision making approach in order to constant, it must be assumed that decisions develop a predictive model of proportional regarding the range and intensity of resource use. Assuming that different resources to be exploited are made with resources are exploited according to their reference to the local group (minimum ability to satisfy basic subsistence goals, band), and that no larger regional system is this model evaluates seasonal variation in being involved; 4) It is usually assumed animal characteristics, including weight, that for a given environment, and a given non-food yield, aggregation size, density, and technology, there is only one optimal mobility. adaptive solution and that the adaptive Optimal foraging theory, developed in process is sufficiently constraining that the field of evolutionary ecology, has local groups will closely approximate this recently been applied to the study of optimal solution. hunter-gatherers and the development of a Application and testing of these BACKGROUND TO RESEARCH 5

predictive models in specific ethnographic Taking a general systems approach to and archaeological situations have met with reconstructing subsistence patterns, the limited success to date, largely due to rigid present research investigates the data requirements and some unrealistic relationships between environmental theoretical assumptions on which the variables, resource attributes, technology of models are based (Bettinger 19 81, Durham exploitation, and details of subsistence 1981), These studies suggest that activities derived from ethnographic data. reliability rather than efficiency may be a This study examines the extent to which major factor influencing economic decisions seasonal and long term fluctuations in made by h u n t er-gat h er er s. For these resource abundance and availability influence reasons I have not attempted to use one of the subsistence strategies employed by these recent mathematical models in the Tahltan people in adapting to a northern present study to describe Tahltan environment. A seasonal model of subsistence behavior. However, this subsistence patterns is reconstructed as a research gathers a data base which could be basis for predicting the types of used in formulating mathematical models for archaeological sites, their location, and testing with archaeological data at a more kinds of remains which might be found in detailed level of analysis in the future. the Stikine River area.

Methodology

In order to reconstruct traditional Early ethnographic literature on the subsistence patterns in the form of a model Tahltan was consulted for information useful for the interpretation of recorded on technology and subsistence archaeological sites in the Tahltan area, the activities as practiced during the early present research has gathered data from a historic and protohistoric period. Extensive wide range of sources, using a variety of use has been made of Teit's unpublished methods. Theoretical considerations, based notes which provide a wealth of on a review of other studies of information concerning traditional aspects of hunter-gatherer groups and their adaptation, Tahltan culture. While the ethnographic have been used to direct investigations and data available covers a wide range of topics, postulate hypotheses concerning subsistence this study only summarizes those aspects behavior and site formation processes. which are related to subsistence behavior. With a cultural ecological approach to Since most ethnographies generally lack the study of subsistence patterns, the kinds of specific data useful to the environmental factors such as archaeologist in reconstructing past lifeways, geomorphology, topography, climate, an ethnoarchaeological approach has also vegetation, and fauna are essential variables been used. Considerable time was spent in in the model. Much of the data on these active participant observation and recording aspects is obtained from Federal and of subsistence activities which are still Provincial Government agencies including being carried out in a traditional manner. Departments of Agriculture, Environment, In cooperation with the band councils, a Fish and Wildlife, Forestry, and the summer program was implemented which Geological Survey of Canada. involved local Tahltan young people in Library study of historic accounts of interviewing knowledgeable elders in the early exploration and culture contact in the communities about a variety of aspects of Stikine area has been carried out in order traditional lifestyle. Field work also to establish historical continuity of the involved survey and mapping of fishing Tahltan people in the study area and to camps and other sites in the area. determine the degree of influence of culture Recent emphasis in archaeology on contact on traditional subsistence practices. explanation and reconstruction of cultural 6 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

institutions and cultural processes has material items in the archaeological record brought with it a new realization of the and the adaptive behaviour of which they need for data concerning the relationship are the result. It must be stressed that between a group's adaptive behaviour, the ethnographic data are not used for the tools that are used, their social purpose of finding the answer to a problem organization, and other aspects of culture. b u t rather to obtain suggestions for According to Stanislawski (1974:18), to possible solutions to problems of understand cultural processes and the archaeological interpretation in the form of structure and function of prehistoric testable hypotheses (Binford 1967, 1968:27). societies, information is best derived from a We have a greater probability of finding study of living societies as well as the appropriate solutions to problems by archaeological record. He defines beginning with possibilities suggested from ethnoarchaeology as the study from an ethnographic examples than we do by archaeological point of view of the form, randomly applying just any imaginable manufacture, distribution, meaning, and use solution to the problem (Hayden 1978:184). of material culture in its institutional One of the major problems confronting setting among non-industrial societies for archaeologists in their attempts to the purpose of constructing better reconstruct subsistence patterns from explanatory models to aid archaeological archaeological remains is that of interpretation and inference. archaeological visibility. Because the Thus, ethnographic analogy refers to a problem of archaeological visibility is general theoretical framework for comparing greatest for the student of nomadic or ethnographic and archaeological patterning. semi-nomadic hunter-gatherer groups whose Archaeologists have made use of short term, transitory subsistence activities ethnographic analogy long before the leave little in the way of visible ethnoarchaeological approach received formal archaeological remains, the use of recognition (Chang 1967). There are several ethnoarchaeological approaches is especially levels at which ethnographic analogy can be valuab le. useful in archaeological research. At the Schiffer (1976: 11-12) has indicated that most general level, discontinuous models are the archaeological record is an incomplete based on general analogy between areas and often distorted reflection of a past widely separated in time and space but in cultural system due to the cultural and which the ecology, resources, and non-cultural processes which have technology used are similar. Although this transformed cultural materials spatially, level of analogy has the widest application, qualitatively, formally, and relationally. it must be used with caution since it is Several studies (Gould 1968, Lee 1968, the most susceptible to misuse and poor Yellen 1976, 1977) have indicated that open application. The most specific, and air camp sites of highly mobile groups potentially the most reliable, level of with minimal structures are very analogy is the direct historic approach susceptible to rapid erosion by wind and (Steward 1942, Baerreis 19 61) which makes rain. Bones are altered or quickly carried use of continuous models in situations off by dogs and other animals. Other where the ethnographic society is natural processes such as vulcanism, stream historically continuous with the prehistoric action, rapid vegetation growth, and frost culture being excavated in the same region action can also destroy, alter, or conceal (Gould 1974:38-39). archaeological remains. One point of criticism of the use of Since a large proportion of the material ethnographic analogy by some archaeologists culture of hunter-gatherer peoples is is that culture change does not allow for a manufactured from organic materials which one to one relation or analogy. However, it leave little or no trace in the archaeological is probably more efficient to test record, lithic using activities must be archaeological data against ethnographic data sufficiently focused in a restricted area for for an analysis of the relationship between the accumulation of tools to be visible. BACKGROUND TO RESEARCH 7

Yellen (1977) indicates that task specific ethnographic observation as well as oral activities carried out away from habitation reconstruction of activities, frequencies of camps have low archaeological visibility. visits, duration of occupation as well as The procurement of plant foods, small the disposition of debris resulting from game, or the occasional larger game animal, subsistence activities would enable us to leaves too few remains to be significantly predict the degree of visibility of various visible in the archaeological record. types of archaeological sites occupied as Archaeological visibility of sites also well as the nature of the remains. An depends on a variety of factors related to ethnoarchaeological study of subsistence organization of subsistence activities and the behavior would thus permit the technology used to carry them out (Binford reconstruction of a much more complete 19 79), including caching of food and picture of the cultural system than would equipment, curation of personal tool kits interpretation of archaeological remains and valuable items, length of occupation, alone. This kind of approach also allows group size, and range of activities taking for the generation of useful heuristic and place. predictive models for different types of It seems evident that the formulation of subsistence strategies. a model of subsistence patterns through

H THE TAHLTAN PEOPLE

Introduction

The Tahltan are an Athapaskan speaking group of people who occupy the Stikine Plateau area of northern British Columbia (Figure 1) between the Coastal and Cassiar mountain ranges, and between 56° and 60° north latitude. On the basis of latitude, climate, and vegetation, the area occupied by the Tahltan is considered part of the Subarctic or Boreal Forest Region of Canada. In terms of cultural areas, the Tahltan have variously been classified as belonging to the Western Subarctic (Kroeber 1939), the Cordilleran Cultural Area (Jenness 1932), the Pacific Drainage Cultural Area (Osgood 1936), or the Yukon Subarctic Culture Area (Driver and Massey 1957). More recent studies of Athapaskan groups (McClellan 1970, McClellan and Denniston 1981, VanStone 1974) define Tahltan as belonging to the Subarctic Cordilleran Cultural Area in a classification based on physiographic units which recognize significant ecological factors. According to linguistic studies (Krauss 1973, 1979, Krauss and Golla 1981:82) the language spoken by the Tahltan people is a dialect of a language referred to as Figure 1. Location of Tahltan territories Tahltan-Kaska-Tagish. This language has been called Nahane, a term which is no longer used in this sense. Mutually intelligible dialects of this language are (or were) also spoken by Kaska groups of the Dawson (1888), Muir (1915), and Pike Dease and Liard drainages, the Tagish around (1967). The principal ethnographers of the Bennett and Tagish Lakes, and the Tahltan are Emmons (1911) whose work was Tlingitized Athapaskan group of the upper carried out in 1904 and 1906, and Teit Taku River and the area of Atlin and Teslin (1906, 1912, 1919, 1921, 1956, n.d.) who Lakes. The phonology of Tahltan-Kaska- appears to have spent considerable time Tagish resembles that of Sekani and Beaver with the Tahltan people over a period of but is sharply distinct from both Tutchone several years from 190 3 to 1915. It is and Slavey-Hare languages. unfortunate that much of the information During the 19th century only a few gathered by Teit has never been published. brief descriptions of the Tahltan people There are also a few unpublished notes on were recorded by early explorers and the Tahltan recorded by the early travellers in the Stikine area. These missionaries (Palgrave n.d., Thorman n.d.) at include Blake (1868), Campbell (19 5 8), the turn of the century. 10 TAHLTAN ETHN0ARCHAE0L0GY

Traditional Territories

As recorded at the turn of the century, traditional Tahltan territories included the drainage basin of the Stikine River and its tributaries as far down as the Iskut, Dease Lake and River as far down as the Cottonwood, the upper Rancheria River, the northern sources of the Nass and Skeena Rivers, and some of the southern tributaries of the Teslin and Taku Rivers including the Sheslay and Nahlin (Emmons 1911:6, Teit 1956:43). Teit spent considerable time with a number of informants in order to locate as correctly as possible the boundaries of the territories claimed by the Tahltan (these are shown in Figure 2). On the west the boundary generally follow the axis of the Coast Range. On the north, from the most westerly point at 133° west longitude, the boundary runs northeasterly parallel to the Taku and Nakina Rivers to near the head of Teslin Lake, crossing the Inlin a little lower than halfway between the Taku and Sheslay confluences. It continues northeasterly, across the Jennings River not far from its mouth, to beyond the Yukon-Mackenzie watershed at 60° north latitude. The Tahltan claim hunting rights Figure 2. Clan territories and Tahltan tribal to th e drainage basin of the upper boundaries (based on Teit 1966 and Rancheria River to its junction with the unpublished notes) Liard where they had a trading place. Bending back around the head of Blue River, the boundary runs south and southeasterly, crossing the Dease River about the mouth of the Cottonwood. It Through alliances established by continues to the sources of Muddy River intermarriage of Tahltan families with those almost to 127° west longitude, the most of other tribes, areas along borders were eastern point. From here the boundary often shared by both tribes for hunting, follows the Cassiar Mountains south and fishing, and purposes of trade. In southwesterly between the sources of the protohistoric times Tahltan shared the Stikine and Findlay to the headwaters of lower Stikine River below Telegraph Creek the Skeena, which is crossed somewhat east with Tlingit who ascended in summer to dry of Groundhog Mountain. In the south the salmon and berries in the drier interior boundary follows the watershed between climate. In winter, Tahltan families had the Skeena and Nass to about latitude 56°, exclusive use of the Stikine as far down as the most southern point. The boundary the Iskut for hunting and trapping (Teit then crosses the upper Nass near the 1956:51). mouth of Cottonwood Creek, reaching the Cascades again near the heads of Bear and Salmon Rivers (Teit 1956:50-53). THE TAHLTAN PEOPLE 11

Social Organization

Those aspects of social organization unpublished field notes. Teit indicates which relate to Tahltan subsistence and that the Tahltan were divided into two settlement patterns will be discussed here. exogamous moieties, raven (cheskie) and wolf Kinship, or social organization, is the topic (chiyone). The Tlingit names for these same of separate and more detailed research divisions are 'katsede' and 'taxtlowedi'. conducted by Robert Adlam of the Each moiety had three clans (local bands in University of Toronto. There is a need to earlier times) named after geographical areas clarify some of the confusion concerning the in which each clan claimed hunting rights. number and names of Tahltan clans which A fourth, more recent, wolf clan, the is present in recent archaeological literature 'nana'ai', was formed about 1750 through on the Tahltan (Apland 1980, French 1980). intermarriage of Tahltan and Tlingit. Table This confusion is largely due to having 1 presents the various names used to refer only locally available ethnographic sources to Tahltan clans. Confusion has arisen to draw upon. from the use of Tlingit terms for phratry References to six tribal divisions among divisions in referring to clans or families. the Tahltan by Jenness (1932 :3 73) and Figure 2 presents the geographical Osgood (1936:18) are based on Teit's distribution of the six Tahltan clans within

Table 1. Alternate Names Used in Reference to Tahltan Clans or Families.

Teit n.d. Current Terms Thorman n.d. Emmons 1911

Raven phratry tceskea (Tahltan) cheskie cheskea katcede (Tlingit)

Clan 1. Tudenekoten 11kaihitoten i skahigotine Ticha'an'oten Kartchottee Edaxhoten edatigotine

Cl an 2. Naloten nahlotin Nahlodeen sub family Narlotin

sub family Clan 3. Tlepanoten tlepanotin Thlegtodeen klogotine Klabbahnotii

cheona Wolf phratry tseone (Tahltan) chiyone taxtlowede (Tlingit)

Cl an 1. Talakoten tahlogotin Tahlagoteen Talarkotin

Tucklarwaytee Clan 2. Naskoten toklowedi Nassgodeen

Clan 3. Tagicoten Nokagotin

Clan 4. Nana'ai nana'a Shut in Naniyee nanga'ai 12 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

the tribal territories outlined by Teit as disputes, although he himself had no above and noted on a map among his special privilege or ownership of hunting unpublished notes. A similar map has been grounds (Teit n.d.). recently presented by Maclachlan (19 81) in Marriage, accompanied by mutual rights volume six of the Handbook of North and obligations, exchange of goods and American Indians. The "nana'ai" clan had no services, and access to hunting areas, served recognized territory, but hunted with to strengthen alliances between clans, others or along the lower Stikine River. particularly those with adjacent territories. The clan was a group of families Cross cousin marriage appears to be the claiming common origin; the original preferred form of marriage, often with possessors and inhabitants of a certain several siblings of one family marrying district. It was marked by localization, several of the other. When a woman's matrilineal descent, and grades of rank. husband died she might marry his brother Each clan had its own chief whose position or nephew. Often a man married his dead and name were inherited through the nearest wife's sister or other close female relative. maternal line from a man to his brother or Although not common, polygyny, as well as his sister's son. Sometimes, however, the adoption, ensured that the physical and nearest relative might be passed over in social needs of all were fulfilled. favour of a more distant one who was Each clan had its own names, stories, wealthier or more prominent. Status was songs, dances, and crests, which were based on personal character and skills; presented at feasts hela in the large wealth was a sign of competence. While communal houses when families gathered at both Teit (n.d.) and Emmons (1911:27) the major villages and camps (Teit n.d.). indicate that women could not inherit Emmons (1911:27) is of the opinion that chieftainship, Campbell, the first White to matrilineal descent and inheritance of rights encounter the Tahltan, relates his meeting was adopted by the Tahltan through trade with the Tahltan chieftainess in 1838 with the coastal Tlingit, having originally (Campbell 1956: July 23, 1838). had a social organization based on Hunting territories belonged to the patrilineal descent. While admittedly many whole clan in common, although generally aspects of the social organization were each family had its favourite and customary adopted or elaborated along with hunting and fishing grounds. The chief of ceremonials and displays of wealth, through the clan directed the hunting and trapping intensified relations with the Tlingit, it so that he knew where each household was. would appear that matrilineal descent is a These matters were arranged before families long term Athapaskan trait. Through dispersed from the major village in the fall. lexical reconstruction matrilineality has been Usually each family let the chief know related to the p r o t o - A t h a p as kan or where they proposed to hunt that season. proto-Nadene speech community (Aberle The chief made regulations concerning the 1974:76, Dyen and Aberle 1974). use of hunting grounds and settled any

Subsistence Economy and Trade

While the Tahltan shared many cultural semi-nomadic in their yearly round of traits with other Athapaskan peoples as subsistence activities. The seasonal round well as their coastal neighbours, their is reconstructed in detail in Chapter 7. It subsistence economy reflects their adaptation is characterized by a pattern of yearly to a unique geographical area and aggregation at summer fishing villages and environment. The ethnographic record dispersal during the rest of the year in indicates that the Tahltan were traditionally smaller family groups to travel and hunt THE TAHLTAN PEOPLE 13

within the clan territories. This central using spruce bark canoes or rafts to cross based wandering type of community pattern lakes and rivers. Fresh water fish were (Beardsley .gt. ai. 1956:138) is characteristic caught in the many small lakes and streams, of several western Athapaskan groups having mainly in spring. Beaver, bear, grouse, and salmon producing rivers within their rabbits were procured in the river valleys territories (VanStone 1974:39) during spring along with a variety of During the season of the salmon runs, vegetable foods. Tahltan families gathered at permanent Close trading relations were maintained fishing villages along the major salmon with several Tlingit clans who ascended the producing rivers for two to three months. Stikine from the coast in large canoes to Large communal houses, constructed of trading camps located between Telegraph spruce and pine poles with gabled roofs Creek and Tahltan River. To the Tlingit, covered with spruce bark, were used as the Tahltan traded caribou and moose hides, shelters and for drying large quantities of furs, robes of marmot and ground squirrel, salmon for storage. Fishing activities sinew, babiche, obsidian, snowshoes, and involved communal effort and sharing of the articles of skin clothing and bags in season's products. Summer congregation at exchange for fish oils, dentalia and haliotis the permanent villages was also a time of shells, shell knives, stone axes, wooden ceremonies, feasting, and trading. boxes, woven baskets, Chilkat blankets and In late August families dispersed to other ceremonial items (Teit 1956:97-98). upland areas to snare marmots and ground The Tahltan also traded with the Kaska and squirrels, which they dried in quantity for Sekani peoples further to the interior, and winter. Sheep, goats, and bear were also profited in the exchange of coastal goods hunted at high elevations in early fall obtained from the Tlingit for furs from the while a variety of berries were gathered and interior tribes. preserved. Major fall and winter hunting In proto-historic times at least, all camps were returned to regularly on a Tahltan clans recognized the area around the seasonal basis. Permanent shelters at these Stikine-Tahltan confluence as the tribal camps were of the single or double lean-to headquarters, and most families visited there style, made of poles, covered with bark and annually either to fish or trade. It was boughs, and banked with earth. Caribou rare for a family to stay in its own hunting was a major winter resource which provided grounds for more than two or three years not only meat, but also bone and antler for without coming to Tahltan confluence (Teit tool making, hides for clothing and bags, as n.d.). Indeed, while the body of anyone well as babiche, and sinew for thread and who died was cremated within a few days of fine cordage. Caribou fences with snares set death, wherever the family might be at the at regular intervals were constructed at time, the ashes were carried back to strategic locations. Bows and arrows were Tahltan for ceremonial burial and a used when stalking the more solitary funerary feast in honour of the dead browsing animals. Projectile points and person. knives were generally made of obsidian The Tudenekoten clan (after Tudessa, which was abundant on the slopes of Mt. meaning long river, the Tahltan name of the Edziza. Other tools and utensils were made Stikine) had prior rights to the Stikine of wood, bone and antler. Fur bearing River in the vicinity of the Tahltan animals were caught by means of traps and confluence where many of the fishing and deadfalls, and furs were used for robes and trading camps were located, and in which bedding. various clans gathered. It became the The Tahltan travelled extensively highest ranking and most dominant Tahltan overland on foot, using snowshoes in clan in tribal activities during winter. They rarely travelled by water, proto-historic times.

HI HISTORICAL EVENTS IN THE STIKINE RIVER AREA

Introduction

In order to reconstruct traditional or way of life of the Tahltan people. prehistoric subsistence and settlement While the sequence of historic events on patterns it is considered essential in the the Stikine River was similar to that present study to understand the extent and occurring in other areas of British manner in which the traditional patterns Columbia, the influence of direct European have been influenced and changed by contact on traditional Tahltan culture was European contact. To this end, library and felt much later than in most areas. archival research has been conducted in Throughout the historic period, Tahltans order to outline the historical events in the have maintained strong ties to their land Stikine area and the kinds of influences and to those aspects of their traditional these events have had on the traditional culture related to a subsistence economy.

Discovery and the Fur Trade Era

European discovery of the Stikine River the vicinity of the Tah 11 an-S t ikine is attributed to early fur trading ships on confluence, where they were exchanged for the coast. The Russian sea based fur trade large quantities of interior furs. The was stimulated by Bering's discovery in Tahltan in turn acted as middlemen, 1741 that the northwest coast of America exchanging goods obtained from the Tlingit was rich in furs, particularly sea otter for furs from the Kaska and other interior (Galbraith 1957:114). Although the many groups. shoals and channels of the Stikine estuary After the amalgamation of the Hudson's were mapped by Captain Vancouver in 1793, Bay Company with the Northwest Company the explorer did not recognize the existence in 1821, the Hudson's Bay Company began of a large river. Ship journals indicate expanding its operations to the western that Captain Cleveland in the sloop slope of the Rocky Mountains. The "Dragon" and Captain Rowan in the sloop explorations of Samuel Black in the "Eliza" both visited the Stikine delta in northern interior during the summer of 1799 (Dawson 1888:61B). The Russian 1824 made the company aware of the trading American Company, created in 1799, was patterns established between the interior granted a monopoly on the fur trade on the Indians and the coastal tribes (Fisher Pacific coast north of 5 5° latitude, which 1977:3 1, Rich 1959:597). In an attempt to it held until 1839. reach the Stikine fur trade from the The Tlingit became famous as middlemen interior, John McLeod set out from Fort in the fur trade with the Russians. The Halkett on the Liard River in 183 4, traditional trading patterns between the discovered Dease Lake and followed coastal Tlingit and the Tahltan were aboriginal trails across to the Stikine River. intensified during this period. The Stikine However, this and other attempts to make chief, Shakes, held a monopoly on trade up contact with the "trading Nahannies", as the Stikine River similar to that of the they were known at that time, were Tsimshian chief, Legaic, on the Skeena River unsuccessful due to the fear of reported (Fisher 1977:32). Chief Shakes brought hostilities on the part of the Indians. Russian goods, including very desirable It was not until 1838 that Robert metals, up the river to a trading camp in Campbell made his way from Fort Halkett 16 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

to the Stikine River and crossed "terror 1957:154, Rich 1959:665). The British took bridge" over the Tuya, to become the first over the fort on Wrangell Island in 1840 white man to make contact with the which was renamed Fort Stikine, and built Tahltan tribe. Although his encounter another near the mouth of the Taku River. with the Tahltans and their chieftainess The Stikine Tlingit, however, were not to appeared peaceful enough, his life was in be denied their monopoly on the interior danger since Chief Shakes was among them fur trade and set about harassing Hudson's on a trading expedition. Chief Shakes had Bay Company operations. Fort Stikine was so impressed upon the Tahltans that white attacked several times (Dawson 1888:61B) traders from the interior were enemies and until the company was forced to suspend should be killed, that Campbell was attempts to occupy the interior and restrict discouraged from staying in their camp trading operations to the coast (Rich (Campbell 1958: July 23, 1838). 1959:637). Campbell spent the winter of 1838-39 Intensified trading activities between the at Dease Lake. Although the Tahltans on Tlingit and Tahltan brought about increased occasion brought him a fresh supply of intermarriage between the two groups, the provisions, they threatened him severely, use of Tlingit as the language of trade, and saying that their country was defiled by his the adoption of many aspects of Tlingit presence. They demanded high prices for social customs and organization including their furs, as well as payment for displays of wealth and status. The occupying their land. They resented the introduction of metals replaced the disruption of established trading patterns traditional use of obsidian, bone, and antler and indicated that if Campbell would not in the manufacture of tools with cutting trade in the manner of the Russians then he and chopping functions, providing increased should clear out (Wilson 19 70 :37-38). efficiency in tool use. The demand for furs Campbell had great difficulty in surviving intensified an existing traditional activity that winter. The Indians he had brought without affecting the basic subsistence and with him were unfamiliar with the area and settlement patterns of the Tahltan. The as a result were unsuccessful in procuring trapping of fur bearing animals continued to meat locally. Other groups could not be be an activity which all members of the persuaded to bring him supplies, fearing for extended family could engage in at winter their lives if the Tahltans found out about camps. The fur trade may have stimulated their cooperation with the Whites. a period of territorial expansion on the part Campbell's small group suffered so severely of the Tahltan. Increased conflicts between from starvation that winter that they were them and their neighbours on the Taku and forced to retreat to Fort Halkett before upper Nass Rivers during the middle of the spring (Campbell 1958: Feb./Mar. 1839). nineteenth century may have developed out At the same time the Hudson's Bay of the need to defend newly acquired Company was attempting to intercept the territories. Stikine fur trade from the coast. A ship Another effect of the fur trade on the named the "Dryad" was outfitted in 183 4 Tahltans, was a drastic reduction in for the purpose of establishing a post and population due to the spread of smallpox colony at the mouth of the Stikine River. from Tlingit traders. They experienced This attempt was thwarted by the Russians several epidemics, although the first, which who built Fort Dionysius on Wrangell came between 1832 and 1838 (Thorman n.d.), Island. After several years of negotiations was especially devastating. It came during with the Russian American Company an the late summer while people were still agreement was finally reached in 1839 by congregated at the fishing villages. The which the Hudson's Bay Company was storage of dried salmon in the pits had not allowed to lease the coastal territories for yet been completed when all activities came an annual rent of 2,000 land otter skins to a halt. Being gathered together in and a condition of supplying Russian villages, almost all the people were subject colonies with provisions (Galbraith to the disease within a short time. HISTORICAL EVENTS 17

Messengers carried both the bad news and was not more than 300 - 325. The rapid the disease to other villages along the decline in population meant that there was Tahltan and Sheslay Rivers. Over half the not enough manpower to maintain the more population died either from the smallpox elaborate fishing operations at fishing itself or from starvation the following villages in the Stikine canyon, so that at winter. The second epidemic arrived in a least two of these fell into disuse. Many year between 1847 and 1849. The Tahltan of the respected clan leaders and oral people estimated their original population historians died during this period, resulting at between 1000 and 15 00 (Thorman n.d.). in a weakening of such traditional After the second epidemic their population institutions as the clan story tellers guild.

The Gold Rush Period

In 1861 two miners named Choquette and time that Telegraph Creek was named for Carpenter discovered placer gold in the the intended crossing of the telegraph line. gravel bars on the Stiki.i« *iiver. The However, further work on the line was announcement of this discovery created some abandoned in 18 67 when word came that a excitement in Victoria the following winter transatlantic cable had been laid and was and several parties outfitted themselves the operating successfully. When British next spring. They were brought up the Columbia became a province of Canada in Stikine from Wrangell by Captain William 1871, the Dominion Government took over Moore in a small steamboat. The Indians the lease of the telegraph system and camped at Shakes Creek were quite hostile maintained it as far as Quesnel while the when the steamboat landed there. Their rest was left to fall into ruin (Mackay fear that the hiss and clatter of this 1946:209-214). devilish machine would scare away the The discovery of gold on Thibert Creek, salmon and game was only appeased after close to Dease Lake, by Thibert and much argument and gifts of Hudson's Bay McCullough in 1873, created the Cassiar blankets. The gold deposits on the Stikine Gold Rush of 1874. A second wave of were not very extensive and most of the miners ascended the Stikine by riverboat as miners returned south in the fall. This far as Glenora and headed overland to Dease brief flurry however caused the Stikine Lake. The Hudson's Bay Company and territory to be defined in 1862 and put John C. Calbraith set up trading stores at under the direction of Governor Douglas. Glenora in that year. Captain Moore Choquette continued to prospect and obtained a contract from the Provincial operate a small trading post on the lower Government to build a road from Glenora to Stikine for several years (Andrews Dease Lake along the aboriginal trail which 1937:32-34). Campbell had followed 36 years before. Explorations for the Western Union or While the prospecting activities on the Collins Overland Telegraph Company were lower Stikine during the 1860's did not extended northwards to the Stikine River by threaten the aboriginal way of life to any Pope in 1866. At that time the line had extent, the 18 74 gold rush brought a been completed in British Columbia from sudden influx of miners passing through New Westminster as far as Fort Stager, 15 traditional Tahltan territories. The miles north of Hazelton. In 1866 the introduction of large quantities of liquor Steamer "Mumford" arrived at Shakesville and infectious diseases, such as measles, with provisions and supplies for the resulted in conflicts between Whites and construction of the line north from the Indians and a further reduction in Tahltan Stikine. Thomas Elwyn wintered at population. In an effort to maintain their Shakesville and carried out exploration on identity the various clans gathered together the Stikine that winter. It was at this to build a communal village close to the 18 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

confluence of the Tahltan River with the Stikine, which brought them closer to the trading stores at Glenora. The establishment of these stores shattered the monopoly which the Tlingit had held on interior fur trade and broke down traditional trading patterns between the Tlingit and Tahltan, although the Tlingit continued to ascend the river to fish in summer until the turn of the century. The Klondyke Gold Rush saw yet another wave of gold seekers pass up the Stikine River, the first leg of the favourite "All Canadian" route to the gold fields in the Yukon. During the winter of 1897 - 1898, between 3,000 and 3,5 00 men camped at Glenora; the largest and briefest occupation the Stikine has ever seen (Buri 1978:27). Twelve miles upstream, Telegraph Creek became an important centre as the head of navigation on the Stikine. In 189 7 the Telegraph Trail north from Telegraph Creek to Atlin was cleared and used as a major transportation route to the Yukon. In 1899 the Dominion Government agreed to connect the existing Yukon telegraph line with the British Columbia system which ended at Quesnel. The line followed Figure 3. Historic settlements and routes in closely the route laid out by the Collins the Stikine area 1900 Overland Explorations and was completed in 1901 (see Figure 3). A wide range of new goods and foodstuffs became available to the Tahltan people. The absolute dependency on subsistence hunting for survival was dispelled when furs could be exchanged for other foodstuffs. New methods of preserving and storing native foods such as salting of fish and use of raised log caches were introduced. While the trapping of furs continued to be a major economic activity for the Tahltans, many young men were also employed as packers and hunters by the trading stores. In an effort to increase their population, Tahltan marriage regulations were relaxed and the turn of the century saw several Tahltan women marrying Whites who had come during the 1898 rush and stayed to settle in the area. And, of course, the 189 8 Gold Rush brought missionaries to the Tahltan people. HISTORICAL EVENTS 19

Missionary Influences

Bishop Ridley, of the Anglican diocese in their traditional seasonal subsistence of Caledonia, came up the Stikine River round to the point that he did not have with the first miners on their way to the enough students in the school to obtain Klondyke in 1896. Upon his return to the government grant to keep it running. Metlakatla, he made an appeal for someone It was during this period that the to carry out missionary work among the Tahltans heard rumours that the British miners and the Tahltan Indians. Reverend Columbia Government claimed as crown F.M.T. Palgrave took up the call in 1897 property all land outside of Federal and established a mission at Tahltan village. Reserves, and they joined other tribes in Ridley was pleased with his efforts to British Columbia in the Indian Rights convert the Tahltans to Christianity, and Movement. In October 1910 a formal protect them from the debaucheries of the "Declaration of the Tahltan Tribe" was miners (Kreuger et. al. 19 71:52-57). During signed by Chief Nanok and eighty other his five year stay among them, Palgrave did members of the tribe. The Tahltans much to record Tahltan language and claimed their rights over their traditional grammar. He also made a detailed census of territories which they had defended with the Tahltans living in the village, listing wars, still depended on for their livelihood, them by name, who at that time numbered and did not intend to give up without about 225. adequate compensation. James Teit, noted In 1901 Palgrave was replaced by T.P.W. ethnographer of several interior tribes, who Thorman who arrived with his wife and five was living at Spences Bridge with his children. He began immediately to build a Thompson Indian wife, helped form the mission house and a church which still "Friends of the Indians" and acted as an stand in the village today. Before the end agent for the Allied Tribes of the province. of 1903, 50 Tahltans had been baptised and Teit, had visited Tahltan country several traditional methods of cremating the dead times and carried out ethnographic work were replaced by inhumation. However, among them. He provided a liason between due to lack of funds the mission was the Tahltan and the southern interior forced to close and the Thormans returned groups and helped draft the Declaration of to England. In 19 0 3 the Presbyterian 1910, as well as those originating at Church sent a medical missionary, Rev. Dr. Spences Bridge about the same time. The F. Inglis, to Telegraph Creek, and a Thormans remarked several times during this government elementary school was opened period that the concern for native land there (Kreuger £t_ al_. 1971:60). Both the claims was hindering their missionary work medical services and the school were among the Tahltans (Kreuger al. directed mainly towards the White 1971:63-64). population as very few Tahltans were living Relying solely on donations, the Tahltan in Telegraph Creek at that time. mission was maintained by two of the Interest in the Tahltan mission was Thorman sons until 19 52 when it was renewed through a campaign for funds to closed. Although the Thormans were support it. The Thormans returned to genuinely concerned about the welfare of Tahltan village in 1910. Supported by a the Tahltan people and dedicated many years grant from the Federal Government, Thorman of missionary work among them, their opened a day school at the village and was conversion of the Tahltans to Christianity pleased to have 15 children in attendance was only superficial. Underlying the that first summer (Kreuger et. aL. 1971:62). Christian rituals and environment in which However, his son Fred, who took charge of they lived at the Tahltan village, the basic the mission in 1912, disparaged the fact elements of Tahltan culture and beliefs that the Tahltan people were still involved persisted and remained strong. 20 TAHLTAN ETHN0ARCHAE0L0GY

Recent Developments Opening of the North

After the flurry of the Klondyke Gold its last days as a transportation route to Rush in 1898, Telegraph Creek, located at the interior. Since river boats stopped the head of navigation on the Stikine River, running on the Stikine in 19 72, goods continued to be an important supply centre destined for Telegraph Creek have been for isolated settlements in the northern brought in by road on a weekly basis interior for many years. Regular river boat summer and winter, ending the long service during the summer months brought isolation of winter. supplies to Telegraph Creek from where The introduction of modern technology they were transported by vehicle over the and communications over the past few years road to Dease Lake, or by pack train to has suddenly plunged the Tahltan other outposts. Trapping continued to be communities of Telegraph Creek and Iskut a major economic activity for the Tahltans into the twentieth century. The along with subsistence hunting and fishing, introduction of electricity to the villages in although some families settled in Telegraph 1975 created an unexpected revolution. Creek and depended on employment with Refrigeration and freezing units provide an the trading stores or as guides for big game easy and efficient means of preserving native hunters. foods, both fish and meat. Other However, the most recent period in the appliances such as electric kettles, radios, history of the Stikine River has seen and stereos have become popular Christmas Telegraph Creek slowly fade in importance. gifts and common household items over the After the construction of the Alaska past few years. Television via satellite was highway during the Second World War, introduced to the communities late in 1979, there was a slow exodus of young Tahltans and 1980 saw telephones installed in many away from the heart of their traditional Tahltan houses, so that families can territories and way of life to take up jobs communicate with relatives living hundreds in other small towns and villages springing of miles outside of the valley. up in th e north. This increased But with this rapid introduction of communication with the outside world also modern technology also comes fear of being brought changes to those who remained tied invaded from the south. Mining exploration to their homeland and traditions. is increasing at a rapid rate, and B.C. Hydro Government legislation forced permanent has started feasibility studies for dams on settlement of Tahltan families in Telegraph the Stikine River. Suddenly, the changes Creek and regular attendance of their are happening too quickly to comprehend, children in school. Outlying villages and to control and to cope with, and are being camps were abandoned except in the summer accompanied by serious social impacts such for fishing or by men who continued as increased alcoholism. While the trapping alone. The Stikine River became combination of hunting, fishing and trapping the focus for fishing activities with nets continues to be a viable and preferred used instead of weirs or traps. New means of subsistence for many Tahltans, it methods of preserving native foods such as is becoming more difficult to maintain this canning became popular. way of life due to increased government Formal survey and mapping of the north enforcement of hunting and fishing were accompanied by mining exploration in regulations on native people. Band the 19 50s. The subsequent opening of the politicians are now examining the viability Cassiar asbestos mine and construction of of alternative, locally based, economic the gravel highway connecting it with enterprises to develop. These include a Stewart on the coast, 3 0 0 miles to the commercial fishery on the Stikine River and south, provided temporary as well as some guided wilderness adventures. Land claims permanent employment for Tahltans. As has again become an important issue for the road became more and more practical for many Tahltans who cherish their aboriginal the transportation of goods the Stikine saw heritage and homeland. There is an urgency HISTORICAL EVENTS 21

felt now to record as well as renew a The hunting of wild game continues to traditional heritage which seems to be provide a major portion of the native diet. quickly fading away as the elders of the The process and many of the tools used in community pass on. tanning hides today for making mittens, Research conducted in the Telegraph moccasins, and babiche, have remained Creek area by the author has concentrated unchanged since prehistoric times. on observing and recording traditional Observations on such activities provide the activities which are still carried out by archaeologist with an understanding of local Tahltans. Salmon is still a major activities and processes occurring in the past economic resource of the Tahltan people. which resulted in the formation of While other methods of preservation are archaeological sites; an understanding which now available, quantities of salmon are still becomes essential for interpreting the dried in traditional style smokehouses for significance of various activities within the winter storage as they have been for overall patterns of subsistence strategies hundreds and perhaps thousands of years. utilized in the past. 22 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

Figure 4. Physiographic areas in northwestern British Columbia 23

IV THE ENVIRONMENT

The traditional territories of the Tahltan contribute to the nature, abundance, and people, as outlined above, are located distribution of resources available for within two natural physiographic regions, human exploitation. This section the Stikine Plateau and the Skeena summarizes the environmental factors which Mountains (as shown in Figure 4). The have influenced human occupation of the complex interaction of geologic processes, area. topography, climate, soils, and vegetation

Physiographic Areas

The Stikine Plateau is generally B.P, with even younger material overlying it characterized by flat and gently sloping (Souther 1970:63). Edziza derives its name upland surfaces which represent remnants of from the Tahltan term 'edziOa' meaning late Tertiary erosional surfaces, uplifted 'volcano ash and sand mountain,' and oral during the Pliocene. It also includes areas traditions describe eruptions which have modified by extensive Pleistocene volcanic forced people to move their camps quickly. activity and glaciation. The Stikine Plateau The base of the dome provides sources of is differentially dissected by several major good quality obsidian for stone tool river valleys, and is subdivided into several technologies. Most of the obsidian is black units each with its own distinct whose thinned edges sometimes show black geographical and geological characteristics lines and specks. Opaque green, grey, and (Holland 1976:49-55). blue varieties are less common while The Tahltan highland, running from mottled, striped or speckled varieties are northwest to southeast, is a transitional rare. These good quality obsidians were zone between the Boundary Range of the formed about 0.9 to 1.1 million years ago, Coastal Mountains and the plateau areas to according to fission track and potassium the east. The Mount Edziza Complex and argon dating, and have an abnormally high the Spectrum Range dominate the eastern uranium content (Souther 1970:63). edge of the highlands. Mt. Edziza is a The blocky alkali olivine basalt flows composite volcano rising to a height of from the younger cone volcanos do not 2700 metres (9000 feet) with an ice covered produce a workable glass suitable for peak. The first Edziza flow, dated to six making stone tools. However, the scattered million years ago by radiometric assay eruptions of these cones have caused sudden (Souther 1973:16), was followed by many changes in drainage patterns. Well defined similar flows forming a basal shield volcano lacustrine terraces on Mess Creek and with a radial system of canyons. During Klastline River mark the former extent of the late Pleistocene, until about 10,000 now dry lava dammed lakes that persisted years ago, activity in the central conduit for hundreds of years and may have built up the central dome and summit influenced the location of early campsites. crater with lava flowing down the radial The effect of lava dams on salmon valleys. migrations may also have had important Since 10,000 years ago, 30 to 40 repercussions on early human populations. eruptions from small pyroclastic cones have The absence of salmon in upper Iskut River produced mobile flows of blocky olivine may be attributed to an impassable barrier basalt. One of these on the north slope of recent lava from a cinder cone near the of Edziza has been dated to 1340 + 130 mouth of Forest Kerr Creek (Souther 1970:55). 24 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

The plateau areas, including Nahlin, such as marmots. Kawdy, Tanzilla, Spatsizi, and Klastline The Skeena Mountains extend south from Plateaus, have gently rolling upland the Spatsizi and Klastline plateau areas. surfaces of low relief, lying mainly above The transition between the plateau areas timberline at 15 00 metres (5 000 feet). and the mountains is represented by gently These areas support a wide range of sloping upland areas which are remnants of subalpine and alpine vegetation including dissected late Tertiary erosional surfaces. grassland communities, low lying shrubs, Drained by the Stikine, Nass, and Skeena mosses, and lichens. Within the Spatsizi Rivers, the Skeena Mountains consist of a Plateau, Pojar (1976) has identified more series of ranges divided by prominent than 370 species of vascular plants and northwesterly trending valleys. The valley over 200 species of mosses and lichens. bottoms lie at 2,500 to 4,000 feet (750 to These rich habitats support large 1200 m) in elevation and are wide and drift populations of larger game such as caribou, filled (Holland 1976:55). sheep, and goats as well as small animals

Climate

Most of the study area has a climate Table 2 Hours of Direct Sunlight which is in direct contrast to that of the Coastal Mountains. Situated within the Latitude December 21______Tune 21 rainshadow of the Coast Mountains, the Stikine Plateau has low precipitation, 56° 6 hr 57 min 17 hr 37 min averaging 12 to 23 inches (3 0-5 8 cm) 5 7° 6 hr 41 min 17 hr 56 min annually. Precipitation is particularly low 58° 6 hr 24 min 18 hr 15 min in the Tahltan highlands adjacent to the 59° 6 hr 08 min 18 hr 34 min mountains and increases eastward towards 60° 5 hr 52 min 18 hr 53 min the Cassiar Mountains. The area also experiences extremes in temperature, (Kendrew and Kerr 1956:156) although it is characterized by long cold winters and short cool summers, due to the combined factors of high northern latitude The major rivers freeze over by the end and high elevation of most of the area. of November and are closed to navigation by The amount of direct sunlight received boat until late April. At higher elevations, within the study area varies greatly from lakes start to freeze over in October and do summer to winter as shown in Table 2. not open again until late May or June. The long hours of daylight during summer Within the study area marked differences contribute to high plant productivity of in topography, climate, soils, and vegetation more hardy frost resistant species. Low are related to elevational zonation in local rainfall, combined with short frost free land forms. These differences are presented summers in the Stikine Plateau, prohibits according to the biogeoclimatic classification extensive horticulture or agricultural system developed by Dr. V.J. Krajina (196 5, activities except in a very restricted portion 1969). of the Middle Stikine Valley in the vicinity of Telegraph Creek. THE ENVIRONMENT 25

Biogeoclimatic Zones

Alpine Tundra Zone between 900 and 1800 metres (3,000 to 6,000 feet). It is characterized by a cold The Alpine Tundra zone consists of continental climate (Dfc after Koppen) with treeless meadows, slopes, rocky ridges, short cool summers, and severe winters. snowfields, and icefields at high elevations Only tress which tolerate extended periods in mountainous as well as plateau areas. of frozen ground grow successfully in this Within the study area alpine tundra occurs zone. These include subalpine fir (Abies above 1500 to 1800 metres (5,000 to 6,000 lasiocarpa). white and black spruce (Picea feet) (Valentine et. aL 1978:154). The harsh glauca and mariana). Sitka alder (Alnus climate of the alpine environment is the sinuata). willows (Salix spp.), and shrub result of both increasing elevation and birch (Betula occidental is}*. latitude. The climate is described as Within the subalpine zone, Hutno-Ferric subarctic (Dfc after K op pen) with less than Podzols are the most common soils 25 frost free days. Frost may occur, throughout. On moderate to well drained however, any day of the year at higher sites on colluvial and morainal parent elevations. Absolute temperatures range materials white spruce and subalpine fir from 28° C to -45° C (83° to -49° F) while often grow in colonies or pure stands with the average temperature of the warmest a resulting thin acidic litter mat. On the month is less than 10° C (50° F). Average dry exposed plateau areas, such as the annual precipitation is 72 cm (29 in.) with Spatsizi, shrub willows and birch approximately 75% as snowfall (Krajina predominate, along with grassland 1965, 1969). communities. In some valleys subject to Factors such as high elevation, very cold cold air drainage from adjacent mountains, subarctic climate, lack of moisture, and shrub willows and birch, along with alpine rugged or often rocky terrain, all tend to species, occupy the valley floor as well as restrict soil formation processes in the upper elevations (Valentine e t.il. 1979: Alpine Tundra zone. Periglacial activity 154:55). Turbic Cryosol soils occur at such as cryoturbation is very active in this higher elevations where solifluction and zone resulting in churning of soil materials, nivation become active in moist areas patterned ground features, and poor horizon between clumps of krummholz, or dwarf, differentiation. Regosol landscapes are most tree forms. Although the Stikine Plateau common under these conditions (Valentine et_ lies south of the limit of discontinuous aL 1978:155). permafrost, permafrost occurs sporadically Alpine meadows occur under moist at higher elevations in the subalpine and conditions on flat or gently sloping alpine tundra zones, particularly in the topography where snow cover lasts longer. mountainous areas of the region. They have a short but colourful vegetative season and produce such species as grasses, Boreal White and Black Spruce Zone sedges, lupines, anemones, Indian paintbrush, and arnicas. A wide variety of mosses, This boreal forest zone occurs at lower lichens, and mountain heathers grow in the elevations in the major river valleys of the alpine tundra zone. Subalpine fir and Stikine Plateau from 150 to 900 metres scrub birch may occur in Krummholz, or (5 0 0 to 3 0 0 0 feet). This zone is dwarf, form in especially protected habitats characterized by a humid continental climate with moderate snow cover (Valentine et. al. (Dfc - Dsb after Koppen), with cool 1978:38). summers and fairly evenly distributed precipitation over the year. Mean annual Spruce - Willow - Birch Zone temperatures range from -3° to 3° C (27° to 37° F). The number of frost free days The subalpine Spruce - Willow - Birch varies from 20 to 150 (Krajina 1965, 1969). zone occurs in the Stikine Plateau area The major tree species in this zone are 26 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

white and black spruce (Picea glauca and Mean Daily Temperature - Line Graph mariana), lodgepole pine (Pinus contorta)T Total Monthly Precipitation - Bar Graph subalpine fir (Abies lasiocarpa)r trembling aspen (Pop ulus tremuloides)T cottonwood (Populus trichocarpa), alders (Alnus sinuata and tenuifolia)r and paper birch (Betula papyfera). Within the broad valleys of this zone, extensive fluvioglacial deposits are common. These coarse textured soils of the Dystric and Eutric Brunisolic type are characterized by rapid percolation and iron accumulation, especially on acidic parent materials. Dystric Brunisols occur on dry acidic sites, where forest fires are common and lodgepole pine dominates the forest growth which is kept in a constant early successional stage. Black spruce, which is the most shade tolerant tree growing in this zone, often grows with moss communities on imperfectly drained habitats with acid soils (Valentine eL aL. 1979:153). The penetration of warm westerly winds up the Stikine River valley produces a small warmer and drier microclimate in the middle section of the Stikine valley. Annual total precipitation in this area is 12 ---- - Telegraph Creek (165m) to 15 inches (30 to 37 cm). Absolute - Cold Fish Lake (1200m) temperatures range from 3 5° to -50° C (95° to -60° F). Eutric Brunisol soils occur on Figure 5. Comparisons of temperatures and precipi the dry, south facing terraces in this area tation at Telegraph Creek and Cold Fish where grassland communities dominate. The Lake (data from Canada, Department of surface soil horizons (Bm) are reddish Transport 1967 and Pojar 1976) yellow or yellowish brown, with an average depth of 2 0 cm having occasional leached (Ae) surfaces. Soil pH ranges from 6 to 7 block out cold arctic air from the north in value with surface soil horizons slightly moderating winter temperatures in this more acidic than underlying deposits (Epp region. and Fenger 1978:8). The soils in this area Due to warmer temperatures and are closer to neutral than most areas of the increased precipitation, the Boreal White and Stikine Plateau and thus more likely to Black Spruce Zone of the Stikine Plateau yield preserved faunal remains. is replaced by the Sub-Boreal Spruce zone Figure 5 compares the yearly at elevations of 300 to 900 metres (1000 to d i s t r i b u t i o n of p re c ip ita tio n and 3 0 0 0 ft.) in the Skeena Mountains. temperatures at Telegraph Creek at 165m Although the major tree species are the within the Boreal Forest Zone and at Cold same in both zones their productivity is Fish Lake at 1200 m in the Subalpine greatly increased within the Sub-Boreal Zone. Zone. Within the subalpine zone climatic The large valley of the Nass River modifications are also felt, so that the allows westerly winds to penetrate the Spruce - Willow - Birch Zone north of 57° Coast Mountain barrier, resulting in latitude is replaced by the Subalpine Fir increased precipitation locally in the Zone at 900 to 1500 metres (3000 to 5000 Skeena Mountains and deep snow ft.) in the Skeena Mountains (Krajina 1965, accum ulations. The higher peaks also 1969, Valentine et al. 1978:159). THE ENVIRONMENT 27

Palcoclimate

Post glacial paleoclimatic data for of the region was two to three degrees northern British Columbia are only Centigrade cooler and somewhat drier than available from the Atlin region where at present. By 8,000 years ago the climate palynological profiles have been dated was similar to that of today. A postglacial (Anderson 1970). Since the Atlin region, maximum has been proposed for the region located within the Yukon Plateau area, has between 8,000 and 2,500 years ago with a very similar climate at present, in terms mean July temperatures up to one degree of temperatures and precipitation, to that higher than present and precipitation at the of the Stikine Plateau, it would seem same level as today or somewhat higher. logical to assume that the paleoclimates of Climatic fluctuations in the Atlin region the two neighbouring areas were also appear to have differed from other areas of similar. the province in terms of moisture regime, Within the northwestern corner of being moister when other areas were drier British Columbia, deglaciation proceeded in during the postglacial thermal maximum an irregular fashion. The palynological (Clague 1981:23). profile from Atlin indicates that tundra While in southern British Columbia the shrubs were established by 11,000 years late postglacial climate became cooler and ago. The existence of a late glacial lake in wetter than earlier periods, late postglacial the area of the middle Stikine and its three cooling in the Atlin region was marked by northern tributaries, the Tahltan, Tuya, and reduced precipitation. A cool dry period Tanzilla Rivers (Valentine £t_ jil_. 1978: occurred between 2,500 and 750 years ago Figure 1.3.2) and the presence of while alpine glaciers in the nearby drumlin-like features in the topography of Boundary Ranges of the Coastal Mountains the plateau areas marking the northward were expanding. Within the last 750 years retreat of glacial ice (Holland 1976:48-54) precipitation and temperatures have increased suggest that the middle Stikine area was ice to values comparable to those prior to free earlier than the Atlin region. The 2,500 years ago (Clague 19 81:25). The geothermal potential of volcanic activity in latest advance of alpine glaciers in the Mt. the area during the late Pleistocene may Edziza complex in the Tahltan Highland, possibly have stimulated early deglaciation occurring prior to 1340 + 130 radiocarbon in the Stikine area. years ago, extended no more than one to two The Atlin pollen profile indicates that kilometres (J. Souther: personal during early post glacial times the climate communication) from their present position.

V THE RESOURCE BASE

The Stikine Plateau Area, with its resources according to the class to which mosaic pattern of environmental zones, they belong. For each major resource provides habitats for a wide range of plant exploited, a brief summary is provided of and animal species which were available for the habitat, characteristics, seasonal exploitation by the Tahltan people. This availability and abundance. chapter presents and describes these various

Mammal Resources

All of the ungulates, bears, and a Plateau is not involved in large scale variety of medium sized herbivores which migrations. Its movements primarily involve inhabit the study area were traditionally shifting from alpine tundra to winter forage (and still are today) valued as primary or within forested zones. In May caribou supplementary sources of food and raw move above treeline where calving takes materials. The Stikine Plateau area is one place on high exposed ridges in late May of the last remaining natural areas in North through June. Females and young form America to support such diverse as well as small nursery bands which remain on ridges abundant populations of large game animals. and in alpine meadows throughout the Since the turn of the century, people from summer where they feed on tundra grasses, various parts of the world have been drawn sedges, horsetails, flowering plants, and to the Stikine to hunt large game trophies leaves of willow and birch. Males descend and guide outfitting came to be an into forested areas during the summer and important means of livelihood for many remain until September at which time they Tahltans. shed velvet from their antlers. Largely due to the wilderness nature and Males and females come together in large remoteness of the area, little in the way of bands in alpine areas by the end of environmental studies or wildlife inventories September for the rutting season. In late has been carried out in the Stikine area fall caribou may move back to forested until very recently. A wildlife inventory, areas along subalpine creeks and lakes at conducted in Spatsizi Park in 1976, by B.C. lower elevations in order to shed antlers. Parks Branch, indicates that the ungulate Males shed their antlers between November potential of the area is excellent. Wintering and March, while pregnant females do not ranges in the park, extremely important for shed their antlers until after parturition in winter survival and productivity, compare June. In January, while the snow cover is favourably with the very best ungulate soft, caribou move up to tree line to feed ranges in other areas of the province on birch-lichen communities. Later in the (Osmond-Jones et. al_. 1977:32). Based on winter, in February to March when the accounts by local Tahltan people, it is snow cover in open areas becomes crusted, assumed that wildlife potential of other caribou move down to timbered areas in the plateau areas within the Stikine drainage subalpine zone along river valleys to feed with similar topography and climate is on mosses and lichens under the soft snow comparable to that of the Spatsizi. cover (Osmond-Jones et al.1977:36-43). During flights in September 19 76, Hazelwood and Hatler observed a minimum Caribou number of 12 0 0 caribou in Spatsizi The woodland caribou (Rangifer tar and us Provincial Park and estimated the osborni) which occurs in the Stikine population of Spatsizi Plateau area at 30 TAHLTAN ETHN0ARCHAE0L0GY

about 2,000 animals (Osmond-Jones et_ Mule deer al_.1977:36). The woodland caribou weighs The mule deer (Odocoileus hemionus up to 700 pounds (320 kg) (Cowan and hemionus) inhabits broad valleys of the Guiget 1956:384), with an average weight of middle and upper sections of the Stikine 400 pounds (180 kg) for adults. River and its major tributaries, keeping to lower elevations in winter and ascending Moose valleys in summer. It prefers burnt over areas where it browses on aspen, willow, Largest of the American deer family, the serviceberry, mountain juniper, balsam fir, moose also moves seasonally from alpine to herbaceous plants, and grasses in spring. forested habitats. Two sub-species of The mule deer mates in October to moose occur in the Stikine Plateau area. November with fawns born in June. Alces alces andersoni, weighing 900 to 1200 Antlers are shed during early winter. Males pounds (410 to 500 kg) inhabits most of weigh 180 to 400 pounds (82 - 180 kg) the area south of the Stikine River and while females weigh 120 to 160 pounds (54 east of the Tuya, while Alces alces gig as r a - 73 kg) (Cowan and Guiget 1977:369). larger variety weighing up to 1800 pounds Deer are not plentiful in the Stikine River (820 kg), occurs to the northwest of these area at present (Osmond-Jones e_t a l . two rivers. Preferred food consists of 19 77:5 6, B.C. Fish and Wildlife Branch young growth of deciduous trees and shrubs 1980). They provide an additional or including aspen, birch and willow as well occasional source of meat, however. as marshy plants and balsam fir (Cowan and Guiget 19 56:376). Woodland Buffalo The moose is a solitary browser which The woodland buffalo (Bison bison frequents ponds, swamps, lakes, and streams athabascae) formerly inhabited portions of in the alpine and subalpine zones in the Stikine Plateau (Teit 1956:68, Thorman summer when it feeds mainly on aquatic n.d.). A skull of recent origin has been vegetation. Moose gather in small groups in found in a bog near A tlin (Cowan and late September and during the rut in Guiget 1956:388). The buffalo grazes on October. They may be found in early grasses and forbes and has an estimated winter, when the snow cover is soft, feeding weight of 2000 to 2200 pounds (900 - 1000 near timberline on south facing slopes. kg). Later, when the snow becomes crusted, they move into forested areas along the major Mountain Goat river valleys. Antlers are shed in December The w hite, wooly m ountain goat and January. Young are born in June along (Oreamnos americanus columbiae) inhabits watercourses where they can be protected rough rocky crags on mountains above from wolves. Guide outfitters estimate the timberline and steep rocky canyons along moose population of the Spatsizi Plateau the Stikine. It grazes on a variety of area at about 2300 animals (Osmond-Jones el alpine grasses and forbes, all tree and aL 19 77:53). shrub species except spruce, and seeks Natural cycles of abundance and decline alkaline earth licks during summer. Mating in populations of large game animals such takes place in November to December. as moose are poorly understood. It appears Young are born in May to June. Females that moose inhabited the Stikine Plateau in and young form small gregarious bands earlier times but dramatically declined from while males are solitary. This goat weighs 1800 to 1877 (Emmons 1911:71). Moose 250 to 300 pounds (114 - 136 kg). Its populations have increased over the last one horns are not shed but increase in size hundred years while caribou populations annually (Cowan and Guiget 1956:392). have declined. Whether these changes in Goats do not move any great distance within population are related to small scale shifts their home range. A minimum population in the climate and vegetation of the area or of 521 goats has been observed within to other factors is unknown at the moment. Spatsizi Park, although not all ranges were THE RESOURCE BASE 31

surveyed (Osmond-Jones et. j i . 19 77:4 3). small mammals, and larger game when the Excellent goat habitat occurs throughout opportunity provides. The grizzly also the Stikine Plateau area. hibernates from November until March with one to four cubs born in mid-winter in Sheep alternate years. Although adults may weigh The habitat of sheep (Ovis dal 1 i stonei) up to 1100 pounds (500 kg) the average is the alpine meadows above timberline adult weight is 450 pounds (205 kg) (Cowan where it grazes on grasses, forbes, and and Guiget 1956 : 295-6). The study area dwarf willow. It uses distinct summer and provides much of the best wilderness winter ranges within the alpine zone. It habitat for grizzlies remaining in North seeks out rough, rocky terrain as protection America. The Spatsizi Plateau has an from predators and may be found feeding estimated potential for 25 0 grizzlies based with goats. Sheep are gregarious, although on comparison of habitat, range size and male and female bands are separate except density w ith stu dies in other areas during the rut which takes place from (Osmond-Jones et. al, 1977:59-60). mid-November to mid-December. Their horns are not shed, increasing in size Beaver annually. Mature sheep weigh 250 to 300 The American beaver (Castor canadensis pounds (114 - 136 kg) (Cowan and Guiget sagittatus) is a large aquatic rodent which 1956: 399). A minimum of 279 sheep has inhabits smaller streams and lakes in been observed in Spatsizi Park, although forested areas. Houses are constructed of much of the best sheep habitat has not sticks, logs and mud, about 12 feet (4 m) been surveyed. Since females mate with in diameter and rising to four feet (1.3 m) mature dominant rams, excessive hunting of above waterline. The beaver feeds on leaves these in recent years has had an adverse and bark of aspen, poplar, willow and some effect on reproductive capability and a conifers as well as marshy plants. Adults serious decline in sheep populations has have an average weight of 40 to 60 pounds resulted (Osmond-Jones el al. 19 77:47). (18 - 27 kg). Water levels in streams are controlled by the construction of dams Black Bear which are constantly repaired and quite The black bear (Ur su s american u s often stream habitat is changed to the cinnamomum) occurs in the Stikine Plateau detriment of fish species such as salmon. area in both black and brown phases. It Winter food supply is cut in autumn and ranges from salmon stream s at low left on the stream or lake floor near the elevations to higher elevations within a lodge (Cowan and Guiget 1956: 170-174). generally wooded hab itat. It has an Beaver are abundant in the Stikine Plateau omnivorous diet consisting of fish, berries, particularly in the subalpine zone. seeds, grasses, insects and small mammals. This bear hibernates in dens from November Marmots to March. Females bear young only every Marmots are gregarious animals living in other year with one to four cubs being colonies in open meadows near rockslides in born in mid-winter during hibernation. the alpine and subalpine zones. They are Weights of adult bears vary greatly, ranging active from May to September, feeding on a from 125 to 600 pounds (57 - 273 kg) variety of herbaceous plants near streams (Cowan and Guiget 1956: 289, 293). and seepage sites at the heads of tributary valleys. They live in underground burrows Grizzly Bear where they hibernate for seven to eight The grizzly (Ursus arctos horribilis) months. Females bear yearly litters of frequents a variety of seasonal habitats four or five in May. Two species of including alpine meadows, coniferous forests marmots are found in the study area. One at higher elevations and salmon streams at species (Marmota monax petrensis) is found lower elevations. It has an omnivorous diet only south of the Stikine River. The of grasses, roots, berries, insects, fish, second and larger species (Marmota caligata) 32 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

known as the whistler, weighs up to 30 weight of 15 pounds (6 kg). Single young pounds (14 kg). The latter species includes are born once a year (Cowan and Guiget two varieties; M.£. oxvtonar of dark 1956:245). grey-brown pellage, occurs throughout the area; M.c,. calieata. paler in colour, is Carnivores restricted to the north and west of the Stikine and Tuya Rivers (Cowan and Guiget Among the wide variety of carnivores 1956:115-125). which occur in the Stikine area, lynx was Marmots were exploited in early fall, the only species which was traditionally from mid-August to mid-September, when used as a source of food and even its animals had accumulated stores of fat just consumption was restricted by many prior to hibernation. regulations (Teit 1956:82, n.d.). A few carnivores, such as marten, fisher, and fox Groundsquirrel were captured for their fur only. The use The large arctic groundsquirrel of most carnivores was restricted by a (Spermophilus und u lat us plesius) is variety of taboos or association with abundant in the Stikine Plateau which is supernatural powers which could only be within the southern limit of its controlled and used by shamans. distribution. Weighing two to four kg, this animal lives in colonies in bushy Lynx meadows of alpine and subalpine valley The lynx (Lvnx canadensis canadensis) is a bottoms. It is active from March to medium sized cat weighing up to 3 5 pounds September and feeds on a variety of (16 kg). It frequents old burns and natural vegetation (Cowan and Guiget 1956:128, clearings along the forest edge in a mixed Osmond-Jones 1977:67). deciduous and coniferous forest habitat, from valley bottoms to mountain tops. Its Hares diet consists almost entirely of hare, with The rabbit or snowshoe hare (Lep us the occasional bird, rodent, or young American us macfarlani) of the Stikine ungulate. Lynx populations vary directly Plateau prefers a semi-open mixed forest with hare populations (Cowan and Guiget habitat where it makes runways among 1956:342). deciduous thickets and nests in protected depressions. It feeds mainly on deciduous Wolf vegetation, resorting to conifers for food as The wolf (Canis lupus colum bianu s) well as protection during heavy snowfalls. frequents a variety of habitats from Hares provide prey for all carnivorous fur deciduous river bottoms to high plateaux bearing animals. Adults have an average above timberline. It feeds on all kinds of weight of three pounds (1.5 kg). Females large and small animals, competing with bear up to four litters per year of two to people for many of the same resources four young each. Periodic increases in hare (Cowan and Guiget 1956:280). It often populations occur every seven to nine years hunts and travels in packs of up to 30 (Cowan and Guiget 1956:100). It changes (Osmond-Jones .el li.. 1 9 77:63), and is colour from dark grey-brown in summer to extremely cunning. Tahltan traditions (Teit white in winter. 1 9 1 9 :2 40-25 1) indicate that wolves were once tamed and trained as hunting dogs, and Porcupine that they gave people knowledge and good The porcupine (Erethizon dorsatum luck in hunting. Neither wolves or dogs nigrescens) prefers an open coniferous forest were used as food (Teit 1956:82). Teit habitat with areas of broken rock or cliffs. (1956:67) notes that the skins of the wolf It feeds on green vegetation, especially pine, or the dog were never used for clothing, and makes dens in rocky clefts, small caves, robes or bedding, the hair being considered hollow stumps, or at the base of large, poisonous. low limbed conifers. It has an average THE RESOURCE BASE 33

Coyote The coyote (Canis lattans incol at u s) Marten were captured by means of deadfalls frequents open areas in burnt over and there skins were used in making warm coniferous forests and alpine meadows. Its winter robes (Teit n.d.). diet consists of small rodents, birds, insects, and fruits and young of larger Fisher animals on occasion. This carnivore is The fisher (Martes pennanti Columbiana) smaller than wolf with long heavy pellage, is a large marten which inhabits mixed variable in colour (Cowan and Guiget forest areas. It preys on rabbits, grouse, 1956:277). The coyote does not appear to porcupine, rodents, insects, fruit and be abundant in the Stikine Plateau area. berries. It has one litter of two or three There are no references to its traditional per year (Cowan and Guiget 19 56 :3 05). usage. Its Tahltan name refers to its close Fisher were captured and used the same as similarity and relationship to the domestic marten. dog.

Red Fox Weasel The red fox (Vulpes fulva abietorum) is The small slender weasel (M ustela a slender dog-like carnivore with a long erminea richardsoni) changes from winter bushy tail and long fine pellage, variable in white to brown in summer. It occupies a colour, with black, silver, and red cross variety of habitats at lower elevations and phases. Its habitat is natural clearings as has a broad diet of small mammals and well as lake shores and river banks close birds. Associated with strong supernatural to the protection of trees and bush. Its powers, the weasel was not used for food diet consists of birds, small mammals, or for skins traditionally. It could only insects, fruit, and berries (Cowan and Guiget be obtained and controlled by powerful 1956:285). Foxes were captured by means shamans (Emmons 1911:76, Teit n.d.). of hide snares and their skins used for robes and bedding. Mink The mink (Mustela vison energumenos) River Otter inhabits deciduous forest along stream and The river otter (Lutra canadensis evexa) river banks. Semi-aquatic in habits, it occupies a riverine habitat along larger feeds on fish, amphibians, birds and rivers, where it feeds mainly on fish. It mammals (Cowan and Guiget 19 5 6:3 20). travels in water, making dens along the Like the weasel, the mink had supernatural banks (Cowan and Guiget 1 9 5 6:3 3 0 ). powers, and was not used for food or for Considered to have strong supernatural its skin, except by shamans (Emmons powers, the river otter was never taken for 1911:76, Teit n.d.) food or its skin. Only very powerful shamans were able to obtain and control Wolverine otter spirits (Emmons 1911:75, Teit n.d.). Inhabiting the subalpine forest, the wolverine (Gulo luscus luscus) feeds on ail Marten larger mammals and birds, competing with The marten (Martes americana actuosa) people for many of the same resources. It frequents a variety of habitats including resembles a short legged bear with a bushy deciduous and coniferous forest and talus tail (Cowan and Guiget 1956:322). The slopes. Its diet consists of rodents, wolverine was captured by means of squirrels, rabbits, fish, birds, and insects. deadfalls and the furs used for making Females bear one litter, averaging three per robes, on occasion. Its flesh was not eaten; litter, each year. Females are sedentary Tahltan tradition indicates that wolverine while males range over several square was once a cannibal, but today only eats kilometres. (Cowan and Guiget 1956:300). corpses (Teit 1919:249). 34 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

Small Bodied Mammals

A variety of small bodied rodents, were used for food or their skins due to shrews, and bats occur throughout the their small size, the nature of their diets, Stikine Plateau area (Cowan and Guiget their foul odour, or bad habits, except 1956, Osmond-Jones it. d . 19 77:68, Swarth during times of extreme stress (Teit 1956:82 1922) and are listed below. None of these n.d.)

Cinereus shrew Sorex cinereus cinereus

Wandering shrew Sorex vacrans obscurus

Navigator shrew Sorex oalustris navieator

Pygmy shrew Microsorex hoyi intervestus

Little brown bat Mvotis lucifugus alascensis

Least chipmunk Eutamias minimus caniceos

Red squirrel Tamiasciurus hudsonicus columbiensis

Northern flying squirrel Glaucomvs sabrinus aloinus

Deer mouse Peromvscus maniculatus borealis

Wood rat Neotoma cinerea occidentalis

Northern bog-lemming Svnaotomvs borealis dalli

Siberian lemming Lemmus sibericus helvolus

Tundra redback vole Clethrionomys rutilus dawsoni

Mountain heather vole Phenacomvs intermedius intermedius

Meadow vole Microtus oennsvlvanicus drummondi

Long-tailed vole Microtus loneicaudis littorale

Muskrat Ondatra zibethica spatulata

Jumping mouse Zap as. princeps saltator Zapus hudsonius hudsonius

R ep tiles

No reptiles occur within the study area climate (B.C. Fish and W ildlife Branch due to its northern latitude and cold 1979, Osmond-Jones £t_ jd_. 1977:68). THE RESOURCE BASE 35

Avian Resources

The geographical setting of the study grouse (Canachites canadensis) feeds on area is such that the avifauna is represented spruce and pine needles within the by a wide range of birds which frequent a coniferous forest. The ruffled grouse variety of local habitats as seasonal or year (Bonasa um bel 1 us) is found at lower round residents. Many birds of coastal and elevations than other grouse in deciduous more northern influences pass through the woodlands where it feeds on berries, fruit, area during spring and fall migrations. The and deciduous leaves of aspen, poplar, and 149 different species of birds which have willow. Grouse are readily available and been observed in the Spatsizi Plateau easy to locate during spring mating season (Osmond-Jones et al. 19 77:15-32) are listed when the male "drumming" can be heard in Appendix 1. Since most of these have from a distance. also been observed in the Telegraph Creek The three species of ptarmigan (Lagoous area of the Stikine River valley (Swarth lacop us, L. mutus, and L. leucurus) are 1922), it is probable that these, and somewhat smaller than grouse, with an possibly other, species of birds occur in average weight of a little less than one varying numbers in similar habitats kilogram. They inhabit open meadows and throughout the study area. rocky tundra in the alpine and subalpine Upland ground birds, including three zones. Their plummage varies from white species of grouse and three species of in winter to rusty red or mottled brown in ptarmigan, are year round residents of the summer. Stikine area and of all bird species were of Migratory waterfowl are most abundant greatest economic importance. The blue in the many lakes, marshes, and streams of grouse (Dendracap us obscurus), largest of the Subalpine Willow Birch and Boreal the grouse family, inhabits coniferous Spruce zones in May and October during forests, old burn areas, and subalpine spring and fall migrations. Ducks and geese forest clearings. At higher elevations in are said to be fat and good eating in the winter it feeds on balsam fir, while in spring when coming from southern feeding spring it descends to lower elevations to grounds. feed on pine and spruce. The spruce

Am phibians

Only four species of amphibians have adults. Amphibians eat a variety of soft been observed within the study area (Carl bodied insects, larvae, small m olluscs, 1973, Osmond-Jones £i_ al_. 1977:68). These crustaceans, and fish. They are prey for a include the boreal toad (Bufo boreas). the variety of larger birds and fur bearing northern wood frog (Rana svlvatica). the carnivores (B.C. Fish and Wildlife Branch western spotted frog (Rana pretiosa). and 1980:3). the long toed salamander (Ambystoma Amphibians were not used as food due to the supernatural qualities associated These species inhabit swamps, lakes, with them. Tahltan oral traditions indicate streams, or the moist woods along their that giant toads once inhabited certain areas banks or margins. They require an aquatic of the country (Teit 192 1:345) and that environment in which to reproduce. They people were afraid of toads because they spawn in spring, the salamander laying only used to steal people (Teit 1921:341). A ten eggs, while the boreal toad lays 16,000 salamander seen along one's path was eggs. Young hatch as tadpoles and interpreted as an omen of death within the metamorphose over three months into family (Teit n.d.). 36 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

Insects

Insects were not used as food (Teit generally considered a nuisance to human 1956:86). Tahltan oral tradition describes comfort and preservation of food and are how the consumption of ants leads to death most effectively dealt with by means of (Teit 192 1:25 3), and how mosquitos smudges. The pitch of alpine fir can be originated from the brains of cannibal giants used to soothe and heal insect bites (Teit (Teit 192 1:3 5 1). The kinds of insects n.d.). which occur in the Stikine area are

Fish Resources

The numerous lakes, streams, and rivers In contrast to Pacific drainages further to within Tahltan territories produce a variety the north, where salmon runs occur during of different fish resources. The fish a more restricted period of time (O'Leary species which occur in the study area are 19 77, Schalk 19 77), runs of the five listed in Table 3, along with average species of salmon in the Stikine are quite weights, distribution and spawning periods. dispersed over time from the end of May The anadramous salmon, which ascend the until October. major rivers in large annual runs, are The first chinook run reaches the naturally the most abundant and reliable Telegraph Creek area of the Stikine about fish resource available. Fresh water fish the end of May, with several more runs are a v a ila b le year round and can be through June and July. Chinook procured at any time, although they are populations spawn in tributaries of the generally most abundant during spawning main stem Tahltan and Little Tahltan times. Whitefish and char (Salvelinus) Rivers, as well as further up the Stikine spawn in October to November, while most into the Grand Canyon and Tuya River. others including trout and grayling spawn is Being the first salmon of the season, spring from March until June. chinook, also referred to locally as "kings" Many of the telegraph operators at due to their large size (40 - 50 lbs [18 - isolated stations along the Telegraph Line, 2 3 kg] is common), are particularly enjoyed during the early part of this century, soon fresh, although many are also dried. realized the importance of adopting the The sockeye salmon is the species of native life style in order to survive in the greatest economic importance to the Tahltan. bush. Lawrence (1965:66,73) noted that in Runs begin in the Telegraph Creek - late May thousands of trout congregated Tahltan River area in mid-June and continue along the banks of Tedideeche creek during through August. There are at least four the spawning period. The Tahltan name of major runs, spaced about seven to ten days this creek means "catch them with your apart, which proceed to major spawning hands". Lawrence was able to catch and grounds at Tahltan Lake. Sockeye are eaten dry 400 trout in just a few days. fresh throughout the season and dried in quantity for storage. The majority of sockeye are still silver blue with firm Salmon flesh when they reach the Tahltan river. Only stragglers, at the end of each run or The large, predictable runs of the last run of the season, have turned red anadramous salmon provided a reliable in colour and have distorted heads. resource for the Tahltan people. Large Only small numbers of pink (humpback) quantities of salmon were dried during the and chum (dog salmon) ascend the Stikine as season of the runs and stored for later use. far as the Tahltan River. Arriving in THE RESOURCE BASE 37

Table 3. Fish Species Occurring in Study Area.1

Average Spawning Common Name Scientific Name Weights Distribution Period

Anadramous Sockeye salmon Oncorhynchus nerka 7 lbs. Stikine River to Tahltan L. July-Aug. (3.2 kg) Skeena and Nass Headwaters Sept.-Oct. latsamenie Lake (Sheslay R. ) July-Aug. Chinook salmon Oncorhynchus tshawytscha 20 lbs. Stikine-Tahltan-Tuya June-July (9 kg) Sheslay-Nahlin Rivers June-July Coho salmon Oncorhynchus kisutch 9 lbs. Stikine-Iskut Sept.-Nov. (4 kg) Sheslay-Nahlin Sept.-Nov. Pink salmon Oncorhynchus gorbuscha 4 lbs. Iskut-lower Stikine Aug. (1.8 kg) Chum salmon Oncorhynchus keta 10.4 lbs. Iskut-lower Stikine Aug. (4.7 kg) Steelhead trout Salmo gairdneri 8 lbs. all river systems April-May (3.6 kg)

Fresh water Rainbow trout Salmo gairdneri 1-2 lbs. all systems except May-June (450-900g) Dease Lake Cutthroat trout Salmo clarki clarki 1-2 lbs. Stikine, Nass, Skeena April-May (450-900g) Dolly Varden Salvelinus malma 5 lbs. all river systems Sept.-Oct. (2 kg) Lake trout Salvelinus namaycush 5-10 lbs. Tuya, Dease, upper Sept.-Oct. (2-5 kg) Nahlin R., Cold Fish Lake Arctic grayling Thymallus arcticus 3 lbs. Stikine, Dease, Nahlin May-June (1.3 kg) Longnose sucker Catostomus catostomus 3 lbs. all river systems May-June (1.3 kg) Burbot (Ling) Lota lota 3 lbs. Skeena, Dease, Cold Fish Feb.-March (1.3 kg) Lake (Spatsizi) Mountain whitefish Prosopium williamsoni 2 lbs. Skeena, Nass, Stikine Oct.-Nov. (900 g) Dease Round whitefish Prosopium cylindraceum 1-2 lbs. Dease, Nahlin Sept.-Nov. (450-900g) Lake whitefish Coregonus clupeaformis 3-5 lbs Dease, Skeena Sept.-Nov. (1.3-2 kg) Northern pike Esox lucius 10 lbs. Dease Lake May-June (4.5 kg) Northern squawfish Ptychocheilus oregonensis 3-5 lbs. Skeena system May-June (1.3-2.2 kg)

1. Data from Carl et al. 1959. Aro and Shephard 1957, Osmond-Jones et al. 1977, Dept, of Fisheries and Environment, Whitehorse office. 38 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

August, they are eaten fresh and dried along barriers prevent access of anadramous salmon with sockeye. Runs of coho pass up the and trout to well over 5 0% of the Stikine Stikine during September and October. drainage as seen in Figure 6. Many of these Iskut River provides the major spawning obstructions have been caused by recent area for Stikine coho, although small runs (during the last 1 0,000 years) volcanic ascend as far as the Tahltan River. Coho activity in the Mt. Edziza and Iskut River are very much enjoyed fresh, and, with the areas (Souther 19 70 :5 5). It is quite cooler temperatures of fa ll, are often probable that in earlier prehistoric times preserved by freezing. The anadramous salmon runs were much larger and more steelhead trout is also taken during extensive in the Stikine watershed. The predictable migrations to and from the sea. lakes forming the headwaters of the Iskut Runs in the Stikine River occur mid-March River may have provided spawning habitat through April and again in September. for large numbers of salmon. Physical obstructions and velocity The entire Tuya River drainage provides

Figure 6. Location of barriers impassable to salmon within the Stikine watershed (after Canada, Dept, of Fisheries and Environment) THE RESOURCE BASE 39

excellent spawning habitat (Gould n.d.) and populations in the Stikine and Taku the Federal Department of Fisheries and drainages is still poorly documented. One Environment are presently considering day spot surveys of spawning chinook in clearing of the blockage on the lower the Tahltan River sporadically from 1956 to portion of the river and a salmon 1975 have recorded 200 to 800 in Little enhancement program. Archaeological survey Tahltan River and as many as 2,700 in indicates that the use of an ethnographic Tahltan River main stem (Dept. of village at the mouth of the Tuya River Fisheries and Environment n.d.) extends back to prehistoric times. Chinook Major exploitation of Stikine River salmon spawn in the accessible portion of salmon since 189 5 has been by Alaska the lower Tuya River and further into the commercial gillnet fisheries operating in the canyon of the Stikine River. Although vicinity of the mouth of the Stikine River. still difficult of access, further Average catch statistics, presented in Table archaeological survey of the Tuya River 4, indicate that the high exploitation rate system may provide evidence of prehistoric by commercial fisheries during the first fishing sites and use of salmon in this half of this century has caused a serious drainage. decline in all Stikine River salmon stocks. Salmon resources were also available to Restrictions on gear and fishing time have the Tahltan in other parts of their been imposed recently in order to rebuild traditional territories besides the Stikine some stocks (Dept. of Fisheries and drainage. In the Taku River system, sockeye Environment n.d.). ascend the Sheslay River at least as far as Tatsamenie Lake from June to August. Chinook are most abundant in the Nahlin River in May and June. Coho are found in both the Sheslay and Nahlin drainages from July through October (Aro and Shepard Table 4. Average Catches of Stikine Salmon by 1967:324). Several large fishing villages Alaskan Gillnet Fisheries.1 have been recorded at strategic locations on the Sheslay and Nahlin Rivers and tributaries. Year Chinook Sockeye Coho Sockeye salmon also ascend the Skeena and Nass Rivers to upper tributaries within Tahltan territories, and several fishing 1933-40 N/A 56,561 78,431 villages have been recorded for the headwaters of both rivers. Fifteen to 1941-50 5,132 33,421 66,059 twenty thousand sockeye ascend the Nass to spawn in Bowser Lake; 60,000 spawn in 1951-60 21,378 20,161 50,669 Kwinageese Lake; about 12,500 spawn in Damdochax Lake; and 97,500 sockeye spawn 1961-70 7,089 21,571 21,621 in Meziadin Lake (Aro and Shepard 1967:275). Runs to the upper Nass and 1971-77 7,296 19,462 15,484 Skeena Rivers occur in September and October. Many of the conflicts recorded (Duff 1959, Teit n.d., Thor man n.d.) Largest 61,144 80,686 125,658 (1952) (1941) (1941) between the Tahltan and the Kitwancool Catch ("Nass River people") may have resulted from attempts to gain access to valuable salmon resources in the area between Bowsei 1. Dept. of Fisheries and Environment Office, and Meziadin Lakes. Whitehorse. The abundance of most salmon spawning 40 TAHLTAN ETHN0ARCHAE0L0GY

A sockeye enumeration weir has operated exploitation and escapement of Stikine River since 1959 at the outlet of Tahltan Lake, sockeye since 19 59 are presented in Table 5. the principal spawning ground of Stikine A small commercial fishery was started up Rivet sockeye. Tahltan Lake escapement in the Telegraph Creek area in 1975 but was estimated to account for 90% of was limited by marketing problem s. A sockeye production. Counts have averaged commercial fishery on the lower Stikine 17,000 since 1959. Gillnet catches and within Canadian waters was made possible escapement figures between 1959 and 1964 by the introduction in 1979 of an organized indicate an average exploitation rate of 68% marketing system involving brine barge of Stikine sockeye by commercial gillnet storage and aircraft transportation of catches fisheries (Dept. of Fisheries and to canneries in Prince Rupert. Environment n.d.). Available figures on

Table 5. Estimates of Exploitation and Abundance of Stikine River Sockeye 1959 to 1980.\

Tahltan Lake Tahltan Canadian Commercial Alaska Commercial Year Weir Counts Food Fishery Gillnet Catches Gillnet Catches Total

1959 4,311 3,000 average 20,258 27,569 1960 6,387 II -- 13,652 23,039 1961 16,619 II -- 21,608 41,227 II 1962 14,598 -- 27,515 45,113 1963 1,780 II -- 9,997 14,777 II 1964 18,353 -- 20,301 41,654 II 1965 1,471 -- 21,419 50,890* 1966 21,580 II -- 36,710 61,290 1967 38,801 it -- 29,226 71,027 II 1968 19,726 -- 14,606 37,332 1969 11,706 II -- 19,211 33,917 1970 8,419 II - - 15,120 26,539 II 1971 18,523 -- 18,143 39,666 II 1972 52,354 -- 51,735 107,089 II 1973 2,877 -- 21,501 27,378 II 1974 8,106 -- 2,434 13,540 1975 8,159 1,982 270 -- 10,411 1976 24,111 2,911 733 18 27,773 1977 42,960 4,335 1,976 48,374 97,645 1978 22,488 3,500 1 ,500 56 27,544 1979 10,211 3,000 10,534 2,158 25,903 1980 11,018 2,100 18,819 13,919 45,856

\ Data from federal Dept . of Fisheries and Envir. office in Whitehorse, Yukon.

* includes an estimated 25,000 fish unable to pass landslide barrier THE RESOURCE BASE 41

Plant Resources

Although the study area is located more than 200 species of mosses and lichens within the Boreal Forest Region of Canada, have been recorded (Pojar 1976) for Spatsizi the boreal black and white spruce zone in Park; most of these from the alpine and the Stikine Plateau area is restricted to subalpine zones. lower elevations (below 3,000 feet or 900 Within the traditional subsistence meters) along major river valleys. The economy plant resources were used for food, forest cover is characterized by a mosaic medicines, and raw materials. The various growth, or open mixture of trembling aspen, species of trees and other plants used as white spruce, and lodgepole pine, with sources of materials for technological birches and cottonwood, along with alders purposes are listed in Appendix 2 along and willows along river banks, and alpine with a summary of their uses. Wood and fir and black spruce at somewhat higher bark from trees growing in the Stikine area elevations (Rowe 1972:B25). were essential resource materials for the Due to the dry interior climate, building of structures and other facilities, grassland communities are found in many and for the manufacture of a variety of areas throughout the Stikine Plateau; tools and implements. Procurement and shrub and m o ss-lich en communities uses of these resources are discussed in predominate extensive areas of the alpine detail in Chapter 6. Appendix 3 lists and subalpine zones, providing excellent approximately 80 edible plant species which habitat for the diverse fauna of the area. occur in the Stikine River area. Over 370 species of vascular plants and

VI TECHNOLOGY OF RESOURCE EXPLOITATION

This section describes the methods, ethnographies. tools, and facilities used by the Tahltan The Tahltan maintained a complex people to procure, process, and store the technology in order to exploit large different kinds of resources available within quantities of seasonally abundant resources. their territories. Data on traditional Procurement strategies emphasized the use methods and technology of resource of a variety of complex tended and untended exploitation are not available in equal facilities such as fences, weirs, traps, detail. Some aspects of traditional snares, and nets which could be adapted for subsistence activities have been recorded in a wide range of different kinds of resources. detail through direct observation and oral Efficient harvesting also required a detailed accounts by current Tahltan elders during knowledge of habits and characteristics of the course of the present research and used the different species of animals, fish, birds, to supplement data gathered from early and plants available.

Hunting Techniques

The Tahltan used several different families cooperated in driving caribou techniques for hunting mammals and birds. towards the fences. After struggling with Facilities such as caribou fences, snares, the snares, caribou became severely traps, and nets were used to capture weakened and were easily dispatched with a gregarious species during periods of spear. aggregation as well as more dispersed and Each clan had several fences. They were solitary animals. Dogs and implements such the communal property of the clan in as bows and arrows and spears were also whose territory they were built. The used in hunting. snares in the fence were made and set by individuals. The meat was shared among all the families which used and helped to Fences and Drives for Caribou maintain the fence. The skins belonged to the persons owning the snares in which an In fall, and again in late winter/early animal was caught, but skins might be spring when there is a thick crust on the given away to anyone in need (Teit n.d.). snow, caribou move in large groups between When a herd of caribou was sighted in a alpine tundra and forested valleys. At different area, snares were set between trees these times of the year caribou were easily growing a suitable distance apart. Swift captured by means of fences erected at runners drove the caribou between two strategic points along well known migration flanks of people towards the patch of routes. In open areas, fences three to four timber where the snares were set. Caribou miles long, but sometimes as long as eight were also driven through defiles in the or ten miles, extended from river banks to hills where good shooters were stationed. prominent headlands. They were They were sometimes chased into patches of constructed of posts, interlaced with deep snow where the animal became stuck deadfall and branches. Openings were left and speared. Caribou were not killed in at regular intervals along the fence in open water at river crossings, being difficult which hide snares were set. Several to retrieve (Teit n.d.). 44 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

Use of Snares

Snares were used to capture a wide range of different animals and birds. Large, thick snares, made of four strands of unsoftened caribou or moose hide (rawhide or babiche), twisted and looped to form a strong noose, were used to capture larger animals. Snares were set in fences and in a line between trees towards which caribou were driven. They were also set along trails which moose, deer, sheep, or goats were known to frequent. Bears were commonly captured with thick snares attached to heavy tossing poles which prevented their escape. Several smaller mammals were also captured by means of snares. Lynx were caught by means of hide snares attached to tosing poles which were set along trails or in areas where they hunted rabbits. A dead rabbits was often placed close by as bait. Figure 7. Snare with tossing pole used for rabbits Beaver were often caught with snares, with stone weights attached, which were set in shallow waters along pathways to the beaver's dam or to the shore. The area of ptarmigan were chased towards the snares around the snare was sprinkled with by women and children while singing a castoreum stored in containers made of coaxing song to them. Ducks and geese were caribou antler (illustrated in Emmons also caught with snares set in shallow 1911:73). waters of marshes and lakes (Teit n.d). Large n u m b e rs of m arm ots and Snares made of twisted sinew or fine groundsquirrels, or gophers, were hunted strips of babiche, used for capturing birds from mid-August to mid-September when and smaller mammals such as rabbits and they were fat just prior to hibernation. marmots, were stored on rectangular shaped They were captured by means of hide snares wooden reels with deep notches. Having a set at the entrances to underground suply of snares ready for use, it took burrows. little time to set several of them. Rabbits were most commonly captured with snares made of twisted sinew. These Nets were attached to willow springpoles along runways (shown in Figure 7). During Nets were commonly used to capture periods of extreme cold or heavy snowfall beaver. Beaver nets were made of babiche, in winter, small pine trees were cut down four to seven metres in length, with a 12 close together to form a kind of corral. to 15 cm mesh just large enough for the Rabbits were allowed to make runways and head of the beaver to pass through. Nets to feed on the pine for two or three days. were set in either clear water or under the Then snares were set along the runways. ice in winter across well travelled routes Grouse and ptarmigan were generally from the beaver's house to its dam or to caught with snares of twisted willow bark feeding areas. When set under the ice, or sinew of caribou or moose. Snares were several holes were made in the ice in a attached to a bent willow or a pole stuck straight line. The net was spread out by into the ground along trails used by grouse. pushing a long pole under the ice, to In hunting ptarmigan, snares were set in a which the end of the net was attached. line in a patch of shrub willows. Bunches The ends of the net were secured to poles TECHNOLOGY OF EXPLOITATION 45

Figure 9. Deadfall trap used for carnivores end of beaver net

set into the ice or to opposite banks of the trap by means of bait such as rotten the stream. A long, strong, drawstring, fish eggs, castoreum, or a dead rabbit or looped through the outer meshes of the grouse placed inside the corral arrangement. net around the four sides, passed through a bone swivel, as shown in Figure 8, with Stalking the ends tied to a stout pole. A wind charm, or rattle, made of several split Large, solitary animals such as moose, halves of dried caribou or moose hooves, deer, sheep and goats were generally stalked was also tied to the pole to give warning and killed with bow and arrows or spears when a beaver was enmeshed. When a (described under hunting implements below). beaver was caught, the two ends of the Knowledge of seasonal habits and location drawstring were pulled through the bone of animal beds and trails was used to locate swivel to close the net and bring the animals. Hunters usually worked in pairs beaver to the surface. The hunter often when stalking. made a temporary camp on the shore while waiting for a beaver to get caught in the Use of Dogs net. The beaver's dam might be opened up or its house broken into to bring the Formerly, dogs were used a great deal in beaver into the net (Emmons 191 1: 74-75, hunting. Although small in size, measuring Teit n.d.). about 40 cm high and weighing only about five kg (Crisp 1956:38), they were trained Traps to track animals and keep them at bay. Particularly useful in hunting bears and Deadfall traps, similar to that shown in keeping them at bay until they could be Figure 9, consisted of several large poles speared or shot with bow and arrow, these arranged to trap an animal under a heavy dogs gained reknown as the Tahltan Bear weight after the balancing lever had been Dog. In winter, bears in their dens were triggered. Traps were used to capture sometimes located with dogs, where they solitary carnivores such as marten, were speared. Dogs were also used in wolverine, and fox which were used for hunting porcupine. This slow moving their fur only. Animals were attracted to animal is easily killed with a club. 46 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

Hunting Implements

Bows

Good bows were made of young alpine fir (Ab ies 1 as iocar p a) wood, although temporary bows were also made of young spruce (Picea elauca) and birch (Betula sp.). They were about one and a half metres in length and five cm thick, slightly tapered at the ends. The bow was carved flat on the inner surface and rounded on the outer surface. In its manufacture, the middle part of the bow was heated and rubbed with beaver castor to toughen the wood. The whole length of the bow was covered with a caribou or moose hide covering which was tied at intervals along the front or outer surface of the bow to keep it in place. Formerly no skin covering was used, until a man once broke his bow while it was fully drawn and the end flew back and pierced him so that he died (Emmons 19211:65-66, Teit n.d.). Bow strings were made of wet sinew from the back of caribou which was twisted and rolled on the thigh. Occasionally bow strings made of babiche were used. Good bows were only strung when nearly ready to shoot. Bow points, made of goat or sheep horn, caribou bone or antler, or obsidian, were attached to the upper end of the bow with sinew lashing (see Figure 10) and thus used Figure 10. Tahltan bow with antler point as a spear for dispatching wounded animals. (1.5m long) The bow point was longer than arrow points but not as long as regular spear points. It had a proportionately narrow base and shallow notches (Emmons 1911:65-66. Teit n.d.). feathers were used on arrows for birds and Arrows small game, while three feathers were considered best for large game. Feathers Teit (n.d. fieldnotes) indicates that all were secured with a sinew lashing. Hawk, arrow shafts were made of saskatoon berry owl, and grouse tail feathers were used wood (Amelanchier alnifolia) and were about (Emmons 1911:67, Teit n.d.). Tahltan 75 cm (2 1/2 ft) long. Sandstone abraders tradition indicates that the use of wing were used to smooth arrow shafts. Shark feathers of the golden eagle on arrows, as skin, obtained in trade from the Tlingit, taught by the wolf people, was believed to was also used to smooth shafts. Shafts bring good luck in hunting (Teit 1919:250). were painted red and black with various Arrow points of bone, antler, and designs and also oiled with fish oil. The obsidian were used. Both leaf shaped and end of the arrow was feathered. Two notched points were used. Points were TECHNOLOGY OF EXPLOITATION 47

Figure 12. Blunt headed arrow for birds and small game

of a single cylindrical pouch. It was sewn along the sides and the small round piece V at the bottom. It usually held ten to Figure 11. Attachment of point to arrow shafts twelve arrows. Feathers lined the bottom, three or four inches deep, so that the arrow points were not damaged. Some quivers were decorated with designs in quill usually set into the split head of the or bead work, fringed, and painted with red shaft and secuted with fine sinew lashing ochre. It was carried on the back by means and spruce gum (see Figure 11). Sometimes of a strap, while the bow was carried in they were lashed to the arrow shaft the hand (Emmons 1911:67, Teit n.d.). without seizing so that after entering the animal the point detached itself and worked Spears into the flesh. No shell points, foreshafts, or poison were used on arrows Spears were used for both hunting and (Emmons 1911:67, Teit n.d.). warfare. The spear point was made of goat Arrows for grouse, ptarmigan, waterfowl, horn or obsidian. It was similar to the rabbits, and other small game were carved bow point, but much longer, fitted into from a single piece of wood with blunt the end of a stout shaft about two metres heads as shown in Figure 12. long, and lashed with hide rope. Cases for protecting the points were made of wood, Quivers split in half, hollowed out to conform to the shape of the point, and grooved on the Quivers for carrying arrows were made of outside to accommodate the hide lashing dressed caribou or moose hide in the form (Emmons 1911:67-68, Teit n.d.).

Skinning and Butchering Game

Larger animals, such as caribou and more permanent habitation site) for skinning moose, are skinned and butchered into major and butchering. Animals are skinned before body parts at the kill site. Small animals, cutting them open. This ensures that hair such as beaver, marmots, and ground is kept away from the meat and that excess squirrels, are generally brought back to the blood does not get on the hair or fur. the camp (either a temporary camp or a 48 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

Figure 13. Bone skinning knife

Knives throat to the back of the neck. From the mid-line of the belly the skin of one side The traditional skinning knife is made of is separated from the body around to the caiibou antler, a rib of caribou or moose, back using the long skinning knife. By or a longitudinal flat section of lower leg leaving a small amount of flesh (one cm) bone of caribou, moose, or bear, which is attached to the skin, the animal is skinned sharpened at one end and sometimes serrated more quickly, with less danger of cutting (see Figure 13). These are often decorated the skin, and makes defleshing of the hide with incised lines and geometric patterns, somewhat easier at a later stage. The and coloured with red ochre. animal is then rolled over onto the side Rib bones of caribou and moose, already skinned and the skin is separated sharpened along one edge, were traditionally form the other side starting again from the used for butchering meat. Knives with belly section. obsidian blades were also used, especially After the skin is completely removed, for butchering and skinning large game. the animal is butchered into large sections The blade was hafted into a short handle by disarticulating major joints. First the of wood, horn, or antler, by means of forelegs and then the upper limbs are sinew or hide lashing (Emmons 1911:68, Teit disjointed. The head is cu t o ff by n.d.). separating two of the middle cervical vertebrae. The abdominal cavity is opened Skinning and Butchering Large Animals and the intestines are removed and cleaned. Other organs are removed and the interior If a large animal is captured and killed of the cavity is washed with snow or wiped late in the day during the winter, with not out with leafy branches. Two longitudinal enough daylight to complete the work of sections or 'sides' of ribs are cut away by butchering, only the lower limbs of the separating ribs from vertebrae and breast animal are skinned out since they freeze bone at joints. The back is separated into very quickly. The animal is then three or four transverse sections. completely covered with a mound of snow; With the body of the animal cut into the heat of the animal is thus retained so more compact sections, the hide is used as a that it will not freeze overnight. The temporary toboggan to transport it back to hunter returns early the next morning to the camp or village. The hide of large carry out skinning, butchering, and animals is cut into two equal pieces. transporting back to camp. Holes are cut at intervals along the edge After skinning out the legs, the skin is through which a hide rope is passed. cut from the anus to the throat along the Placed with hair side down, sections of the mid-line of the belly, and then around the animal are packed on the skin which is TECHNOLOGY OF EXPLOITATION 49

laced up tightly. The bundle is thus easily pulled along the snow in the direction of the hair. It slides downhill easily and the hunter may even ride on top. If animals are killed when there is little or no snow on the ground, sections are packed on the back in large pack bags made of tanned skin or of netted babiche (Emmons 1911:51, Teit n.d.). Unless restricted by great distance, the entire animal is taken back to camp and put to some use or other. Meat for drying is cut in strips, 10 to 20 cm wide and 3 0 to 4 0 cm long, mainly from the shoulders, hind quarters, and back sections, and placed on poles suspended about two metres above the campfire.

Skinning and Butchering Small Animals

In skinning small game animals such as beaver, marmots, and ground squirrels, the lower limbs (hands and feet) are cut off. A cut is made along the mid line of the belly from anus to chin. Using the bone skinning knife (Figure 13) the skin is separated from the flesh and fat first on one side around to the back and then the other. Working around the legs and tail, these are slipped out of the skin, or in the case of the beaver a cut is made around the base of the tail. The skin is separated from the head by cutting around the ears, eyes, and mouth, at which point the entire skin is removed form the body. The skinning of a beaver takes between a half and one hour, while the skinning of marmots and ground squirrels takes only a few minutes. Small game animals such as beaver and Figure 14. Split beaver hanging to dry over the marmots are split for drying whole in such campfire a manner as to remove the backbone and other larger bones and leave the belly flesh intact. The head and sometimes the tail of the animal is removed. With the body of the animal lying on its belly or ventral and sections of ribs, and shoulder blades surface, meat is cut away from the dorsal are removed along with the guts, leaving surface of the backbone, pelvis, and ribs, the legs, frontal sections of ribs, and to about the midline of the ribs. A breastbone attached to the intact belly longitudinal cut is made on both sides of flesh. The flesh is spread out straight the rib cage at this mid point. Legs are with small sticks and suspended above a disarticulated from the pelvis and shoulder smoky fire so that it turns in the wind as blades. The backbone, with attached pelvis seen in Figure 14. 50 TAHLTAN ETHN0ARHCAE0L0GY

Use of Animals Foe Raw Materials

Besides their primary use as food, of these animals were used in some way, animals also provided raw materials for the either as food or as raw materials. manufacture of many tools and implements used by the Tahltan as well as clothing Use of Skins and a variety of other items. Table 6 summarizes the major uses and relative Moose and caribou skins, tanned in the value of the raw materials provided by manner described below, were particularly different kinds of animal resources. important for making articles of clothing, Caribou and moose are comparable in terms the styles of which are described in detail of their importance and usage within the by Teit (1956), as well as a variety of bags traditional subsistence economy. All parts which were used as containers for storage

Table 6. Uses and Relative Value of Raw Materials Provided by Animal Resources.

Value Resource Raw Material Uses (Emmons 1911, Teit n.d.) Score

caribou/moose/ skin (tanned) clothing, containers for storage and transportation .5 deer babiche snares, fish and beaver nets, snowshoe netting, cordage sinew thread for sewing, snares, twine antler skinning knives, butchering knives, hide scrapers, bone awls, points, barbs, wedges, bark pryers, digging sticks, handles

sheep/goats skin bedding, rugs, water containers .4 hair cordage for fish bags sinew thread, snares, twine horns bowls, spoons, snowshoe brakes, spear points, handles

bears skin bedding, rugs .3 bone variety of tools including hide scrapers teeth tools, charms, necklaces, headdresses

beaver skin bedding, rugs, headgear .3 teeth smalltools such as drills and knives castor scent used as bait

porcupine quills used in decorative embroidery .1

marmots/gophers skins clothing, robes .2 hare teeth small tools

lynx/fox/marten skins robes, headgear .1

birds feathers feathering arrows, lining parfleches, ceremonial uses .2 bones small tools, implements

salmon skin containers for storing meat, fat .1 TECHNOLOGY OF EXPLOITATION 51

Figure 15. 8one awl used in sewing

and transportation of goods. Sewing is done The skins of moose and caribou were with sinew from the back and legs of also used in the manufacture of babiche. moose or caribou, and sometimes from sheep Hides were defleshed, dehaired, and scraped or goats. Very fine fibres of this on both sides but were not softened by tendonous tissue are separated and rolled on tanning and dressing. They were cut when the thigh to produce long threads. The wet into one continuous narrow strip with Tahltan did not traditionally use bone a knife made of an obsidian blade or flake needles for sewing. Bone awls, similar to hafted into a handle of wood, bone, or the one shown in Figure 15, are used to antler. Babiche was used for making nets, make tiny holes in the skin through which snares, ropes, snowshoe netting, and netted the stiff sinew thread passes easily. game bags.

Hide Processing

Throughout North America where the detailed accounts of hide processing is hunting of mammals provided the major provided by Emmons for the Tahltan subsistence base, furs and hides were Indians (Emmons 1911:80-84). The statement processed by all groups and used for a made by Emmons in 1911 that "practically variety of purposes. Yet there are very the same methods of treatment are employed few detailed accounts of the entire hide today as in the past, and while an working process or the tools and facilities occasional iron tool may be found in use, used in each stage. As curator of implements of bone and stone, aboriginal in Ethnology at the U.S. National Museum in form and workmanship, are preferred" is as the 1880's, Otis Mason reported on the apt today in 1982 as it was at the turn of hide processing tools housed in the museum the century. While carrying out at that time and compiled descriptions of ethnoarchaeological investigations among the the process, gathered from the literature to Tahltan people over the past few years, date. The brief and summary nature of this author has the opportunity to observe most of the accounts prompted him to the continued use of traditional methods secure a more detailed description of Navaho and tools by Tahltan women in processing skin dressing from a friend, Dr. Shufeldt, hides, which are described here. working with the U.S. Army in the Navaho The hides of moose, caribou and deer area at the time (Mason 1889:574). were defleshed, dehaired and softened A study of available accounts of hide thoroughly on both sides for use in the working indicates that, while some variation manufacture of clothing, bags and cordage. in techniques and different materials are The skins of goats, sheep, bear and other used by different groups, the process, fur bearing animals were dressed in a similar facilities, and kinds of tools used are manner on the flesh side only for use as similar throughout large areas of North robes, bedding and rugs. America. Among the ethnographies on Indian While the procurement, skinning and tribes in British Columbia, one of the most initial butchering of large game animals is 52 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

largely carried out by men, the entire Defleshing/Dehairing process of hide preparation is carried out e x clu siv ely by women, as is tr u e Skins are easier to deflesh when they throughout most of North America where are fresh, with about one cm. of flesh left hunting procures a major portion of the adhering to them. In early spring hides are subsistence base (Driver and Massey covered with snow to keep them damp. 1957:343-4). Girls learn the art of hide Skins which have dried out are soaked in processing about the age of 10 - 12 from water and rolled up for a few days to their mother or aunt by way of soften them up again. The traditional observation, imitation and continued method of defleshing and dehairing hides participation with them. (Emmons 1911:81, Teit n.d). employed by Traditionally, most hide working was Tahltan women was similar to that used by done at spring and fall hunting camps, other groups. The skin was draped over a shortly after large numbers of animals had post about a metre high which was firmly been captured. Today, hide processing is planted in the ground in a slanting carried out in the yard beside or behind position, all particles of flesh are removed houses in the village. Depending on the with an instrument made from an upper leg number of hides being processed at a time, bone of moose, caribou, or bear as shown hide working activities may require up to in Figure 16. The scraping end of the tool 200 square metres of activity area. Hides is serrated. The skin is scraped with a procured during mid-winter may be left downward motion and with some pressure frozen in the snow, which keeps them on the tool. fresh, until they can be worked on in Having been kept rolled up for several warmer spring weather. By mid-March days while damp, the hair on the skin daytime temperatures become comfortable naturally tends to loosen. The hide is for extensive outdoor hide working which draped over a large smooth post which continues until June when attentions turn rests against a tree. The hair is scraped off to preparation for the summer fishing with a lower leg bone of moose or caribou, season. from which a thin longitudinal section has been removed to give two edges, one of

Figure 16. Bone scrapers for defleshing and scraping hides TECHNOLOGY OF EXPLOITATION 53

• 7 '">•'''! 0 2 3 4 5 6 7 ® » 10 . It l| 13 M « * 17 « >9 20

< H > m 77®

Figure 17. Beamer for removing hair from large hides

which is sharpened, as seen in Figure 17. stretching frame and allowed to freeze This beamer is used with two hands in a overnight. At first light the next morning similar manner as a spokeshave with a the hide is scraped while still frozen to downward movement. remove remaining hair and the outer cuticle Today most women prefer to remove the of skin, as shown in Figure 18. While this flesh and hair from skins while they are outer cuticle of skin can be scraped off dry stretched on the stretcher frames. A thin in warmer weather, it is much easier to strip of hair (5 cm. wide) is removed from remove when frozen in early spring. This around the entire outer edge of the hide so process takes three to four hours. that slits can be made (3-5 cm. long) at Traditionally the heavy chisel-like fleshing regular intervals along the edge. The hide implement (Figure 16) was used for scraping is then attached to a square or rectangular off the cuticle. Presently, metal files with stretching frame made of poles with corner curved and sharpened ends are frequently bracing by means of hide rope. The frame used for this purpose. may be twice the area of the unworked hide, thus requiring up to 25 metres of Soaking hide rope, approximately one cm. wide. The hair is generally cut off the hide with The traditional tanning agent still used a metal knife and takes one to two hours. for softening hides is the brain of the The stretcher frame is turned and the flesh animal being worked. One moose brain is is removed with a knife or the traditional sufficient to tan a large moose hide. The serrated bone deflesher. The animal hair brain is tied up in a small bag and cooked may be found piled in close vicinity to the slowly in water until it permeates the work area. Moose hair has been observed water, giving it a 'soapy' feel. This is used as filling or stuffing within a cloth added to the water in a large container in cover for mattresses. Hides which have which the folded hide is placed until the been defleshed during the fall or winter are hide is completely covered. Today metal covered with bear grease in order to washtubs are used for soaking hides. preserve them until they can be worked Formerly large vessels for soaking hides again. Defleshing takes one to two hours. were made of birch or spruce bark, sewn together with spruce roots and glued with Scraping pitch. These were placed in pits dug into the ground of the same size, approximately After the hair and flesh have been one metre in length and a half metre deep. removed from the skin, it is soaked in A cover is placed over the container to water. In the evening it is laced onto the keep out dirt, and the top is weighted 54 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

Figure 18. Scraping frozen hides

down to keep dogs from getting at the hide. diameter, with bark removed, is looped Women are very careful to keep the hide through the slits in the opposite end of clean at all stages, since dirt which got on the hide. The hide is wrung by turning the hide during the working process would the pole in one direction, as shown in leave the hide black and be difficult to Figure 19, until the hide is twisted into a remove if it became impregnated. The hide tight knot close to the wringing post. The is soaked in the brain water for at least pole is secured against the post and left four days. Every day it is taken out of for a few minutes so that the brain water the water to be wrung and stretched. drips out of the hide into a container below. The pole is unwound and then W ringing turned in the opposite direction. The same process is repeated, looping the pole A wringing post, one to one and a half through the other side or length of the metres high, is made by chopping down a hide so that most of the moisture is wrung small poplar tree 10 to 15 cm in diameter. out of the hide. The 'soapy' brain water Formerly trees were chopped down with is retained and used again. stone axes hafted and used in a similar With one end of the hide looped over manner to modern steel axes (Teit n.d.). the wringing post the hide is pulled out at The top of the post is cut to a point. the sides and ends to stretch it while still One end of the wet hide is attached to the damp. The hide is then hung over a pole post by looping the slits along the edge (5 - 10 cm in diameter, 3 metres long) over the point in alternate directions. A suspended from two tress. This pole also small pole, approximately one and a half has the bark removed to keep the hide metres in length and five to seven cm in clean. The hide is left to dry slowly over TECHNOLOGY OF EXPLOITATION 55

Figure 19. Wringing the hide

a couple of hours. Drying too quickly lengths are laced through the slits along will leave the hide hard and stiff. the edge of the hide and pulled around the Approximately one hour is spent wringing frame. Stretching the hide into the proper and stretching each hide. The process of shape is very important. After the four soaking, wringing, and stretching is repeated sides have been attached to the frame the three to four times before the hide is soft ropes are then tightened all around until and pliable. Several hides are usually the skin is tight when pushed against with processed at the same time during this some force. The hide is left on the stage. A woman might process 20 to 30 stretcher until almost dry. Dressing is hides during the year to fulfill average done on clear days since it is important needs of her family for softened hides. that the hide does not get wet again from rain before the entire process is completed Dressing or it will become stiff and hard. The frame is put in a shady place so that the When the hide is soft and pliable and hide will dry slowly. Hot sun will dry ready to be dressed, it is attached to the the hide too quickly and make it stiff. stretching frame while still damp. Care is With the frame leaning against the pole taken to keep the hide clean. With the in almost vertical position, one half on the frame resting at an angle against a pole hide is dressed at a time using a stone tool, suspended at two metre level from two which has a dulled working edge, hafted to trees, the top corners of the hide are a pole handle approximately one metre in attached first, holding the rest of the hide length, as shown in Figure 20. This tool up off the ground, then the bottom corners is usually made from a coarse grained basalt are attached. Hide ropes in manageable pebble, the manufacture of which is 56 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

described below. The dressing tool is used with two hands, one grasping the hafted stone pushes with some force against the skin, the other hand grasping the end of the handle p u lls towards the body as illustrated in Figure 21. The tool is worked against the hide in a downward or sideways motion. This dressing action completes softening of the skin by taking off remaining cuticles of flesh, thins it, and makes it more porous so that smoke can penetrate it. The stretching frame is turned so that all edges and both sides can be worked. Approximately two hours of continuous effort is required to dress a small hide (young moose, deer or caribou), while four hours are needed to soften a large moose hide by a woman of full strength. Dressing may take up to twice as long for older women or when it is done at a more leisurely pace. Hides taken from

Figure 20. (right) Hafted stone tools used for dressing hides Figure 21. (below) Dressing the stretched hide TECHNOLOGY OF EXPLOITATION 57

animals killed in the fall are thicker and take longer to process at all stages. After removing the dry soft hide from the stretching frame, the outside edges are trimmed off and the hide is ready to be smoked.

Smoking

Smoking preserves the hide and keeps it from becoming hard when wet. A cylindrical shaped frame of light willow poles is constructed over a small fire pit, which averages 50 cm in diameter and 60 cm in depth, for smoking hides as shown in Figure 22. The frame is high enough so that the hide will not touch the ground (approximately two metres high). Smoking is done on a clear day when there is no breeze to take away the smoke and takes about two hours or more depending on how deep or rich the colour is desired. Dry pine cones and the inside white wood of a rotten cottonwood log are used for smoking, giving the hide a rich golden brown colour.

Manufacture of Stone Dressing Tools

Although anthropologists tend to assume that stone working traditions are no longer being employed in contemporary Canada, Figure 22. Hide smoking frame and pit recent observations by this author indicate that Tahltan women ate still manufacturing their own stone dressing tools. These tools are made of a coarse grained basalt which is (Flenniken 1980, Hayden pers. comm.). The abundant in the Stikine area. Relatively basalt pebble is held edgewise on a large thin pebbles, oval or elongated in shape, anvil stone and is struck with a hand held are collected by women during the course hammer stone. If the pebble is well of other procurement activities and kept struck each half can be used as a tool. until needed for manufacturing new tools. Using direct percussion, flakes are removed This kind of behavior in procurement of from the edges by means of a hammerstone raw materials has been described by Binford or by striking the split pebble directly as an embedded strategy (Binford 1979:259). against the anvil stone as seen in Figure 23. The manufacture of new tools and Flaking thus creates a dulled working edge. resharpening of old ones are carried out at A sharp edge is considered undesirable for the beginning of the hide dressing stage, so softening hides since it would tear the skin. that several tools are hafted and ready for All tools have cortex remaining on their use. Dressing stones are manufactured using dorsal surfaces. The manufacture of a new a bipolar technique, similar to that tool takes about ten minutes. described by earlier ethnographers (Emmons Dressing stones appear to have a long 1911, Teit 1900) and scholars who are life span. Two or three hides can be currently conducting replicative experiments dressed with a tool before it requires 58 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

resharpening. Although the stone material Table 7. Measurements of Several Stone Hide is abundant and the method of manufacture Working Tools (mm). fairly simple, many stone dressing tools appear to be highly curated. Several tools observed in 1979 and 1980 are reputed to Length Width Thickness be over 100 years old. When first starting to work on hides, a woman is given her 72 18 first tools by an aunt or her mother. 1. 124 These are kept and handed down again as 2. 139 78 22 136 81 30 heirloom s. With continued use and 3. 4. 120 80 18 resharpening, tools become smaller in size n o 82 32 and may differ in shape from newly 5. 110 69 32 manufactured too ls. Measurements of 6. several stone hide working tools are 7. 126 73 28 presented in Table 7. 8. 117 75 20 9. n o 74 21 10. 114 75 18 All of the split pebble tools observed 11. 113 74 22 being manufactured and hafted into pole 12. 115 91 18 handles are used in dressing or softening of 13. 120 80 12 hides during the initial processing of large 14. 123 78 20 skins as described above. However, within 15. n o 56 19 every woman's workbag or collection of 16. 112 69 17 tools there are one or two smaller stone 17. 112 58 16 dressing tools which are best described as 18. n o 75 24 cortex spall or flake tools. These are hand 19. 108 78 16 held and used for dressing smaller skins 20. 98 75 10 which require little work to soften them. 21. 89 69 18 They are also used to resoften articles of 22. 127 71 18 clothing or robes after washing or cleaning. 23. 138 86 24 Traditionally, clothing was washed in urine. 24. 130 92 26 After drying, they were often whitened with 25. 141 61 22 chalk and then rubbed with the hand held 26. 120 62 16 dressing stone (Teit n.d.). The two types 27. 163 75 20 of stone tools used for dressing skins are 28. 78 69 18 illustrated in Figure 24. The middle tool in Figure 24 still has tiny bits of skin Range 78-141 56-91 10-32 adhering to it, although it has not been Average 117 74 20 used for forty years. After continued use, tools generally develop highly polished edges. Hand held dressing stones traditionally used in conjunction with a chalk whitening agent probably had a much and ind icates that they have a wide shorter use life than tools used in the distribution in archaeological sites in the initial processing of hides. southern interior plateau area. Coulson Ethnographic observations on the (19 71) conducted an analysis of 577 cortex manufacture and use of stone tools in hide flake tools from the Fountain Site (EeRl processing activities are useful for 19), a winter village site above the Fraser interpretation of tools found in River in the vicinity of Lillooet, B.C. archaeological contexts. Based on brief Although their use as hide working tools descriptions provided by Teit (1900, 1909) was only tentatively suggested, many of the and Morice (1893), Ham (19 75) identified attributes recorded for these tools (Coulson cortex spall tools from sites in the 1971:17-22) are very similar to those of Chilcotin River area as hide working tools tools observed by the present study. TECHNOLOGY OF EXPLOITATION 59

Figure 23. Flaking the hide dressing stone

Figure 24. Two types of hide dressing stones 60 TAHLTAN ETHN0ARCHAE0L0GY

Fishing Techniques

The Tahltan used a variety of methods to procure anadromous salmon and fresh water fish, including the use of weirs, basket traps, gill nets, dip nets, gaffs, and spears, depending on the location of fishing activities and the quantities taken.

Weirs Figure 25. Cylindrical basket trap used for salmon Weirs were used to cap tu re large quantities of salmon and fresh water fish during periods of migration to spawning grounds. They were constructed in shallow narrow river passages for catching large waters of rivers and streams along which numbers of fish. They had inverted cones fish passed. at the mouth of the trap through which Weirs were constructed of light spruce the fish passed. The traps were weighted poles placed horizontally three to four down in the water with rocks placed inside. inches apart and lashed to more stout When filled with fish, they were lifted up vertical poles with red willow withes. by means of strong ropes attached at several Withes when soaked in water and heated points. Basket traps were particularly over a fire become very pliable so that useful for catching salmon at sites in the tight knots can be made. Teit lower portion of the Grand Canyon of the (1906:344-345) observed a weir at the turn Stikine, a few miles above Telegraph Creek. of the century composed of a fence with two boxes for constraining the fish. Finely Gill Nets balanced twigs attached to the entrace of the first box close after the fish pass Gill nets made of twisted sinew, through. The fish, unable to escape, pass babiche, or shredded willow bark were used on to the second box where they are taken for fishing in lakes. These were about two out with a gaff hook. Several hundred metres wide and six to ten metres long with fish could be caught in the weir in a few a mesh size of five cm. Carved wooden hours. floats were attached to the thicker upper net rope and suitable sized rocks, often Gaffs wrapped in hide, were attached to the lower line. The gaff was and still is a popular After a ban was placed on Indian use of fishing implement (see Figure 26). It was weirs for catching salmon in the early part generally used in swift shallow streams and of this century, gill nets were adapted for at weir locations. It consisted of a light use in the back eddies of larger fast moving pole about five metres long armed with a rivers during the 1920's. People continued detachable hook made of caribou antler to tie their their own nets of various mesh (Emmons 1911:86), which was attached to sizes using spools of twine obtained from the shaft by means of one metre of hide the Hudsons's Bay Company. Although line. Gaffs in current use (shown in Figure plastic netting needles are most common 27) are similar in construction except that today, netting needles and gauges carved of hooks are made of iron. wood are still in use. Presently, second hand nets obtained from commercial fisheries Basket Traps are cut down to suitable size for river nets, generally 10 to 12 metres long. Gill Long cylindrical basket traps, similar to nets are set out into the river by means of that shown in Figure 25, were used at booms, large spruce or pine poles about TECHNOLOGY OF EXPLOITATION 61

Figure 26. Gaffing salmon in shallow waters

Figure 27. Gaff pole with detachable hook 62 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

nine metres in length. Nets are run three or four times a day during the peak sockeye runs, since any more than 200 lb. of fish in a net makes it too heavy to haul in.

Dip Nets

Dip nets, similar to the one shown in Figure 28, were made of the same materials as gill nets for use along creeks and at weir locations.

Spears

For lake fishing through holes in the ice a three pronged spear was used. It consisted of a 13 foot long (4.5m) pole to which is attached a central bone point and two wooden arms with bone barbs at either side as shown in Figure 29. All attachments are made with sinew lashing. Salmon eggs were used as bait to attract fish to the hole where they were speared. Holes in the ice were cut with chisels of antler or horn (Emmons 1911:87, Teit n.d.). Another type of spear consisted of a blade made of mountain goat horn, about seven cm long, pointed at both ends and sharpened along one edge. A line of twisted sinew or hide passed through a hole about the center and was secured to a four metre pole. One end of the toggle like blade fitted into a socket in the end of the Figure 28. Dip net used in fishing shaft. When the blade was driven into a fish it was released from the end of the pole, and the strain on the line tended to turn the blade at an angle to prevent its withdrawal from the fish (Emmons 1911:87). Hooks and Lines

Long lines of shredded and twisted willow bark with a series of hooks attached were set out from lake shores for catching freshwater fish. They also had several floats and small sinker stones attached. Individual lines with a single hook, float, and sinker were attached to poles about two metres long which were either hand held or set in the bank along creeks or lake shores. The hooks attached to these lines had bone barbs lashed to Figure 29. Three pronged spear used for ice short wooden shanks and were baited with fishing salmon eggs or bits of meat. TECHNOLOGY OF EXPLOITATION 63

Processing of Salmon

While the actual procurement of salmon cm in diameter. is carried out by men, butchering and The salmon is then placed on an A preparation of salmon for drying is the frame cutting board as seen in Figure 30. responsibility of women. Salmon are Starting from where the backbone was eviscerated along the river bank as soon as removed, a large fish knife, generally with a they are taken out of the water. A slit curved blade kept very sharp, is used to about five to seven cm long is made from split the flesh of each side through to the ventral to dorsal surface just forward of belly edge but leaving the flesh attached to the tail. This slit gives a good hold on the skin at this edge. The flesh is then the slimy fish for completion of gutting as spread out like leaves in a book and scored well as for carrying back to the so th a t the air and smoke can more smokehouse and for suspending either on effectively dry the whole salmon (as seen in nails or small poles. Figure 31). If the fish is especially large With the fish laid on its side or back, or fat, thin fillets are cut from the side a cut is made from each gill to the tip of before splitting. These are called 'enacaga' the lower jaw. A slit is then made from and eaten as snacks when thoroughly dried. the anus to the throat and the guts are The split salmon is hung over one of taken out in one piece and thrown back into the river. Blood is scraped away from the inside of the cavity and the fish is scrubbed clean in the stream or river. The fish is then hung on a tree nearby to dry partially while the rest of the catch are being eviscerated. With larger fish, such as some of the larger sockeye and the spring salmon, the heads may be cut off and strung on a pole through the eye. No part of the fish is discarded except the guts. Fish heads are considered a delicacy, and all bony parts of the fish not consumed by people are fed to the dogs. Larger fish may also be butchered by a second method. After cutting off the head, a slit is made from the anus along two sides of the belly to the throat area, giving a separate belly piece. After eviscerating and cleaning, the salmon are carried to the smokehouse where they are hung on poles or nails close to the smudge until the outside skin and flesh is dry to touch, usually several hours or one day. The next stage in processing the salmon is splitting them for drying on the racks. Placed on a workbench, the fins are cut off the fish and put into a scrap bucket for the dogs. After the heads are cut off, a cut is made along both sides of the backbone which is thus removed along with the tail. Heads, backbones, and tails are Figure 30. Splitting salmon on the A-frame hung to dry on separate poles about two cutting board 64 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

the lower rack poles close to the smudge with the flesh side up. The salmon are inspected several times a day to check for fly eggs and shifted on the rack pole to ensure even drying. If fly eggs are found, they are cut out immediately or the fish will spoil very quickly. The low fires in the smokehouses are tended during the day and a good smoke is produced with green willow, aspen, cottonwood, or alder. When the fish are partially dry—somewhat hard and dry to the touch— they are suspended on poles and hung from a higher rack in the smokehouse. As the fish become dry in about two weeks they are suspended from the highest rack in the smokehouse until the end of the season. At the end of the fishing season, the dried salmon are brought down from the racks in the smokehouse, taken off the poles, and piled outside as shown in Figure 32. They are tied up in bundles of 15 to 20 fish according to variety, and transported to storage facilities.

Figure 31. (right) Scored salmon hanging to dry Figure 32. (below) Bundling dried salmon for storage TECHNOLOGY OF EXPLOITATION 65

Butchering knives

Knives used in recent years for butchering fish have curved steel blades, averaging 12 to 14 cm in length. Metal was introduced to the Tahltan by Tlingit traders prior to direct European contact. Today people do not remember how knives with blades of obsidian were manufactured or used, only that they were. However, some information on the construction of knives Figure 33. Reconstruction of knife with obsidian was gathered by Thorman at the turn of flakes (based on Thorman n.d. notes the century from a Tahltan elder named and sketches) "Gilyeh". As shown in the reconstruction, Figure 33, Thorman notes that obsidian flakes were set into a curved bone or wooden handle and sealed with conifer have been manufactured by them as well. pitch. Sinew lashing was also used to Based on replication experiments and secure the handle (Thorman n.d.). Similar ethnographic analogy, Flenniken (1980) in shape to knives in current use, this type argues that microlithic knives retrieved from of knife was probably used for butchering the Hoko River site in Washington were and splitting salmon for drying. Fish made and used by women for processing knives were mainly used by women and may fish.

Use of Edible Plants

Surveys on hunters and gatherers attention was turned to other activities indicate that in northern latitudes and such as fishing. Field work carried out by highly seasonal climates edible plants were Teit (n.d. fieldnotes) as well as the present either exceedingly scarce or not important in research indicates that the Tahltan used a the aboriginal diet of the groups who lived variety of different plants for food and for there (Hayden 1981a:357). Indeed, there is medicinal purposes. a general lack of attention paid to the use The use of plant foods was probably of plant foods in many eh tnograp hies on much more extensive in prehistoric times northern groups. From the major than it is possible to document for the ethnography published on the Tahltan historic period. It is quite likely that the (Emmons 1911), based on field work at the use of many traditional plant foods was turn of the century, one would get the quickly dropped in favour of starch foods impression that very little use was made of such as flour, sugar and rice, introduced by plant resources. Under food, Emmons notes Europeans during the first gold rush in that "the soapberry was dried in the form 1874. of cakes for winter use. Certain roots as While plant foods may represent a small well as the inner bark of the black pine proportion (less than 10%) of the total diet are also eaten" (Emmons 191:62-63). when measured in terms of weight or Perhaps this lack of information volume, it is suggested that they were concerning plant foods was due to a widely highly valued for their significant held belief that plant foods were contribution to the diet in terms of unimportant among northern groups, or the essential nutrients, vitamins and minerals, as fact that an ethnographer spent a limited well as variation in taste, texture, and period of time carrying out fieldwork, or colour. Plant foods are divided into major only during the summer season when categories of green vegetables, roots and 66 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

bulbs, fruits and berries, and cambium. that the bulbs of the bracken and other ferns, as well as the roots of silverweed, Green Vegetables sweet vetch, Pedic ularis, and perhaps Oxvtropis, were all traditionally used by Included in this category are a wide the Tahltan. variety of plants whose young shoots, The roots of sweet vetch (Hedysarum tender stems, or leaves are available from al p inum) r gathered in May and June and early spring through early summer. These again in the fall, appear to have been a were generally gathered with the hands into favorite plant food and are still gathered birch bark baskets. Occasionally a small today, especially by young boys who often knife with obsidian blade or flake may go out on hunting expeditions on their own. have been used to cut the larger stems. It is simply peeled and eaten raw. Black Young tender shoots of such plants as observed large quantities of these being bullrushes, cattails, Solomon's seal, gathered and eaten by the Indian groups horsetails and other ferns appear in damp whom he met in the headwater valleys of habitats as the snow melts in April, the Stikine in 1824 (Black 1955:33-34). providing a welcome change to the diet. Fern rhizomes were gathered in early The tender stems of wild rhubarb and spring or fall. They are found along the fireweed could be procured somewhat later lower Stikine, the Iskut River and other in May and early June. Wild rhubarb stems damp habitats at low elevations. These are still relished and gathered in quantity starchy rhizomes were baked in small pits today. Shoots and stems were usually dug in sandy soil, and lined with bark. eaten raw after peeling off the outer fibres. The rhizomes were placed in the bottom They were always eaten fresh, not being and covered with bark and earth. A small preserved for later use. fire was made on the top and the rhizomes The tender leaves of nettles, dock, were baked or roasted for several hours or fireweed, petasites, sorrel and chenopodium overnight. They were often eaten with bear ( a native of the area but related to the grease (Teit n.d.). European introduced lambs' quarters) were Other roots and bulbs such as rice root gathered in spring and early summer. Most were often boiled before eating. They were of these were boiled before eating and eaten also wrapped in birch bark and baked in fresh. The leaves of dock and mountain hot ashes (Teit n.d.). sorrel, commonly called sour grass, still gathered today, appear to have always been Fruits and Berries favorite green vegetables. While passing through the headwater valleys of the Approximately 25 different species of Stikine in 1824, Black noted that the berries or fruits are available in the Indian groups there were gathering sorrel in Stikine River area throughout the summer large quantities (Black 19 55:117). and early fall. They are found in a variety of habitats at different elevations, from the Roots dry river terraces along the middle Stikine to alpine meadows. The gathering of wild Under the general category of roots are berries is still an important subsistence included bulbs, corms, tubers and rhizomes, activity today; quantities of berries are those plant parts which are analagous to gathered for making jams and preserves. An roots and found in the ground. Roots were average of 60 litres of blueberries are usually gathered in spring when they were gathered in a day of picking by groups of tender and while the earth was still damp five or six people during expeditions of and easy to dig in. Simple, straight, several days. Berry gathering activities do wooden digging sticks, without handles, not appear to be regarded as work, but are were used to aid in gathering roots. The considered in terms of outings enjoyed by end was sharpened and often firehardened all and welcome break from summer fish (Emmons 1911; 49, Teit n.d.). It appears processing. While travelling, or during TECHNOLOGY OF EXPLOITATION 67

other activities, people often stop to feed remedies are described here (from Teit n.d. on fresh berries directly from the bushes and personal field observations). for up to 20 minutes at a time. The pitch of pine, spruce and alpine fir Formerly berries such as strawberries was commonly chewed soft, heated on rocks, and raspberries, which ripen in July, were and used as an antiseptic on open sores and only eaten fresh, being too juicy to wounds. Bark of spruce and alpine fir was preserve. Saskatoons and soapberries, dried, powdered and used externally to stop which ripen in late July and August, were bleeding. The bark of these two trees was collected in large quantities and dried for also sometimes boiled and drunk for chest later use. Cranberries and blueberries colds. Spruce needles were crushed and which are most abundant in subalpine put on bad burns. The pitch of alpine fir zones, become available in late August and was also used for mosquito bites, and September. These were also dried in large smeared around the eyes to prevent snow quantities or preserved in beat fat. blindness. Branches and berries of juniper were Cambium boiled and the decoction drunk as a tonic for cleansing the liver and blood. The The sap or cambium, inner bark leaves of Labrador tea were boiled and saturated with sap, of pine, poplars, and drunk as a tea for colds. The bark and sometimes spruce and alpine fir, was sap of the mountain ash (S or bus sitchensis) collected in May and early June. Bark were boiled and the decoction drunk for pryers of caribou antler tines were used to lung troubles. The roots of the water lily remove bark from trees. The sap was (Nuohar polysepalum) were mashed and scraped into temporary bark cups and boiled and a poultice made for congestion always eaten fresh. Sap scrapers were made and chest pains. of shoulder blades of sheep and other One of the most popular medicinal animals (Teit n.d.). Cambium was an plants is Artemisia telesiir commonly known important spring time food and is still as 'caribou leaves'. The leaves were enjoyed today. The scars on older trees, mashed with a little water, heated on from which sap has been scraped, are rocks, and used as a poultice on cuts and clearly visible in many wooded areas. open wounds. There are many stories told Another nutritious source of vegetable describing the miraculous healing power of food was used during the winter, when this herb, which is still commonly used fresh plant foods were not available. today. The leaves were also boiled and the Caribou stomach contents, consisting of decoction taken internally for infection, fermented mosses and lichens, were regularly colds, and stomach ache. boiled and eaten during the winter (Teit The leaves and flowers of yarrow n.d.). (Achillea millefolium) were crushed, heated, and mixed with water into a poultice which Plants with Medicinal Uses was also used on cuts and wounds. In making a poultice with yarrow or caribou Several plants were not so much used as leaves these were sometimes mixed with pine a food as for medicinal purposes. Some of or spruce pitch to combine the antiseptic the better known and commonly used and healing powers for bad wounds.

Technological Uses of Plant Resources

Wood and bark from all major tree and manufacturing of tools and implements. jhrub species were used in building The technological uses of different plant habitations and other structures, facilities resources are summarized in Appendix 2. such as weirs, traps, and fences, and in The tools used in woodworking activities 68 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

are described below. it was saturated with sap the bark was not Major camps and villages were located damaged by folding. Lengths of bark within forested areas where building weighed over 125 pounds (56 kg) and were materials were abundant. Firewood was also heavy to pack, requiring the cooperation of a basic requirement at all times of the year. several men (Thorman n.d.). Several cords of wood were needed for Lengths of bark in the green state were cooking and heating shelters during winter laid on the roofs of smokehouses as well months. Sometimes trees were allowed to as other shelters and lashed to supporting die by completely stripping bark from poles with willow withes, or ropes of around them. This practice provided a willow bark or spruce root. Life of the supply of dry standing timber in bark on a roof was up to five years before subsequent years which was easier to chop it needed replacing. Usually a new layer for firewood. was placed on top (Thorman n.d.). Rectangular pieces of bark were also Collection and Use of Bark used for lining cache pits. Canoes were constructed of spruce bark on a rib frame The collection of bark was an important of light poles. The bark was treated with springtime activity. It was carried out in resin and grease (Trit n.d., Thorman n.d.). May and June while the bark was saturated Birch bark was collected and used in with sap and easy to peel off trees and the green state to make baskets sewn poles. The bark of several different kinds together with spruce roots. These were of trees was collected during the same used for cooking with hot stones in water period and put to a variety of uses and as containers for food and water (Thorman n.d.). (Emmons 1911:48, Teit n.d.). Larger Large sections of waterproof bark were containers for soaking hides or for boiling collected principally from spruce and alpine food were made by lining a pit, up to a fir trees. Trees 8-14 inches (20 - 3 5 cm) in metre in length, with birch or spruce bark. diameter and free of lower limbs were Birch bark was also used for a variety of found in the forest where they were temporary cups, bowls, and trays. protected from winds. The required tree Bark from willow as well as other had a bole 10 to 14 feet (3-4.3 m), smooth shrubs, was collected in spring and twisted from the base to the first set of limbs. into twine and rope of varying thicknesses. Incisions were made at the top and bottom Sections of root from the wide spreading of the section around the tree and down laterals, just below the surface of the one side. Bark pryers of wood or antler ground, of spruce and alpine fir, were were used to ease the bark off the tree collected in spring, split and used as rope bole. The bark was laid open and for binding. They were more water flattened, then folded for packing. Because resistant than bark rope.

Woodworking Tools

Axes Adzes

Large, stone axes (as shown in Figure 34) Adzes were usually made of common used for chopping trees were hafted at basalt. Pebbles of suitable size and shape right angles to a straight pole handle and were split by percussion with a hammer used in the same manner as modern axes. stone, shaped by flaking around the edges Although most axes were made of common with an antler tine flaker, and rubbed with fine grained basalt, the best axes were made a sandstone abrader. Fine and coarse of jadite imported from the Tlingit (Teit sandstone is found in various parts of the n.d.). country. Sandstone abraders were also used TECHNOLOGY OF EXPLOITATION 69

W edges

Wedges used for splitting wood were made of wood, horn, or antler (Teit n.d.).

Drills and Awls

Holes in wood were usually drilled with sharp pointed teeth from a variety of animals, hafted into short handles. Awls, also used for making perforations, were of various sizes and made from goat horn or of bone from a variety of different animals (Teit n.d.).

Knives

Two kinds of knives were used for fine working of wood, as well as horn, antler, and bone. The curved knife (shown in Figure 35) was used for carving and incising and had a blade consisting of the incisor of beaver, porcupine, or marmot. The second kind of knife (see in Figure 3 6) had a straight blade of flaked obsidian and was used for w hittling and thinning wood. Both kinds of blades were hafted into short handles of wood, bone, or horn by means of hide lashing (Emmons 1911:55, Teit n.d.).

Figure 34. Stone axe used for chopping trees (20cm long)

for shaping and smoothing tools and implements of wood, bone, antler, and horn. Figure 35. Curved knife with beaver incisor Adzes were hafted to the distal end of a curved wooden handle (Teit n.d.).

Hammerstones

Small hammerstones were commonly suitable hand sized pebbles with one end smaller than the other. Stone hammers of suitable flat stone were lashed to a pole handle with withes and used for driving stakes and posts into the ground (Teit n.d.). Figure 36. Straight bladed knife 70 TAHLTAN ETHN0ARCHAE0L0GY

Shelters and Other Structures

Habitation structures varied in size and central higher posts at either end. These manner of con stru ction depending on are rudely hewn spruce or pine poles about location, time of year, and length of 2 5 cm in diameter, notched at the top to occupation as well as the number of people hold the beams which extend the length of using them. A variety of other structures, the house and support the roof. The such as sweat lodges, grave houses, and walls are generally pine poles, from six to raised caches, which were b u ilt in the ten cm in diameter, placed vertically into vicinity of camps or villages, are also the ground or resting on a large base log described in this section. set between the major support posts on all four sides. The wall poles were formerly Smokehouses fastened to horizontal support poles and side beams by means of red willow withes Large, permanent house structures, often (Cornus stolonifera), spruce roots (Picea measuring 12 m in length, were built in the glauca), or ropes made of shredded and summer fishing villages and used both as twisted willow bark. shelters and for drying large quantities of The roof frame consists of several rafter salmon. One of the earliest descriptions of poles, about 10 cm in diameter, laid from the Tahltan smokehouse was recorded by the ridgepole to the two side beams. Muir in August 1879. At the fishing Across these are laid smaller poles village at the mouth of the Tahltan River lengthwise about every 3 0 cm. These are all lashed together with willow withes. they were camping in large booths Strips of spruce bark, 30 to 40 cm wide made of poles set on end in the and 1.5 to two m long make a waterproof ground, with many binding cross covering. These bark slabs are held in pieces on which tons of salmon were place on the roof by lashing long thin being dried. The heads were strung willow poles on top of them. Willow and on separate poles and the roes other leafy branches are laid against the packed in willow baskets, all being wind side of the house to stop the wind well smoked from fires in the middle from blowing dust inside. The doorway of the floor. The largest of the consists of a narrow opening at one or both booths near the bank of the river ends with a moveable or hinged door made was about 40 feet square. Beds made of poles or split boards. of spruce and pine boughs were Additional interior posts support cross spread all around the walls, on beams on which rest the main drying rack which some of the Indians lay asleep, poles. These are generally about two m some were braiding ropes, others above the floor. From the roof are sitting and lounging, gossiping and suspended rack poles at two or three levels courting while a baby was swinging from which the fish are hung during the in a hammock. process of curing. Houses have at least (Muir 1915:76-77) four hearth areas, one in each quadrant. In recent times, day to day activities such as Smokehouses standing at the food preparation, eating, and other tasks are Tahltan-Stikine confluence today (Figure 37) carried on within only a few smokehouses, are the largest, oldest, and most traditional since shelters in the form of cabins or tent in their construction of all the frames are constructed at most camps. Fine smokehouses in current use. They resemble weather conditions allow many activities to closely smokehouses photographed at the be carried on outdoors and much use is same location at the turn of the century made of outdoor hearth areas. (Emmons 1911: Plate XVIII, Jenness Detailed data were recorded on the 1932:371). The stru ctural framework construction, age, and use of 23 consists of four corner posts with two smokehouses at contemporary fishing camps. TECHNOLOGY OF EXPLOITATION 71

Figure 37. Traditional style smokehouse at Tahltan-Stikine confluence

The approximate age, and dimensions of in recent seasons. Although modern tools these are summarized in Table 8. such as chainsaws and hammers, and nails Smokehouses in current use range in size are used in construction, the new from 16 square m to 72 square m smokehouses, such as No. 18 seen in Figure floor space. Size and capacity of structures 38, incorporate many of the traditional are related to age and the number of people elements of the larger and older using the facilities. Based on observations smokehouses, including the large flat rocks of recent use, it is estamated that the which serve as foundations for major traditional smokehouse measureing |2 m per support posts, corner bracing, horizontal side, with a floorspace of 144 m would wall pole braces, and various rack features. have been occupied by four nuclear In preparation for the construction of families, comprising a corporate or extended smokehouse No. 18, over 200 poles were family group of approximately 25 people. cut and hauled. The actual building of There has been a trend in recent times the house was carried out in five days by to build smaller structures which are used three adult men. Details of smokehouse by smaller or nuclear family units. As construction such as these are useful for other methods of preserving salmon have reconstructing the work effort required for become popular, smaller quantities of fish building the larger traditional smokehouse. are being dried in the smokehouse, although Based on average diameter of poles used in there is a renewed interest in traditional current houses, it is estimated that the methods of fish processing and drying aboriginal house measuring 12 m per side recently as confirmed by the construction of would have required 800 poles to be cut several new smokehouses in the last few and hauled. Using stone tools and seasons. traditional materials, the construction of Observations have been made on the the aboriginal house would have required process of constructing a new smokehouse the cooperative work effort of several adult 72 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

Table 8. Tahltan Fish Camp/Smokehouse Survey.

Approximate Dimensions Location Smokehouse No. Age (in meters)

A Tahltan Stikine 1 50 yr. + 7.20 x 8.00 Confluence 2 50 8.25 x 8.75 3 40 6.40 x 6.45 4 50 5.75 x 5.75

B Tahltan Village 5 30 4.40 x 5.60

C Ten Mile Flat A2 remains 40 4.50 x 7.00

D Nine Mile Flat 6 50 4.45 x 5.60 7 40 5.20 x 8.75

E Seven Mile Flat 8 40 6.30 x 6.30

F One Mile Flat 9 1976 4.00 x 5.50 10 15 3.80 x 5.10 A1 unknown 4.50 x 6.75

G 1/2 mile north 11 1973 3.45 x 5.25 of T.C. 21 1979 4.65 x 5.75

H Casca 12 1974 5.10 x 5.30

I The Point 13 40 yr. + 3.80 x 9.00

J Hyland (Deep) 14 1975 rebuilt 4.70 x 7.30 Creek 15 50 4.00 x 7.30

K Dodjatin Creek 16 20 5.40 x 6.50 6 Mile Camp 17 40 4.50 x 7.60 18 1978 3.70 x 4.85 19 1976 5.00 x 6.30 22 1979 4.20 x 4.80 23 1979 4.25 x 4.85

L Tsikhini Creek 20 40 + approx. 5 x 6

men and would probably have taken two to construction. Aft er s tr u ctures are three weeks for completion. abandoned for regular purposes, many of The dry interior weathei: conditions them become storage areas for a while and assure relatively long term preservation of subsequently collect a variety of discarded wood structures. With regular maintenance items such as old nets, floats, sinkers, axe well-built structures are still standing and heads, dip net and gaff poles, old clothing, functional fifty years after their original bits of skin hide, tump lines, etc. After TECHNOLOGY OF EXPLOITATION 73

Figure 38. New smokehouse at a contemporary fishing camp

collapse, structures undergo more rapid earth. The roof was also covered with decay with an organic layer building up on coniferous branches so that when the roof the smokehouse floor. became heavily laden with snow it could be shaken off. These large structures were Winter Houses solidly built and required minimal maintenance, with perhaps a new post or Large permanent houses, of double the roof bark being replaced periodically lean-to style, were constructed at major (Thorman n.d.). Based on observations of winter camps which were returned to on a houses used in historic times, it is regular basis (Thorman n.d., Teit n.d.). The estimated that these structures averaged house consisted of two rectangular or eight to ten m in length and five to six m arc-shaped lean-tos open to each other and in width, and housed 15 to 25 people. a central fireplace. In constructing the Teit (n.d.) notes that large lean-to style shelter, the surface soil was scraped away shelters over 30 m in length were used as to a depth of 35 to 45 cm. Along the two communal houses during the protohistoric sides, a back stop of one or two logs was period at a site on the east side of the built to the surface of the ground. On Tahltan River near the Stikine. the top log were laid poles reaching to a ridgepole supported by two grounded posts. Temporary Shelters The flanks or ends were filled in with vertical or angled poles. The roof was Shelters in warm weather or for short covered with bark which had been stripped stops while travelling were built in the from trees ahead of time in the spring. single lean-to or teepee style. These were Where the bark reached the ground was built more simply than the larger covered with a fill of forest rubble and permanent structures, with only a few 74 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

poles and posts, and covered with bark, standing in the Telegraph Creek graveyard boughs, or untanned hides (Thorman n.d.). today (see Figure 39) and maintained on a For just an overnight stop while regular basis. travelling, people often sleep in the open, cutting spruce of fir boughs to make a Sweat Lodges thick bed under a large conifer tree with the campfire close by. Sweat lodges, consisting of a dome shaped frame of willow poles, were Menstrual Lodges constructed beside stream banks in the vicinity of all camps and villages. Some Small lean-to shelters, large enough to were large enough to accommodate ten accommodate one person, were used by people at a time. Small boulders were women during menstruation and when giving usually heated in a fire outside the lodge birth. Young pubescents were isolated in and then placed in a shallow depression in these small lodges for up to a year during the center or to one side of the lodge. puberty training. Constructed in the same The frame was covered with bark or hides manner and with the same materials as other and steam was produced by pouring water lean-to shelters, these lodges were located on the heated rocks (Emmons 1911:38-9, up to 100 m away from other habitations Teit n.d.). Sweat lodges were used for in camps or villages (Teit n.d.). general and regular cleansing as well as ritual purification. Sometimes men and Gravehouses women bathed in separate lodges and sometimes they bathed in the same lodge Several styles of gravehouses were (Teit n.d.). popular in prehistoric and early contact days. These contained boxes or trunks with Caches the charred remains of the cremated dead. Grave houses were usually located on Raised log caches appear to have been knolls or high terraces overlooking major introduced in historic times along with the villages. The older, traditional Tahltan construction of log cabins. These were style of gravehouse consisted of a crib of built on posts above the ground so that logs on top of which the remains were wild animals and dogs could not get at placed (Emmons 1911:36). In the decayed them. They were entered by means of state, there would be nothing to indicate notched pole ladders which were removed the size of these structures, although and left on the ground when not in use. charred bone, as well as some grave goods These caches, used for storing food and would survive. other gear, were located to the rear of each Two other styles of grave house are house in the village (Emmons 1911:3 8), and typical of Tlingit houses and probably used in some locations up until very adopted from the Tlingit in late prehistoric recently. times. One of these was square in shape with a four sided peak roof, and one or Dog Kennels two windows. The remains of a grave house of this style have been recorded in At least in historic times, dog kennels the old village at Tahltan. The roof has consist of low log structures, approximately fallen over with walls collapsed to expose two m in length and sometimes square, a metal trunk with some recognizable which are partially banked with earth or charred bones inside. The other grave dug into slopes and give the appearance of house was rectangular in shape with a small caves with only the front logs gabled roof. Grave houses were decorated showing as seen in Figure 40. These are with carved or painted family totems on the found in the vicinity of houses and might front as illustrated in Emmons (1911:34, easily be mistaken for some other kind of 36). Rectangular grave houses are still structure or feature. TECHNOLOGY OF EXPLOITATION 75

Figure 39. Gravehouse at Telegraph Creek

Figure 40. Dog houses built into a slope 76 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

Methods of Cooking and Preparing Foods

Three principal methods of cooking food withes. Dried fish and meat were often included roasting, baking in hot ashes, and toasted lightly over the campfire before boiling in birch bark baskets with hot eating. stones. Fire was made with a drill stick Fresh fish and salmon roe were often on a flat base of wood with very fine wood cooked by wrapping them in bark and shavings or bracket fungus used as tinder. baking in hot ashes at the edge of the Women generally used bow drills (Emmons campfire. Rabbits, gopher, and birds were 1911:49). also baked in ashes, after gutting but with Sections of fresh meat from large game skin or feathers left on. Blood of large were usually roasted over the campfire on game animals was collected into birch bark willow or poplar poles. With both ends containers and baked close to the fire until sharpened, the pole was driven into the solid (Teit n.d.). ground so that it leaned over the campfire Chunks of meat or fish were at an angle. The heads of large animals commonly cooked by boiling in water in such as caribou, moose, and bear, were birch bark vessels with hot stones. roasted by suspending them over the Organs, such as liver and heart, from larger campfire with an antler hook, which was animals, as well as brains, hooves, and bear attached to a horizontal pole supported feet were always cooked by boiling before above the fire. eating. Pits, about 60 by 70 cm, dug into Small game, such as rabbits and birds, the ground and lined with birch bark or were roasted whole on small poles over the spruce bark, were used for heating water campfire as shown in Figure 41. Fresh fish and cooking large quantities of food with were also roasted whole, being secured to hot stones (Teit n.d.). the split end of a pole with red willow Some special foods were prepared by

Figure 41. Roasting meat over the campfire TECHNOLOGY OF EXPLOITATION 77

putrefaction rather than cooking. Salmon Suitable sized stones with one end a heads were buried in small pits, dug in the little larger served as pestles or ground and lined with leafy branches and hammerstones to break marrow bones on leaves of fireweed, for five or six days large flat mortars (shown in Figure 42). until they formed a head cheese. This was Marrow was often stored in large animal washed and eaten without cooking. Salmon bladders. Dried meat or salmon (with eggs, placed in bark containers, were also bones) was pounded up on large mortars, buried in pits until a cheese formed (Teit mixed together with fat, and stored in n.d.). animal stomachs (Teit n.d.). Layers of fat from the larger game Trays and bowls made of wood or animals were pounded, boiled, and stored birch bark were used for serving food. for winter use in bladders, stomachs, and The Tahltan carved dishes and spoons from intestines of large animals. Berries gathered sheep and goat horn, as seen in Figure 43. in late summer and early fall were often mixed with the fat of bear caught at the same time. Berries were most often preserved by boiling in birch bark vessels, and then mashed and spread out in bark trays to dry slowly into thin cakes. These were rolled up and stored in baskets. Dried berry cakes were often stored in cache pits along with dried salmon and meat. Dried berries were soaked in water before using.

Figure 42. (below) Flat mortar stone used for breaking marrow bones and pounding dried fish and meat Figure 43. (right) Carved spoon of sheep horn (30 cm long) 78 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

Storage Facilities

Cache pits, similar to the one shown by two m in size, were dug in well drained in Figure 44, located in the vicinity of areas with a hoe implement made of wood. major camps and villages, were formerly The level floor of the pit was lined with used for storing quantities of dried food for dry boughs and small poles, and overlaid periods of several months to two or three with dried leaves and branches to a depth years. The Tahltan term for cache pits is of 30 cm. On this was laid a layer of "duwe'ged", meaning hidden in a safe place dried spruce bark with the edges and ends (Thorman n.d.). Thorman indicates that turned up. Bundles of dried fish or other there were no less than 1500 pits from the food were placed on the bark lining of the Tuya River to a point four miles above pit. They were then covered with a layer Telegraph Creek, with an equal number of bark on top. Only half the pit was along the Tahltan River up to and including filled with fish or meat, the rest being Tahltan Lake. These pits were mainly used filled with dried branches, leaves, and for storing large quantities of dried salmon. poles, and covered with a mound of earth. Tahltan elders indicate that pits were Approximately two hundred dried salmon located in other areas, even up to could be stored in a single pit. The work timberline, and that quantities of dried of preparing and filling the cache pits was meat, berries, and rendered fat were also done collectively by men, women, and stored in cache pits. children. Rectangular pits, up to three by two 79

VH A SEASONAL MODEL OF TAHLTAN SUBSISTENCE AND SETTLEMENT PATTERNS

Introduction

Subsistence behavior of hunter-gatherer 3) the resources available and their groups is here viewed as the result of a set characteristics, of decisions which resolve specific interrelated problems and is best understood 4) the components of the system: by means of a systems approach. The basic technology and activities, considerations in systems analysis are almost identical to those of decision making (Churchman 1968 in Jochim 1976:8). These 5) the management of the system: means include: of ensuring economic stability.

1) the total system objectives: the In reconstructing traditional Tahltan fulfillment of subsistence needs, subsistence and settlement patterns each of these basic considerations is discussed in 2) the environmental constraints under detail. which the system is operating,

Subsistence Requirements

The objective of the subsistence economy of other nutritional elements such as as a system is defined as the fulfillment of proteins, vitamins, and minerals to maintain basic subsistence requirements of food, population health. Table 9 presents shelter, and clothing. It is generally agreed average daily requirements of various that the primary objective of subsistence nutrients for a population group composed activities of all hunter-gatherer groups is of a cross section of individuals of different fulfillment of energy needs of the group, ages. Secondary goals related to diet measured in Calories. The caloric involve the desire for variety and good requirements of a group of people will tasting foods. From the Tahltan emic vary with the climate of the environment position, taste in fish and animal foods is occupied. Hassan (1981:18) estimates an generally related to fat content. average consumption of 2200 Calories per Living in a cold winter environment, the person per day for hunter-gatherer groups Tahltan people require hides and furs for in temperate areas, while groups in cold warm clothing, robes, and bedding. While climates would require 3000 Calories per these may be provided by a variety of person per day. In calculating average animal species inhabiting the Stikine caloric requirements of the Tahltan, a figure Plateau, they are most efficiently procured of 2600 Calories per person per day will from animals also used as food. be used. This figure represents an average Raw materials are also required for the between caloric needs during warm summer construction and manufacture of structures, months and those for maintaining activity facilities, tools, and implements. While levels during cold winter months in a structures and most facilities are generally highly seasonal environment. made with wood and bark, many tools and Besides supplying energy requirements, implements, and facilities such as snares, are the diet must also provide adequate levels made from raw materials obtained from food 80 TAHLTAN ETHN0ARCHAE0L0GY

animals, including hides, bone, antler, horn, Table 9. Average Daily Requirements of Proteins, and teeth. Vitamins, Minerals.* In fulfilling basic needs of food and raw materials, there is generally a desire to limit the effort expended or minimize the Proteins 50 gm (1 gm/kg body weight) cost of resource exploitation. In cold Calcium 1 gm climates, this factor includes the need to Phosphorus l gm limit the amount of time spent exposed to Iron 15 mg inclement weather conditions. A group Vi tamin A 5000 International Units must also strive to maintain a level of Thiamine 1.1 mg security to minimize risks of suffering from Riboflavin 1.5 mg seasonal and periodic longer term Niacin 15 mg fluctuations in resource abundance and Vitamin C 50 mg environmental stress. Vitamin D 400 International Units

Source: Recommended Dietary Allowances, Food and Nutrition Board, National Research Council, 1968

Resource Attributes

While the environment supports a wide of all kinds, geese, swans, and few variety of exploitable resources, different other large birds were eaten. Fresh kinds of resources have different potentials water fish of all kinds such as for fulfilling subsistence needs. Different salmon, trout, grayling, white fish, animal species vary greatly in overall size, pike etc., were eaten. No reptiles weight, fat content, and caloric yield, as (sicT should be amphibians) and well as kind and quantity of raw materials insects of any kind were eaten. Any which they provide. These factors person who ate anything unusual or combined with abundance and efficiency of different from the food eaten by all exploitation determine which resources are was laughed at and spoken about. commonly used. Teit presents the food (Teit 1956: 81-82) preferences of the Tahltan as follows. A variety of plant foods was also eaten by The flesh of the following animals the Tahltan although perhaps not to the was considered good food; the same extent as groups living further to the caribou, moose, buffalo, sheep, goat, south. bear (of all kinds), lynx, beaver, Table 10 presents the average Caloric marmot, porcupine, ground squirrels, yield of most of the resources commonly and hare or rabbit. Tree squirrels exploited by the Tahltan people. Average and muskrats were eaten occasionally live weights and percentage of edible meat especially if food was scarce but for most species have been drawn from data they were not considered very good presented by White (1953:39 7-8). Some of food. Squirrels did not have enough the species which occur in the Stikine fat. The flesh of the otter, marten, Plateau differ in size from those in other mink, fisher, wolverine, wolf, dog, areas, so weights of these have been bush rat and mouse was not eaten. adjusted accordingly. Caloric values for Only in cases of direct necessity did different kinds of resources have been people eat flesh of these animals, estimated from tables provided by and the last resource was the dog. Department of National Health and Welfare Of birds, grouse of all kinds, ducks (1951). Fat content of various species is SEASONAL MODEL 81

Table 10. Calculation of Average Caloric Values for Individual Resources.

Average Live Edible Portion Calories/ Resource Weight (kg) % Weight Cal/kg Individual

moose 400 50 200 2700 540,000 caribou 180 50 90 2700 243,000 mule deer 90 50 45 2700 121,500 sheep 90 50 45 2700 121,500 goat 90 50 45 2700 121,500 black bear 135 70 94.5 3500 330,750 grizzly 200 70 140 3500 490,000 beaver 20 70 14 3000 42,000 porcupine 6.7 70 4.7 2500 11,750 marmot 6.7 70 4.7 2500 11,750 gopher .9 70 .6 2500 1,500 hare 1.35 50 .67 1500 1,012 lynx 13.5 50 6.75 1500 10,125

sockeye 3.2 80 2.5 2000 5,000 Chinook 9. 80 7.2 2000 14,400 coho 4. 80 3.2 2000 6,400 steelhead 3.6 80 2.9 2000 5,800 trout/ freshwater fish 1.35 60 .8 1500 1,200

goose 3.6 70 2.5 3000 7,500 ducks 1.1 70 .77 2300 1,770 grouse .9 70 .63 2000 1,260 ptarmigan .67 70 .47 2000 940

green vegetables 1. 350 roots 1. 700 berries 1. 600

reflected in caloric value per kilogram. females attain their highest weight and fat Fat content is one of the most content in spring before giving birth, while important and desirable attributes of any males have the highest fat content just food resource. The amount or thickness of before rutting.. Fish species have the the layer of fat on the back, in the highest overall weight and fat content prior abdominal cavity, or around the kidneys, is to spawning. one of the first things a hunter mentions Mammal species are most desirable and when describing a recent kill. Fat content most intensely exploited at times when they and hence overall weight of an animal varies have the highest fat content and are in seasonally. Generally, mammals attain their prime condition. In fall, large quantities of highest weight and fat content in fall, fat from the larger game animals are especially hibernating animals such as bears rendered and stored for winter use. and marmots, which put on layers of fat to Experience in a highly seasonal environment last through the winter. In ungulates, indicates that the individual naturally 82 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

craves fat in the diet during cold winter salmon indicate that there is little or no months. Fats of these wild game animals decrease in nutritive value when flesh is provide high energy yields, are easily processed by aboriginal methods of drying digestible, and very tasty. Dried fish and (Rivera 19 79:3 5). meats are rendered much more palatable by Plant foods, including roots, berries, and dipping them in prepared fat. green vegetables, traditionally used by the Most of the animal species exploited for Tahltan, although low in caloric yield, food are herbivorous in their dietary provide high levels of minerals and habits, or omnivorous in the case of bears. vitamins, particularly vitamin C, which is Except for the lynx, fur bearing carnivores generally lacking in animal flesh. The are not exploited as food resources. When drying of large quantities of berries during skinned out these animals consist mainly of the summer while they are available extends bone and sinew with very little flesh or the supply of important vitamins over fat on them. Carnivores, being higher on winter months when vegetable foods are the food chain, are less abundant, and more unavailable. Another important source of dispersed within a forest environment. vitamins used during winter months was Being very intelligent and wary of human caribou stomach contents, consisting of odours, carnivores are difficult to capture. fermented mosses and lichens. Neither were the various small bodied Different animal species vary in the kind mammals such as shrews, bats, or rodents, and quantity of useful raw materials which small birds, or amphibians, used as food they provide. The large ungulates, moose resources. These animals are also widely and caribou, are not only the preferred dispersed throughout the environment and food resource but also provide the most difficult to procure in abundance. The valuable materials for the manufacture of high cost of procurement of these animals clothing, facilities, tools, and implements. in relation to their low energy yield would Table 6, in Chapter VI, indicates the restrict their use as a food resource when relative value of each animal resource in larger bodied animals are abundant and terms of non-food yields. The value scores easier to procure. represent an approximate percentage of the D ifferent resources vary not only in total body weight which might be used as their caloric yield but also in content of raw materials. In the case of moose and other nutrients. In a diet composed caribou, Tahltan elders indicated that predominantly of animal flesh, there is no nothing was ever wasted. lack of proteins since fish and meat provide The relative importance of different a range of 150 to 250 grams of protein per animals for providing food and raw materials kilogram of edible flesh. The five essential is reflected in the number of names by amino acids are found in comparable which a single animal species is called. amounts in the proteins of both fish and The Tahltan identify animals as forming animal species (Rostlund 1952:3). families composed of individuals of different Both fish and animal flesh contain sizes and ages. Often animals are referred comparable amounts of B vitamins, thiamine, to with kinship terms such as grandfather, r ib o f la v in , and niacin. F is h , and or older brother, strengthening the particularly salmon, are good sources of identification of people with animals and vitamins A and D (Rivera 1949:34, Rostlund the importance of treating them with 1952:4). Vitamins and minerals are highly respect. Morice (190 3) recorded eight concentrated in fish liver and roe as well as different names for marmot, while I have organ meats of animal species. These are recorded seven names for caribou, and five preferred parts and enjoyed as delicacies by for sheep. Moose, goat, and bear are also the Tahltan. Chemical analyses of dried referred to by several names. SEASONAL MODEL 83

Seasonality and Resource Availability

In fulfilling needs, the subsistence pointed out in discussing anadromous fish economy must operate within the constraints resources, seasonality influences the of the environment which the group structure of the resource base in terms of occupies. The environment defines what its temporal and spatial distribution, kinds of floral and faunal resources are abundance and diversity. Any attempt to available for exploitation. As presented in formulate a model of subsistence patterns Chapter V, the Stikine Plateau supports a for a group or to interpret and understand diversity and relative abundance of flora and specific site usage must take into fauna. Potential resources are not evenly consideration the seasonal variability in the distributed in space or time, however. The resource base being exploited. environment of the area is characterized by Figure 4 5 presents the relative location, elevational differences in biogeoclimatic with respect to ecological zones, and the zones. Most animal species are adapted to seasons in which different resources of the different ecological niches within these Stikine Plateau are most abundant and zones. The environment is also available for exploitation. characterized by marked seasonality. Detailed knowledge and understanding of Seasonal changes in temperature, the environment, characteristics of each precipitation, amount of sunlight, and resource, and seasonal variation in abundance period of plant productivity also affect and availability were necessary to the changes in weight, fat content, times of aboriginal hunter for making decisions about breeding and birthing, and degree of how, when, and where different resources aggregation and dispersal of fish and mammal were to be exploited. This knowledge is populations. reflected in the Tahltan division of the Seasonality is probably the most year, as shown in Table 11. The year is important single factor contributing to the divided into a number of seasons which patterning of subsistence activities and correspond approximately to our lunar settlement locations of aboriginal calendar months and starts with October. hunter-gatherers occupying temperate and These divisions are named after the dominant high latitudes. As Shalk (1977) has weather condition or the habits of animals.

Table 11. Tahltan Divisions of the Year.

Month Tahltan name Meaning

October men ten chidle little lakes freeze November men ten cho big lakes freeze December gah ura0e rabbits chew on bark January tsatsestlia bad weather month hayo diza middle of winter February Itsi isa windy month March ta ten childe thin crust on snow April ta ten cho thick crust on snow tli men etsehi dogs run about May Ihaz isa animals come out, travel around June Eyaz isa young are born July Echich isa animals shed August dediye isa groundhog month, animals getting fat September hostetl isa animals in prime, ready to hibernate 84 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

Rocky Mt. m goats Peaks 5 CL sheep __I c caribou Alpine/ - f marmnt ^ t Subalpine c gophers1 Meadows . grizzly ptarmiaab ptarmi gan Timberline 1 black bear moose Subalpine Forest grouse hare porcupine beaver beaver Creeks/ lynx ^rout grayling rh^r lynx. Lakes ■dnrk nepse 1 whitefish caribou Upper River rnnnsp Valleys bears I jm bs_greens berries Salmon c

Figure 45. Chart indicating seasonal abundance/availability of resources

Technological Efficiency

Cold temperatures and stormy weather technology to ensure efficient food restrict animal and human populations in production. In an analysis of food getting midwinter. It is the least reliable and least technologies of a large sample of groups, efficient time of year in terms of successful Oswalt (1976) defined complexity according resource exploitation. To cope with this to techno-unit values, based on the number period of insecurity and insure themselves of distinct parts used in manufacturing a against the risk of starvation, Tahltan tool, utensil, or facility. His analysis people preserved and stored large quantities indicated that hunter-gatherer groups living of foods during periods of abundance so in arctic and subarctic environments have that they could be used when weather the most complex technologies, with conditions prohibited procurement of fresh particular emphasis on the use of a wide supplies. variety of complex tended and untended In presenting a circumpolar perspective facilities including fences, weirs, traps, on hunter-gatherer groups in arctic and snares, and nets. Food production becomes subarctic environments, Grab urn and Strong more efficient when tools, implements, and (1973:77) emphasize the importance of facilities are manufactured and prepared at strategic hunting for procuring large leisure in advance of procurement activities quantities of food resources at specific or within the warmth of a shelter in times and locations where resources are most winter. The technology used by the abundant with a minimum amount of energy Tahltan in exploiting different resources is output. Stratigic hunting requires the described in Chapter VI. development and use of a complex SEASONAL MODEL 85

The Seasonal Round of Subsistence Activities

As demonstrated by Flannery (1968), congregated at permanent fishing villages. predictable, seasonally abundant resources Village sites were generally located at major are given first priority in scheduling of creek and river confluences and at outlets subsistence activities. The major runs of of lakes where large runs of salmon passed salmon in the Stikine Plateau area are on their way to spawning grounds and could predictable in terms of timing and easily be caught in weirs and basket traps. abundance. The arrival of different runs at Some major ethnographically recorded a particular location are generally fishing villages and camps are plotted on predictable to within a few days. the maps Figures 46 and 4 7, and listed in Overlapping runs of different species of Table 12. While many of these are quite salmon in the Stikine River system increase isolated and difficult of access, all locations the reliability of sufficient abundance to which have been investigated by means of provide both a secure food income and the survey have archaeological remains in potential for a relatively large population evidence of their use in prehistoric times. aggregation. Sites 15 to 20 in Figure 47 are recorded From mid June to mid August, ethnographically as Tlingit fish camps. approximately 100 to 150 people, Increased trade between the Tahltan and comprising four to six extended families, coastal Tlingit during the protohistoric

Figure 46. Salmon fishing villages in Tahltan Figure 47. Salmon fishing villages on the territories (inset area expanded Stikine River system in Figure 47) 86 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

Table 12. Salmon Fishing Villages in Tahltan Territories.*

No. Name Recorded Location Reference

Part A Fishing Villages on Other River Systems

1. Moeyan on the headwaters of the Nahlin River Teit n.d.

2. old camp on northwest side of Nahlin River Tahltan elders

3. Naalin on south side of Nahlin River, two miles Teit n.d. above confluence with Sheslay R.

4. Tagun on Taku River, prominent during mid 19th Tahltan elders century and war with inland Tlingit

5. old village on Tatsatua Creek Tahltan elders

6. old village at outlet of Tatsamenie Lake Tahltan elders

7. Kaketza confluence of Egnell Creek and Hackett Teit n.d. (Sheslay) River (Salmon Creet)

8. fishing camp on Hackett River (Salmon Creek) close to current elders Copper Creek

9. fishing camp on Hackett River (Salmon Creek) a little Teit n.d. below Hatchau Lake Tahltan elders

10. Saksina the Iskut River, above the Stikine Teit n.d.

11. Owidza on the Nass headwaters, near Bowser Lake Teit n.d., Tahltan elders, Duff 1959:30

12. Kluetondon on creek of same name running into the Teit n.d. Skeena Thorman n.d. current elders

13. Klueyaza at outlet of lake by same name current elders

Part B Fishing Villages on Stikine River System

1. Hose Garn Stikine-Tuya River confluence Emmons 1911:18,32 Thorman n.d.

2. very old village south bank of Stikine, a few miles above Emmons 1911:32 Tahltan confluence SEASONAL MODEL 87

Table 12 (continued).

No. Name Recorded Location Reference

3. Titcaxhan Tahltan-Stikine confluence, east bank Teit 1956:47

4. Teetcharani Tahltan-Stikine confluence, west bank Emmons 1911:32

5. Tsaqudartse Tahltan River, close to Stikine Emmons 1911:32 Teit n.d.

6. Owanlin Tahltan River, three miles above Stikine Teit n.d.

7. Thludlin Tahltan River, 12 miles above Stikine Emmons 1911:16,32

8. old village Tahltan Forks Teit n.d.

9. Saloon Little Tahltan River, below confluence of Royal Commission 1915, (Sagu) Saloon Creek local informants

10. Guna Tahltan Lake Thorman n.d.

11. old village Stikine River, close to eleven mile creek local informants

12. Tuxtatoni Stikine River, at mouth of ten mile creek Teit n.d.

13. Tsetake Stikine River, at nine mile creek Emmons 1911:32 Teit n.d.

14. Chicanada south bank of the Stikine, 5 miles above Thorman n.d., Emmons Telegraph Creek 1911:32, Teit n.d.

15. Nakishan Tlingit camp on Stikine, 2 miles above Thorman n.d. Telegraph Creek

16. Klegohin at present Telegraph Creek, Tlingit Camp Thorman n.d.

17. Tlingit camp Stikine River, 3 miles below Telegraph Creek Thorman n.d.

18. Dodjatin Creek six miles below Telegraph Creek Thorman n.d.

19. Kittishan eight miles below Telegraph Creek Thorman n.d.

Thorman n.d. • no o Tlingit camp Shakes Creek

♦numbers refer to locations in Figures 45 and 46 88 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

period was facilitated by intermarriage close of the fishing season, bundles of between the two groups, resulting in the dried salmon were stored away in the formation of an additional Tahltan clan numerous cache pits in the vicinity of the which claimed fishing and hunting rights on village to be used later in winter or in the lower Stikine. Several Tlingit families times of emergency. ascended the Stikine to dry salmon and In mid August families dispersed from berries in the dryer interior climate. the large village sites in the major river At village locations, large communal valleys to smaller seasonal camps in alpine houses, constructed of spruce and pine areas, as illustrated in Figure 48. These poles with gable roofs covered with spruce camps were located near the heads of the bark, were used as shelters and for drying many small tributary creek valleys of rivers large quantities of salmon for storage. such as the Tahltan, Klappan, and Mess Although built by men, these smokehouses Creek. Each extended family of about 2 5 are referred to as belonging to women of people occupied a separate camp for a the clan. While these houses required a period of two to four weeks. From these great energy investment in their camps located at timberline, at the ecotone construction, in the dry interior climate between alpine meadows and subalpine they remain standing and functional for over forest, several kinds of resources were 50 years with a minimal amount of exploited. At this time of the year, when maintenance. several important resources were abundant Many preparatory activities were carried and available at the same time, small work out during the first two weeks prior to groups formed along sexual lines. Women the arrival of the major sockeye runs. The and children were involved in snaring collection of bark and roots, from a variety marmots, ground squirrels, and ptarmigan, as of tree species, in June was a major activity well as gathering large quantities of berries, in which everyone participated. Men during daily trips in the vicinity of the collected the large, heavy strips of spruce camp. Small groups of four to six men bark used for covering house roofs and and boys made expeditions to hunt larger lining storage pits, while women gathered game animals such as sheep, goats, and spruce roots and the bark of smaller trees caribou, in alpine areas where temporary such as birch, willow, and poplar, used for camps of one to several days duration were making baskets, twine, and cordage (Thorman made. n.d.). While men were involved in Marmots and ground squirrels live in constructing a new smokehouse or repairing large colonies in localized areas in alpine older ones, building weirs, basket traps, and subalpine meadows. Although they are and gaff poles, women were busy active for about five months, they are manufacturing nets, baskets, tools, and fattest just prior to hibernation in late other utensils which they used during the September. Easy to snare, they provide a fishing season. reliable and efficient food source when During the peak season of the runs, men procured and dried in quantity and also were responsible for maintenance of provide skins for making warm clothing. procurement gear and facilities and the Although bears are not so numerous, procurement of salmon, or bringing it to their large size, high fat content in early shore. Once on the shore, women took fall, and predictable behavior at this time charge of butchering and preparation of of the year (competing with people for salmon for the drying process. Children many of the same resources) make them a helped with the gathering of firewood, highly desirable food resource. Bears were carrying of water, and packing of fish, as generally taken with snares set in the they became able. Each extended family, general vicinity of the camp, although they occupying a separate smokehouse, would were also killed with bow and arrows process between 1600 and 2000 salmon whenever encountered. Tahltan elders during the season. Summer was also a time indicate that women also participated in the of ceremonies, feasting, and trading. At the hunting of bears, sometimes out of necessity SEASONAL MODEL 89

campfire. Large quantities of fat were rendered and stored for winter use. Dried meat, berries, and rendered fats were stored in cache pits in the vicinity of early fall camps at timberline, or were transported to major fall and winter camps, located in the middle to upper reaches of major river valleys, as illustrated in Figure 48. Moose and caribou are present in the environment year round, and could be hunted at any time. Patterns of seasonal movement of both species are quite predictable. They are most efficiently hunted when animals aggregate in larger groups during fall just prior to rutting and again in late winter-early spring. Moose were commonly captured by means of large snares set in their trails or by means of stalking with bow and arrow. The woodland caribou of the Stikine Plateau provided the Tahltan with a reliable staple food resource. Having predictable seasonal movements from alpine tundra to forested valleys during fall and late winter, caribou were most commonly captured by means of rawhide snares set at Figure 48. Schematic representation of major intervals in fences, often several miles long, seasonal moves and settlement constructed at strategic locations along their locations migration routes. Both men and women of several extended families cooperated in driving caribou into snares. While the meat to protect themselves and their children from animals caught in the snares was during other gathering activities. shared among the group of people hunting Sheep and goats form small gregarious together, hides of the animals belonged to bands in the alpine zone. Although wary the women who had made the snares in of hunters, they could be taken with which they were captured. snares set along their trails or stalked with Caribou and moose were important not bow and arrows. Their high fat content in only for their meat but also for their fall as well as the non-food materials hides which were dressed for making of which they provide make them a highly clothing, babiche for snares and cordage, desirable resource in early fall. They are sinew for thread and twine, as well as largely inaccessible or conflict with other antler and bone for the manufacture of a resources options at other times of the variety of tools and utensils. While men year. skinned and butchered large animals such as Large quantities of food gathered in caribou into major body parts, women early fall were processed and stored for prepared meat for drying and storage and later use. As many as 200 to 30 0 marmots also processed the skins. Each extended and gophers were split and dried for family of about 25 people would procure storage. Dried gopher meat was often and process between 2 0 and 3 0 caribou or stored in the dry leathery skins of salmon moose per year in order to meet its needs after the flesh had been eaten. The flesh for meat and hides. Large quantities of of two or three bear and several sheep or dried meat and rendered fat were stored in goats would be dried on poles over the cache pits in the vicinity of fall and winter 90 TAHLTAN ETHN0ARCHAE0L0GY

camps fot later use. Major fall and winter camps were located within the protection of forested valleys, where firewood was abundant, and in the vicinity of caribou yarding areas or m igration ro u tes where fences were constructed. Abundant resources at these locations and the need for cooperation in capturing and processing animals allowed larger groups of 5 0 to 100 people to come together. The approximate location of several fall/winter camps and caribou fences are plotted on the map, Figure 49. Camps were generally located about a kilometre from fences. Two or three camps might be found along very long fences. In some localities major village sites may have been occupied in both summer, during salmon fishing season, and in midwinter. Smaller mammals and ground birds are generally more dispersed throughout the landscape and are not so greatly affected by seasonal changes in abundance and availability, so could supplement the diet at any time during the year. Smaller animals and birds were generally captured by means of snares, traps, or nets. Figure 49. Approximate location of several Stores of preserved and dried foods were winter villages and caribou fences relied upon extensively during midwinter when weather conditions were bad and hunting poor. Fresh supplies of food were hunted whenever weather conditions allowed, including moose, caribou, beaver, several different plant species were all hare, grouse, and porcupine, as well as ice gathered and eaten fresh in spring. fishing in the lakes. Leisure time in winter Several species of migratory waterfowl was spent in repair and manufacture of were abundant in April and May in the tools, snares, netting, ropes, robes and many small lakes and marshes. Bears were clothing. also hunted in spring after coming out of A variety of resources became abundant their dens. Men often dispersed in pairs or and available again in spring. In late April small groups to hunt beaver in the small families dispersed to smaller seasonal camps lakes and tributary streams. As many as 40 located near good fishing lakes and streams, beaver could be caught by two to four men as illustrated in Figure 48. Women and of an extended family in a period of two to children of an extended family remained at three weeks. The trapping of large these camps to gather large numbers of numbers of beaver in spring helped to keep trout and grayling. Over a thousand fish streams open to spawning grounds of salmon would be dried on temporary drying racks and other fresh-water fish. Beaver were and stored for later use. Rabbits and split and dried whole over an open grouse were snared in the vicinity of the campfire. Supplies of dried fish and camp. Women and children also gathered a beaver meat were transported back to major variety of vegetable foods. Roots, leaves, winter sites for storage or to summer tender shoots and stems, and cambium of fishing villages for use during the summer. SEASONAL MODEL 91

In summary, the diverse plant and animal forested valleys, to cooperate in captureing species supported by the Stikine Plateau caribou in long fences with snares, during area vary in their potential for fulfilling predictable movements from alpine tundra basic subsistence requirements for food and to forested river valleys. Caribou and sources of raw materials. Resources are moose were staple resources which provided abundant and available for exploitation at not only meat but also raw material for different times of the year and in different manufacturing clothing, babiche, and a ecological zones. The Tahltan were variety of tools and utensils. In spring traditionally semi-nomadic in their yearly families moved to smaller camps near lakes round of subsistence activities, with a and streams to procure fresh-water fish, pattern of aggregation at summer and winter migratory waterfowl, vegetable foods, and village sites, located in areas of abundant beaver. and reliable resources, and dispersal in The Tahltan maintained a complex smaller family groups during spring and technology to ensure efficient harvesting of early fall. abundant and reliable resources. Annual runs of anadromous salmon Procurement techniques emphasized the use provided a reliable, staple food source of facilities such as fences, snares, traps, which permitted several extended families to and nets, which could be adapted for a congregate at permanent fishing villages wide range of different fish and animal along major rivers for about two months ir. species. The procurement of raw materials summer. In early fall families dispersed to for manufacturing of tools and implements, separate camps in alpine areas where women snares, and doting, was largely carried out and children snared large numbers of during the course of other subsistence marmots and ground squirrels and gathered activities. Large quantities of seasonally berries while men hunted larger animals abundant food resources were processed and including sheep, goats, and bear. Several stored in cache pits in the vicinity of major families gathered at major fall and winter camps and villages for use during midwinter camps, located within the protection of or times of emergency.

Vffl ECONOMIC STABILITY

As discussed in Chapter 7, traditional intensity of resources exploited, Tahltan subsistence and settlement patterns technological complexity, degree of mobility, were largely determined by seasonal variation settlement patterns, and importance of food in resource abundance and availability. sharing and storage behaviour. Strategies Periodic stress due to fluctuations in for dealing with variation in resource climate and cycles of abundance and decline abundance and availability also influence of animal populations also influence the site characteristics such as size and location strategies which hunter-gatherers use in of sites, length and intensity of occupation, adapting to their environment. and presence of facilities for processing and Strategies for coping with fluctuations storing resources. in resource abundance affect the range and

Fluctuations in Resource Abundance

When compared with other world biomes hare, species of grouse, and many fur (Hassan 1981:11) the Stikine Plateau has a bearing animals which depend on these as moderate animal biomass. The upland prey. Hare and lynx fluctuations appear plateau areas provide excellent habitat for more violent than grouse and other large ungulates. The animal resources of fur bearers. Peaks in abundance of various the Stikine area are predominated by species do not all occur at the same time K-selected species. These are large bodied, following an approximate order of grouse, slow maturing species which regulate their hare, lynx, fox, coyote, fisher, mink, and numbers close to carrying capacity (Pianka marten. Cyclic species tend to persist in 19 70, Hayden 1981b). Since they have scattered nuclei of favorable habitats and to slow rates of population increase, Hayden disperse from these as populations increase suggests that K-selected species are more (Keith 1963:1 77-120). What Keith has vulnerable to overexploitation (Hayden termed the ten year cycle is apparently 1981b:525). restricted to the northern coniferous forest Pianka (19 70) suggests that environments and ecotones in North America. characterized by K-selected species tend to Other resource studies (Burch 1972, be more stable than those which are Waisberg 1975) indicate that large ungulates characterized by r-selected or small bodied, such as caribou and moose also experience fast maturing, rapidly reproducing species. periodic fluctuations in abundance, with However, periodic fluctuations in animal cycles ranging in the order of fifty to over populations are well documented for a hundred years. Fluctuations of this order subarctic and boreal forest environments. are less dramatic and not so easily detected Like the well known hare, various within a single human lifetime as those of species of the grouse family are also small mammals. Although moose are subject to cyclic fluctuations in population reputed by biologists to be relative with gradual build up in population over a newcomers to northwestern British seven to ten year period, followed by a Columbia, Tahltan elders have indicated sudden decline (Guiget 1955:4). Evaluation that moose were present in the Stikine area of population indices (Keith 1963) for in earlier times, but became scarce in the several species of northern birds and small early 1 80 0's and began to increase in mammals indicate persistent intervals of numbers again in the 1870's (Emmons eight to eleven years in fluctuations of 1911:71). abundance and decline of resources such as 94 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

Strategies For Maintaining Economic Stability

Since the subsistence economy forms the usually attributed to the breaking of primary interface between people and their taboos or other social regulations. These environment, successful adaptation or stories are usually told with the aim of survival of a group depends on the teaching a moral lesson, and maintaining stability of its economic system. All adaptive social behaviour. groups experience periodic stress due to From the ethnographic literature, Colson fluctuations in climatic patterns and cycles has identified several devices or strategies of abundance and decline in resources commonly adopted by hunter-gatherer (Colson 1979:18, Hayden 1981a:413). The groups to cope with periodic stress (Colson severity of stress and the actual occurrence 1979:21). The incorporation of these of starvation suffered by different groups strategies into traditional Tahltan may depend on their ability to adopt means subsistence practices can be identified as of coping with periodic fluctuations. important factors for maintaining economic There are many historic accounts of security. starvation in the Hudson's Bay Company Probably the most effective strategy for records. Although located on major coping with periodic stress and fluctuating transportation routes, trading posts were cycles of abundance in animal populations not always located in areas of abundant was the maintenance of techniques for resources. Traders were generally unfamiliar exploiting diverse species. The Tahltan with the local environment, resources, and people exploited a wide range of different successful methods for exploiting them, and kinds of resources available within a variety relied on enlisting native trappers to of different ecological zones in the provision the posts. In some cases, such as environment. The Stikine Plateau is one of Robert Campbell's attempt to establish a the few areas in North America with such a post on Dease Lake, local native groups diversity of large game animals. Although were unwilling to cooperate in provisioning the Tahltan relied on caribou and moose as the fur trade posts (Campbell 1958). In staple resources, all large game animals were addition, during the fur trade period many extensively used for food and raw materials. aboriginal groups were forced out of Several sm aller mammals such as relatively rich and stable territories into marmots, ground squirrels, and beaver were more marginal environments (Yerbury also used as staple foods as they became 1980:335) or held territories which were seasonally available. Hare, porcupine, and being encroached upon by other groups lynx were taken whenever available to (Yerbury 1981). It is suggested that many supplement the diet. Migratory waterfowl of the incidents of starvation by arctic were exploited seasonally while several drainage Athapaskan groups were due to species of ground birds could be snared on increased attachment to and dependence on a year round basis to supplement the diet. fur trading posts and a lifestyle which A variety of fresh water fish were taken diverted people away from traditional means on a year round basis in the many small of coping with seasonal or periodic stress. lakes and streams, while larger quantities Although the Stikine area experiences were procured during spawning periods. periodic fluctuations in resource abundance, Several species of salmon, abundant during there are few accounts of starvation among the period of the runs, provided a reliable the Tahltan. Periods of severe starvation and predictable staple resource which could are largely a result of factors such as be stored for later use. epidemics of introduced diseases creating Although meat and fish constituted dramatic disruptions in regular patterns of approximately 90 to 95% of the diet by food gathering and storing activities. In volume, a wide variety of edible plants some stories which describe people going were also used for food as well as hungry or the decline of a particular medicinal purposes. resource in a certain place, these are Based on a survey of a large number of ECONOMIC STABILITY 95

hunter-gatherer groups, Hayden indicates of several extended families cooperated in that the range of items avoided grows as the construction of weirs, basket traps, and naturally occurring resource diversity smokehouses. Several thousand salmon increases (Hayden 19 81a:399). Among the could be captured and processed in a period Tahltan there were very strong taboos of six weeks. The large, well b u ilt against the use of most carnivores, smokehouses, essential for processing and amphibians, and a variety of small bodied drying of such large quantities of salmon, mammals such as mice and voles, and would remain standing and functional for smaller birds. Carnivores, being less over 5 0 years, with minimal maintenance. abundant and dispersed throughout the Storage pits located in the vicinity of the environment as well as wary of hunters, are fishing villages were used to store large difficult to capture in numbers. They have quantities of salmon for use later in the little flesh on them after being skinned winter or in times of emergency. In out. While smaller mammals and birds are contrast to storage facilities used in the more numerous, they are also difficult to large winter houses on the Northwest capture in numbers. These were generally Coast, the underground storage pits, called inefficient food resources to use on a 'duweged', meaning 'hidden in a safe place', regular basis. were true caches. In the dry interior Many of these animals were associated climate of the Stikine Plateau, fish and with qualities which could be handled by meat could be preserved in a palatable state shamans only or by hunters who had in these for about three years. acquired them as spirit helpers. Some Major fall and winter camps were located carnivores were used for their fur only as in the upper reaches of major river valleys products of prestige and wealth. where several extended families also Nevertheless, knowledge of the cooperated in the c o n stru c tio n and characteristics and habitats of these animals maintenance of long caribou fences. As was continuously passed in so that in cases many as 20 to 30 caribou might be of extreme resource stress they could be captured at a time in these, during seasonal used for food. movements from alpine areas to forested Storage of seasonally abundant food river vallys. Large quantities of meat and resources was another important means by raw materials were processed and stored at which the Tahltan coped with seasonal and these camps for later use. Snares, traps, periodic fluctuations in resource and nets, used in the vicinity of other availability. In their seasonal round of seasonal camps for procuring a variety of subsistence activities, all resources found in different resources could be used for two any abundance were harvested in large or three seasons. quantities and processed for storage and With a complex technology for procuring later use. This type of strategy required large numbers of seasonally abundant both cooperative work effort and the use resources, the limiting factor on the amount of a complex technology. The use of a which could be stored for later use was procurement technology based on snaring and the amount of time required to process trapping, adaptable for a wide range of fish them. The butchering and processing of and animal species, allowed for efficient foods was the responsibility of women and harvesting of large numbers. The initial required cooperation among them. outlay of energy for construction of Many of the regulations and dietary facilities such as smokehouses, fences, taboos pertaining to women served to weirs, traps, or storage pits was spread out reinforce the need for cooperation in food over a long period of time and large production and ensured constant food amounts of energy procured and processed reserves in dried form. At menarche, and by means of them. throughout child bearing years, Tahltan Reliable and abundant salmon runs women were isolated in smaller huts (a allowed the aggregation of 100 to 150 short distance from others) during people in large summer villages. Members menstruation and when giving birth. The 96 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

isolation of women excluded them from food A fourth method of dealing with production for a few days every month or variation in resource abundance was provided for an entire year in the case of pubescents by the extension of food sharing and (Emmons 1911:104, Teit 19 5 6:1 29). exchange over a wide network of social Although such an in stitu tion required relations between groups in different areas considerable investment in terms of time and established through marriage. The exchange energy on the part of the entire group it of gifts and food between families in ensured cooperation among several related different groups at the marriage of a young women. Isolation of a woman for a few days couple was continued throughout life. every month required that other women, Thus abundant resources from one area were usually an aunt, mother, or sisters, cared exchanged for resources from another area for her children and carried out regular whenever groups came together at large sites activities of hunting, snaring, processing such as fishing villages and major fall and food, and cooking. Menstruants and winter camps. pubescents were not allowed to handle or The establishment of trade networks eat fresh meat or fish. This meant that between tribes on a broader regional scale there must always be a supply of dried was another important mechanism for dealing fish or meat on hand. These dietary taboos with fluctuations in resource abundance. on women, who were responsible for the Through marriage alliances with other tribes preparation and drying of foods as well as along their territorial boundaries, the their exchange and distribution, ensured that Tahltan maintained peaceful trade relations the entire group always had sufficient with the coastal Tlingit as well as Kaska stores of dried food on hand during periods and Sekani peoples further to the interior. of bad weather or scarcity of resources. In times of resource stress, local Food sharing was another means of manufactured products such as tanned hides, coping with variation in resource clothing, bags, babiche, obsidian, or carved availability. Tahltan people emphasized implements of sheep and goat horn could the importance of food sharing among all be exchanged for foodstuffs from other members of the extended family which areas. Several trading camps are recorded cooperated in subsistence activities. While along the Stikine River, below its individuals contributed to food production confluence with the Tahltan River, to according to their age and ability, all were which the Tlingit ascended from the coast. entitled to an equal share of the food The Tahltan traded with the Kaska at produced by the whole group. At times camps located on Dease River and at the when larger groups of people gathered confluence of the upper Rancheria with the together, such as at caribou hunting camps Liard (Teit 1956), and with Sekani people where the long fences were used, the meat at a site at Metsantan Lake at the divide procured from cooperation of the group was between the Findlay and Stikine drainages shared among all those present. Several of (Black 19 55). the tales recorded by Teit (1919, 1921) were Conservation practices were also an used to teach the importance of food effective means of coping with variation in sharing. Puberty training was an important resource abundance. The procurement and period of learning to share with others. As processing of large quantities of a resource boys learned to hunt, trap, and snare, they during periods of abundance not only also learned to share with others. They provided a commodity of exchange but also were never allowed to consume their first served as a selective cropping mechanism to kill of any animal but were required to help control fluctuations in animal give it to their elders. Young women populations. In situations where resource learned to go without until they had abundance was low in particular areas, the acquired the knowledge of how to process Tahltan did not hunt in these areas for a different resources and how they should be period of years so that the animal shared amongst members of the whole populations could build up again (Teit group. n.d.). This kind of resource conservation ECONOMIC STABILITY 97

was facilitated by flexibility in gioup size, reliable levels of food and raw materials to composition, and mobility as well as the meet subsistence needs. These strategies concepts of land ownership maintained by influenced settlement location and site the Tahltan people. Hunting territories characteristics. The Tahltan exploited a were not owned by individual families but wide range of larger and smaller mammals, held in common by matrilineal clans. birds, fish and plant species available Through marriage, males from other clans within their environment. Procurement and were recruited into the workforce of a habitation sites are therefore located in a particular group, bringing with them variety of different ecological zones from knowledge of topography and animal low lying terraces along major rivers to populations of other areas. During alpine meadows and ridges. Sites were conditions of declining resource populations occupied on a seasonal basis and vary in in one area, strong social alliances allowed size depending on the kind and quantity of families to hunt with groups in other areas resources procured and processed. Large for a while. sites are located in areas where larger Other conservation practices also groups of people aggregated to procure and operated to maintain economic stability. The process q u a n titie s of r e lia b le and Tahltan held a great respect for the animals predictable resources such as salmon and which they hunted. Animals were not caribou. bothered needlessly nor killed if they The storage of large quantities of could not be used. A variety of rituals seasonally abundant resources was one of were involved with hunting, processing of the most important strategies for maintaining animals, and the disposition of their economic stability. Storage behaviour is remains. The religious beliefs which manifest at major camps and villages by defined the close relationship between the presence of smokehouse structures or drying people, their environment, and the animals rack features in conjunction with hearths, within it ensured conservation of the concentrations of processing tools, and resource base which the Tahltan people storage pits. Underground pits used for depended on. storing dried foods are highly visible in the Perhaps the most important factor archaeological record. contributing to economic survival and Cooperation in food production and food stability was the overall flexibility of the sharing behaviour are also manifest in site system. Since the environment was characteristics. At larger village sites constantly changing with the seasons and multi-family smokehouse and/or habitation the resource base was never the same from structures reflect the existence of corporate one year to the next, Tahltan people were groups, consisting of several nuclear families continuously acquiring and exchanging cooperating in food production activities. information in order to make decisions At other seasonal camps where smaller about who should go to which camp, how temporary shelters are occupied for shorter long to stay, and how much of any one periods of time by a corporate group, these resource should be preserved for later use. are clustered together around a common As Brody (19 81) points out in his study on hearth and processing area. the Beaver people of the Peace River area Exchange of food and goods between of British Columbia, flexibility is the families at larger aggregation sites results in major factor in the survival of traditional the deposition of a wide range of lithic and subsistence activities up to the present, faunal remains from resources procured from even in the face of encroachments on a variety of different localities. Trade traditional territory. goods are expected to be more concentrated In summary, the traditional Tahltan at large aggregation sites located along major subsistence economy incorporated several travel routes where trading activities are strategies for coping with seasonal and taking place than in any other sites to longer term fluctuations in resource which they may be dispersed. Evidence of abundance in order to ensure constant and trade becomes more highly visible with the 98 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

introduction of nonperishable items at sites a particular area while families hunted with with protohistoric and historic components. other groups in different areas. Such Conservation practices employed to cope flexibility in group composition is expected with declining resources would be difficult to produce homogeneity in tool kits to document in terms of settlement associated with specific activities at the patterns. However, they may have resulted range of sites where those activities are in a visible break in occupation of sites in taking place. 99

IX ARCHAEOLOGICAL CORRELATES OF SEASONAL SUBSISTENCE STRATEGIES

Ethnographic and environmental data expected to be found at different types of have been used to reconstruct traditional sites occupied. The seasonal model of Tahltan subsistence and settlement patterns. subsistence activities forms the basis for This section summarizes seasonal subsistence discussing factors affecting the formation strategies and the archaeological remains and visibility of archaeological sites.

Site Formation Processes

Archaeological remains represent the would be found as remains in an transformation of energy through the archaeological context are clearly visible in cultural system. The flow of energy the floorplans of older smokehouses No. 1 transformation resulting from procurement, and 4, shown in Figures 5 0 and 51. These processing, storage, consumption, and discard features include rock outlines with larger of wastes can be illustrated in a behavioral flat rocks serving as foundations for the chain model (Schiffer 1976). Table 13 major support posts and wall base. In the presents a behavioral chain model for the case of smokehouse No. 1, wall poles sit traditional Tahltan salmon procurement directly on a large base log, while in No. 4 strategy, which has been studied in greatest poles sit in the ground outside of the base detail. log, so that their positions would be Several factors related to the formation marked by post moulds archaeologically. of sites associated with the procurement and Hearth areas are generally located in the processing of salmon become evident upon middle of each of the four corners in the examination of the model. The complex and large houses, although they are also located sophisticated technology traditionally used in areas between. There is no regular for the procurement of salmon leaves little effort made to remove and deposit hearth or no evidence in the archaeological record, ash outside the house, so that deposits since tools and facilities were all made of often build up in the hearths and become organic materials. The most visible remains scattered and trampled into the earth floor. associated with fishing activities result from Plans were also drawn for the remains tools and facilities used for processing and of two former smokehouse structures. The storage of salmon. flooiplan, shown in Figure 52, represents The greatest concentration of lith ic the remains of a smokehouse at least 40 remains are produced by manufacture and years old which was torn down a few years use of small flakes for butchering knives ago. Scattered hearth ash is clearly visible in processing activities carried out by on the surface, and there is not yet any women as described above in chapter 6, and vegetation growth on the floor area. The suggested by Flenniken (1980). Since floorplan in Figure 53 represents the smokehouses served as living quarters and as remains of a smokehouse structure of facilities for processing salmon, floors unknown age. The rock outline of the w ith in th ese stru ctu res were swept structure is clearly apparent although regularly of accumulated debris. It is patches of grass and herbs and two small expected, therefore, that lithic debris would pine trees have developed inside the area. be located in or near hearths, against walls Although windblown silts have been or just outside of smokehouse floor spaces. deposited on the floor area, slight traces of Notable smokehouse features which hearth ash can still be detected. 100 TAHLTAN ETHN0ARCHAE0L0GY

Table 13. Behavioral Chain Model for Salmon.

Activity Location Social Unit Tools/Facilities Time/Frequency Expected Remains

procurement river bank 2-4 men of each weirs, traps 2-4 hr/day household gaffs, spears

gutting river bank women obsidian knives av. 3-7 min/ obsidian blades fish flakes

transport river bank to men/women/ branch av. 2 min/ — smokehouse children fish

cook/consume smokehouse or women obsidian knives 30 min/meal obsidian flakes fresh fish outdoor wooden stakes hearth/burnt hearth bark baskets bones/boiling boiling stones stones

splitting smokehouse 2-4 women of obsidian knives 5-10 min/fish obsidian blades/ fish each 2-4 hr/day flakes household scales/smal1 bones

gather/cut vicinity of men/women/ axe 1 hr/day lost or broken f i rewood smokehouse children axe

tend fires smokehouse women hearths 1 hr/day hearths and monitor fish

pack fish in smokehouse women willow ropes several hours -- bundles end of season

prepare vicinity of men/women/ wooden hoes several hours pits storage village chiIdren axes end of season pits

transport smokehouse to men/women tumplines several hours -- fish storage pits end of season ARCHAEOLOGICAL CORRELATES 101

o Q>

! Ash > — \ / , . O 0 V

o ( p

t______i------j 2m

Figure 52. Floorplan of smokehouse remains A2 Figure 53. Floorplan of smokehouse remains A1 102 TAHLTAN ETHN0ARCHAE0L0GY

Analysis of soil samples collected from visible in archaeological context. Located in floors of several smokehouse structures the vicinity of major camps and villages, as along the Stikine River indicate that these seen in the maps presented in Appendix 4, consist of windblown silts mixed with river cache pits average 2.5 by 1.5 by 1 m in deposited silty sands derived mainly from size. Salmon processed in the traditional basalt, schist, and quartzite rocks. smokehouse, occupied by an extended family Sediments range in colour from very dark of about 2 5 people, were stored in several grey brown to yellowish brown (Munsell pits. Thorman (n.d.) noted that the bark codes lOYR 3/2 and lOYR 5/4). Surface lining and other forest materials used in the sediments become crusted with constant pits were often burned after food had been dripping of oils out of the fish during the removed from them. Charcoal preserved in drying process, and subsequently become excavated pits would provide a means of compacted in thin layers. Although dating use of these pits and occupation of chemical analysis was not carried out, it is sites in which they are found. expected that phosphates, resulting from Activities related to procurement, the breakdown of these fatty deposits, processing, and storage of salmon were would become concentrated in the soil floor dispersed over a relatively large area within with increased amount of fish processed and the village. Older ethnographic fishing length of time the structure was used. villages (examples are presented in Appendix Observations on butchering practices, 4) with archaeological evidence of preparation and consumption of fresh fish prehistoric occupation, have an average size during the summer, and processing of of 400 m in length by 100 m in width. salmon for drying and storage, as described Often separate sites recorded during in Chapter 6, indicate minimal deposition of archaeological survey represent different fish bones in processing areas or facilities. activity areas which formed part of a single Soil analysis revealed that small quantities village. of bone fragments 2mm or smaller in size Table 14 summarizes the archaeological are trampled into smokehouse floors, along remains expected to be found at different with fish scales. Fish scales found in types of sites occupied during the seasonal archaeological context could yield such data round of subsistence activities. This as species taken, age and size of fish, and seasonal model of subsistence and settlement season of procurement. strategies forms the basis for presenting Cache pits, used for storing dried salmon some general comments on factors affecting and other preserved foods, are highly site formation and visibility.

Factors Affecting Visibility of Archaeological Remains

Summer fishing villages, as discussed in materials, site visibility also depends on the detail above, are among the largest and most accumulation of lithic materials from stone visible sites occupied during the year. tool use over many years. The greatest Abundant food resources allowed larger concentration of stone tools and debris groups of people to aggregate for longer results from butchering and processing fish, periods of time at summer and winter meat, and hides in vicinity of habitation villages. Permanent shelters and facilities structures at major camps. Obsidian for processing and storing large quantities of quarries and camps where lithic reduction resources at major camps and villages are activities take place, such as those in the highly visible in the archaeological record. Mount Edziza area, also yield highly visible concentrations of lithic materials (Fladmark Since most of the material culture used 19 82). Tahltan elders indicate that obsidian by the Tahltan was made of organic was collected during late summer-early fall ARCHAEOLOGICAL CORRELATES 103

hunting expeditions in alpine areas. Observations and accounts indicate that at The procurement of plant resources, larger sites, which were reoccupied on a smaller mammals and birds, or kill sites of yearly basis, there is often lateral shifting individual large game animals leave little or of site use over time. Frequently new no lithic or faunal evidence in the structures are built a short distance from archaeological record. Small mammals and old ones which are then used as caching or birds are taken back to camp whole for storage facilities for a time. The cutting of processing. Although large game animals are trees for construction or firewood at larger skinned and butchered into major sections at sites render these highly visible for many the kill site, all parts are transported to years after abandonment. Such sites are the campsite and put to some use. easily detected from the air or through Teit (n.d.) indicates that there were aerial photography interpretation. strict regulations concerning the disposition Various types of sites are ranked below of bones. Formerly, bones of salmon and according to their degree of archaeological most animals were not given to hunting visibility. The order is from greatest to dogs. Dogs either foraged for birds and least visibility. rabbits or were given choice pieces of meat as a reward after a kill. Bones from large 1. Historic villages and camps with animals were used for manufacturing a standing structures variety of tools and implements. Bones of 2. Villages and camps with metals from animals such as beaver, lynx, marmots, and historic/protohistoric occupation bear were either disposed of in water or 3. Quarry sites such as those in Mt. were burnt in the campfire. In a boreal Edziza area forest environment with acid solids, where 4. Camp sites in quarry vicinity where bone preservation is generally very poor, reduction activities take place the practice of burning bones in the 5. Major fishing villages, occupied for campfire would contribute to their extended periods of time by large preservation in archaeological context. Dried numbers of people fish and meat were often exchanged between 6. Trading camps occupied by large groups groups and transported to the next seasonal of people, generally at locations of camp. Bones from these foods were often resource abundance (may coincide with 5 thus deposited in different sites from which or 7) they were procured or processed. 7. Major winter camps, occupied for The costs of transporting materials and extended periods of time tool kits from one camp to another was 8. Seasonal camps of one to several weeks limited by caching behavior. Many artifacts occupation, eg. at fishing lakes, marmot having specific functions, such as fishing snaring camps at timberline nets and weights, and other items referred 9. Trail networks to as site furniture (Binford 19 79) were left 10. Temporary camps at camps from one season to the next. 11. Other plant procurement or kill sites 104 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

Table 14. Archaeological Correlates of Seasonal Subsistence Strategies.

Season/Length Site Type/ Social Unit/ Structures/ Tools/ Faunal of Occupation Location Group size Facilities Implements Remains

mid June- fishing villages several smokehouse axes/hammer- fish scales mid Aug. major salmon extended found, or post stones salmon, beaver 8 weeks rivers families moulds adzes/obsidian trout, hare, 100-150 hearths/pits for flakes, knives deer process, cooking boiling stones and storage

several plant 6-10 women hrs/day gathering and sites/vicinity children of village

mid Aug.- camps at extended outlines of axes/adzes marmots, mid Sept. timberline family lean-to shelters hammerstones gopher, sheep 3-4 weeks 15-25 post mould of obsidian flakes goat, bear drying racks knives caribou, ptar hearths, storage boiling stones migan, salmon pits scales and bones

several berry gathering 6-10 women -- — — hrs/day sites/vicinity and children of camps

one-several temporary camps 2-8 men and hearths obsidian knives sheep, goats days kill sites/ boys projectile caribou, bear alpine meadows points

several obsidian quarries/ several men — hammerstones/ — hrs/day alpine ridges extensive lithic scatters

Sept.-Oct. base camps 1-2 extended outlines of lean- axes/adzes/hide caribou, bear, 4-6 weeks subalpine valleys families to shelters/post dressing tools/ moose, sheep, moulds of drying obsidian flakes goat racks/hearths/pits and knives for soaking and boiling stones smoking hides/ hammerstones storage pits mortar stones

several caribou fences/ men and women fence lines axes, obsidian — hrs/day vicinity of camp of several knives, spear families points ARCHAEOLOGICAL CORRELATES 105

Table 14 (continued).

Season/Length Site Type/ Social Unit/ Structures/ Tools/ Faunal of Occupation Location Group size Facilities Implements Remains

one-several temporary camps 2-8 men and hearths obsidian knives sheep, goats, days kill sites/alpine boys projectile bear, caribou, meadows subalpine points moose forest

2-4 weeks fishing camps/ 1-2 extended lean-to shelters net weights salmon, lakes, streams families drying racks whitefish, hearths char

Nov. -early winter villages 2-4 extended double lean-to as base camps caribou, April forested valleys families shelters/as base above moose, fish, close to caribou 50-100 camps above hare, birds, fences beaver, lynx, porcupine, marten one-several temporary camps 2-8 men and hearths obsidian knives moose, caribou days kill sites/sub- boys projectile hare, beaver alpine and boreal points, axes forest mid April- camps on lakes extended lean-to shelters axes/adzes net trout, gray- May 4-6 weeks and streams family drying racks weights obsidian ling, water- 15-25 hearths, roasting, flakes, knives fowl, hare, cooking pits boiling stones grouse, beaver, bear one-several temporary camps 2-8 men and hearths obsidian knives bear, beaver days kill sites boys projectile waterfowl points

May-June plant gathering 6-10 women - - flake knives -- several sites/vicinity of and children hrs/day camps several bark gathering several men, -- flake knives -- hrs/day sites/vicinity of women and camps and villages children 106 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

Conclusions

Ethnoarchaeological approaches can resolved. However, excavations conducted provide an understanding of the dynamics of by Magne (19 82) and Smith (19 70) suggest hunter-gatherer subsistence behaviour and that the patterns reconstructed in this site formation processes. These factors are study extend back at least a few hundred seen as essential for interpreting the years. Paleoenvironmental studies have significance of different prehistoric sites indicated that small scale changes in climate within the overall pattern of subsistence have occurred and that alpine glaciers in and settlement strategies. The availability the Mt. Edziza area have advanced short of salmon in the Stikine Plateau area, a distances from their present locations reliable resource which could be procured (Souther pers. comm.). As a result, and stored in large quantities, provided the ecological zones may have shifted and plant Tahltan with a means of coping with and animal populations probably varied. periods of scarcity which other Athapaskan Research in the Tahltan area has indicated groups occupying Arctic drainages did not that the subsistence and settlement have. strategies utilized provided a means of A problem for future research would be coping with resource fluctuations. It is to determine how early these subsistence thus suggested that similar patterns of land patterns are valid. As few areas of the use may have been operating in the area for Stikine Plateau have been investigated several thousand years. archaeologically, this issue has not been 107

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Appendix 1. Bird Species Occurring in the Stikine Plateau Area.

Upland Ground Birds Surf scoter Melanitta perspicillata

Blue grouse Dendragapus obscurus Common merganser Mergus merganser

Spruce grouse Canachites canadensis

Ruffled grouse Bonasa umbellus Other Birds

Willow ptarmigan Lagopus lagopus Goshawk Accipiter gentilis

Rock ptarmigan Lagopus mutus Sharp-shinned hawk Accipiter striatus

White-tailed ptarmigan Lagopus leucurus Marsh hawk Circus cyaneus

Red-tailed hawk Buteo jamaicensis

Waterfowl Golden eagle Aquila chryaetos

Common loon Gavia immer Bald eagle Haliaeetus leucocephalus

Yellow billed loon Gavia adamsii Osprey Pandion haliaetus

Arctic loon Gavia arctica Gyrfalcon Falco rusticolus

Red throated loon Gavia stellata Peregrine falcon Falco peregrinus

Red necked grebe Podiceps grisegena Merlin Falco columbarius

Horned grebe Podiceps auritus American kestrel Falco sparverius

Whistling swan Olor columbianus American golden plover Pluvialis dominica

Canada Goose Branta canadensis Black-bellied plover Pluvial is squatarola

Mallard Anas platyrhynchos Semipalmated plover Charadrius semipalmatus

Pintail Anas acuta Ki1ldeer Charadrius vociferus

American wigeon Anas americana Whimbrel Numenius phaeopus

Northern shoveler Anas cl.ypeata Upland sandpiper Bartramia longicauda

Blue-winged teal Anas discors Solitary sandpiper Tringa solitaria

Green-winged teal Anas crecca Spotted sandpiper Actitus macularia

Ring-necked duck Aythya collaris Wandering Tattler Heteroscelus incanus

Greater scaup Aythya marila Greater yellowlegs Tringa melanleuca

Lesser scaup Aythya affinis Lesser yellowlegs Tringa flavipes

Common goldeneye Bucephala clanqula Long-billed dowitcher Limnodromus scolopaceus

Barrow's goldeneye Bucephala islandica Sanderling Calidris alba

Bufflehead Bucephala albeola Least sandpiper Calidris minutilla

Harlequin Histrionicus histrionicus Semipalmated sandpiper Calidris pusillus

Black scoter Melanitta nigra Western sandpiper Calidris mauri

White-winged scoter Melanitta deglandi Northern phalarope Lobipes lobatus 116 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

Appendix 1 (continued)

Common snipe Capella gallinago Rough-winged swallow Stelgidopteryx ruficollis

Long-tailed jaegar Stercorarius longicaudus Stellar's Jay Cyanocitta stelleri

Herring gull Larus argentatus Gray jay Perisoreus canadensis

California gull Larus californicus Common raven Corvus corax

Mew gull Larus canus Black-capped chicadee Parus atricapillus

Bonaparte's gull Larus Philadelphia Boreal chicadee Parus hudsonicus

G1 aucus gull Larus hyperboreus Dipper Cinclus mexicanus

Arctic tern Sterna paradisaea Red-breasted nuthatch Sitta canadensis

Mourning dove Zenaida macroura Winter wren Troglodytes troglodytes

Great-horned owl Bubo virginianus American robin Turdus migratorius

Hawk owl Surnia ulula Varied thrush Ixoreus naevius

Short-eared owl Asio flammeus Townsend's solitaire Myadestes townsendi

Pygmy owl G1aucidium gnoma Hermit thrush Catharus guttatus

Common nighthawk Chordeiles minor Swainson's thrush Catharus ustulatus

Rufous hummingbird Selasphorus rufus Gray-cheeked thrush Catharus minimus

Belted kingfisher Megaceryle alcyon Mountain bluebird Sialia currocoides

Common flicker Colaptes auratus Golden-crowned kinglet Regulus satrapa

Yellow-bellied sapsucker Sphyrapicus varius Ruby-crowned kinglet Regulus calendula Hairy woodpecker Picoides villosus Water pipit Anthus spinoletta

Downy woodpecker Picoides pubescens Bohemian waxwing Bombycilla garrulus

B1ack-backed, Picoides arcticus Cedar waxwing Bombycilla cedrorum

three-toed woodpecker Northern shrike Lanius excubitor

Say's phoebe Sayornis says Starling Sturnus vulgaris

Willow flycatcher Empidonax trailli Warbling vireo Vireo gilvus

Western wood pewee Contopus sordidulus Tennessee warbler Vermivora peregrine

Olive-sided flycatcher Nuttallornis boraelis Orange-crowned warbler Vermivora celata

Horned lark Eremophila alpestris Yellow warbler Dendroica petechia

Barn swallow Hirundo rustica Yellow-rumped warbler Dendroica coronata

Cliff swallow Petrochelidon pyrrhonata Townsend's warbler Dendroica townsendi

Violet-green swallow Tachycineta thalassina Blackpoll warbler Dendroica striata

Tree swallow Iridoprocne bicolor Northern waterthrush Seiurus noveboracensis

Bank Swallow Riparia riparia Common yellow throat Geothlypis trichas 117

Appendix 1 (continued)

MacGi11ivray's warbler Oporonis tolei Pine siskin Carduelis pinus

Wilson's warbler Wilsonia pusi 11a White-winged crossbill Loxia leucoptera

American redstart Setphaga ruti cilia Savannah sparrow Passerculus sandwichensis

Western meadowlark Sturnella neglecta Dark-eyed junco Junco hyemalis

Red-winged blackbird Agelaius phoeniceus Tree sparrow Spizella arborea

Rusty blackbird Euphagus carolinus Chipping sparrow Spizella passerina

Brewer's blackbird Euphagus cyanocephalus White-crowned sparrow Zonotrichia leucophrys

Common grackle Quiscalus quiscula Golden-crowned sparrow Zonotrichia atricapilla

Brown-headed cowbird Molothrus ater Fox sparrow Passerella iliaca

Western tanager Piranga ludoviciana Lincoln's sparrow Melospiza lincolnii

Purple finch Carpodacus purpureus Lapland longspur Calcarius lapponicus

Pine grosbeak Pinicola enucleator Smith's longspur Calcarius pictus

Gray-crowned rosy finch Luecosticte tephrocotis Snow bunting Plectrophenax nivalis

Common redpoll Carduelis flammea 118 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

Appendix 2. Plants Used in Technology.

Common Name Scientific Name Habitat Uses^

Wolf moss Letharia vulpina on coniferous trees boiled in water gives a bright yellow dye

Paint fungus Echinodontium tinctorium on limbs of conif. dried/heated/powdered/mixed with grease as red paint

Bracket fungus Fomes sp. live and dead conif. as tinder for starting fires and deciduous trees

Sphagnum moss Sphagnum sp. acid bogs and swamps carpet birth lodge, line cradles, baby diapers, sanitary pads

Lodgepole pine Pinus contorta well drained soil wood - for building house var. latifolia dry ridges structures pitch - as antiseptic cones - smoking hides

White spruce Picea glauca well drained but wood - building house structures moist slopes bark - roofing material, lining salmon caches, canoes, vessels for cooking and soaking hides roots - rope and cordage pitch - glue

Black spruce Picea mariana varied, especially same as white spruce sphagnum bogs

Alpine fir Abies lasiocarpa well drained soil same as white spruce, saplings higher elevation for bows, pitch as antiseptic

Saskatoon berry Amelanchier alnifolia well drained soil wood - arrows

Juniper Juniperus scopularum dry exposed slopes wood - snowshoes, bows, other J. communis small carved items J. horizontal is bark - twine berries - medicinal

Aspen Populus tremuloides well drained but mainly firewood, green for moist soils smoking fish and meat

Cottonwood Populus trichocarpa moist lake and wood - dugout canoes, structures, P. balsamifera stream banks firewood, rotten inner wood for smoking hides, dried inner bark for tinder 119

Appendix 2 (continued).

Common Name Scientific Name Habitat Uses^

White birch Betula papyrifera well drained soil wood - for carving bows, snowshoe frames, gambling sticks etc. as firewood, gives very hot fire bark - watertight vessels for cooking and carrying food and water, cups, trays, storage baskets

Water birch Betula occidentalis moist soils along for small carved items, as stream banks firewood

Scrub birch Betula glandulosa moist soils withes for binding

Stika alder Alnus sinuata moist soils along wood - for carving small items, stream banks firewood, green for smoking fish and meat bark - boiled, gives brownish red dye

Mountain alder Alnus tenuifolia moist stream banks same as Sitka alder

Willow Salix sp. moist soil withes for binding bark - twine and rope poles for hanging fish and meat during smoking, drying, cooking cooking implements

Red osier Cornus stolonifera moist stream banks withes for ropes and bindings

Dogbane Apocynum well drained soil rope and cordage, androsaemifolium as a seasonal indicator

Wormwood Artemesia friqida well drained slope fumigant and insect repel 1 ant

Horsetails Equisetum sp. damp stream banks as 'sandpaper' for polishing wood

1. Emmons 1911, Teit n.d 120 TAHLTAN ETHN0ARCHAE0L0GY

Appendix 3. Edible Plants of the Stikine River Area. (listed in order of taxonomic classification)

Common Name Scientific Name Habitat Part Used Availability Reference

Black tree Alectoria fremontii on conif. trees entire anytime T2-35 lichen

Honey mushroom Armillaria mellea forest floor entire early fall T2-40

Chanterelle Cantharellus cibarius conif. forest entire early fall T2-42

Shaggy manes Coprinus comatus open forest entire spring T2-44

Polypor fungus Polyporus sulphureus on conif./decid. entire fall T2-47 trees

Horestails Equisetum arvense damp areas young shoots early spring Tl-42

Lady fern Athyrium filix-femina damp forest young shoots early spring Tl-44 rhizome fall

Wood fern Dryopteris austriaca damp forest rhizome fall Tl-46 D. dilatata

Licorice fern Polypodium glycyrrhiza damp forest rhizome fall Tl-51 P. vulgare

Bracken fern Pteridium aquilinum open forest young shoots spring Tl-56 rhizome fall T2-48

Onion Allium schoenoposum grassy slopes bulb/leaves spring T2-69/ H307

Rice root Fritillaria meadows bulblets spring T2-84/ camschatcensis H308

Solomon's seal Smilacina stellata meadows young shoots spring T2-90/ berries fall Cr28

Twisted stalk Streptopus amplexifolius moist woods young shoots spring H311 berries fall Cr29

Fairy slippers Calypso bulbosa moist woods bulbs spring Tl-99

Poplars Populus tremuloides stream and river cambium spring T2-204 P. trichocarpa valleys P. balsamifera 121

Appendix 3 (continued).

Common Name Scientific Name Habitat Part Used Availability Reference

Nettles Urtica gracilis stream banks leaves/buds early spring H370

Toadflax Geocaulon 1ividum open woods/ fruit early fall H373 decid.

Junipers Juniperus communis dry slopes berries anytime T2-51 J. scopularum

Pi ne Pinus contorta well drained soil cambium spring T2-57

Cattai 1 Typha latifolia marshes shoots early spring T2-93 rhizome H66

Burreed Sparqanium angustifolium marshes tubers/stem early spring Cr2 bases

Arrow grass Triglochim maritinum meadows/marshes leaf bases spring Tl-72 seeds fall Cr4

Black Current Ribes hudsonianum open woods berries summer T2-163

Mt. Ash Sorbus scopulina open woods to berries late summer T2-209 subalpine

Saskatoon Amelanchier alnifolia woods to open berries summer T2-180/ berry slopes H599

Raspberries Rubus pedatus damp forest berries summer T2-197- R. chamaemorus bogs/muskeg berries summer 200/ R. arcticus wet meadows berries summer H601-604 R. idaeus open woods berries summer

Thimbleberry Rubus parviflorus open woods berries late summer T2-203

Strawberry Fraqraria virqiniana clearings berries summer T2-185

Chokecherries Prunus virginiana open woods berries early fall T2-191

Silverweed Potentilla anserina marsh/wet meadows roots early fal1 T2-187

Wild rose Rosa acicularia open woods fruit fall T2-194 R. nutkana open woods fruit fall R. woodsii open woods fruit fall 122 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

Appendix 3 (continued).

Common Name Scientific Name Habitat Part Used Availability Reference

Lupine Lupinus arcticus dry slopes roots if early spring Tl-162 cooked

Milk Vetch Astragalus alpinus open slopes roots of early spring H-647-649 some species Cr97 edible

Arrowhead Sagittaria cuneata marshes, lakes tubers fall Tl-68/Cr5

Skunk cabbage Lysichitum americanum marshes roots early spring T2-65/ Crl 1

Bullrush Scirpus microcarpus marshes/swamps shoots early spring T2-68/ S. validus CrlO

Dock Rumex arcticus wet places young leaves early spring H379-80 R. occidental is Tl-189

Mr. Sorrel Oxyria digyna wet mt. slopes young leaves early spring H383/Cr41

Bistort Polygonum viviparum dry meadows rhizome early spring H385/Cr42

Strawberry Chenopodium capitatum open areas young leaves early spring H393 blite

Spring beauty Claytonia sp. damp woods corns/leaves early spring T2-172/ Cr45

Pond lily Nuphar polysepalum ponds/lakes rhizomes spring H450

Rockcress Arabis lyrata moist slopes young leaves early spring H545

Saxifrage Saxifraga punctata mt. stream banks leaves summer H574

Gooseberries Ribes lacustre open woods berries summer T2-164 R. triste -66

Crazyweed Oxytropis maydelliana dry slopes/tundra roots fal1/early H656 0. campestris sandy soil spring N8-9

Sweet vetch Hedysarum alpinum spruce forests roots early spring H668 open slopes 123

Appendix 3 (continued).

Common Name Tcientific Name Habitat Part Used Availability Reference

Giant vetch Vicia gigantea meadows/open seeds late summer Tl-167 V. americana woods Crl05

Soapberry Shepherdia canadensis open woods berries summer H684

Silverberry Elaegnus commutata dry slopes berries summer H684

Fireweed Epilobium angustifolium meadows/forest stems/ early spring H686 E. latifolium stream banks leaves/roots T 2-170

Sweet cicily Osmorhiza depauperata shaded woods roots early spring T2-109

Water parsnip Sium suave marshes/1 akes roots spring T2-113

Wild rhubarb Heracleum lanatum woods/meadows stems/roots spring T2-95/ H707

Dogwood Cornus stolonifera stream banks berries early fal 1 T2-137

Bunchberry Cornus canadensis spruce forest berries early fall Tl-129

Crowberry Empetrum nigrum heaths/bogs berries fal1/winter T2-141 H716

Labrador tea Ledum palustre bogs/wet meadows leaves fal1/winter T2-145 L. groenlandicum

Bearberry Arcostaphylos uva-ursi dry slopes berries fal1/winter T2-143

Blueberries Vaccinium caespitosum alpine meadows berries early fall T2-147- V. membranaceum woods berries early fall 149 V. alaskensis woods berries early fall H732-734 V. uliginosum heaths/bogs berries early fall H732-734

Bog cranberry Vaccinium vitis-idaea muskeg/peat bogs berries fall T2-159/ V. ocycoccus muskeg/peat bogs berries fall H731

Red Vaccinium parvifolium conif. forest berries early fal 1 Tl-156/ huckleberry H733

Wild mint Mentha arvensis springs/stream leaves summer T2-214/ banks Crl60 124 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

Appendix 3 (continued).

Common Name Scientific Name Habitat Part Used Availability Reference

Monkey flower Mimulus quttatus springs/stream leaves spring Crl70 banks

Elephanthead Pedicularis sudetica meadows/rock roots/younc! early spring H822-23 P. langsdorffii slopes shoots N8-9

Elderberry Sambucus racemosa open forest berries late summer Tl-125.

High bush Viburnun edule damp woods berries fall T2-135 cranberry H842

Yarrow Achillea millefolium meadows/slopes leaves/ summer/fal 1 Crl85 A. borealis flowers

Mugwort Artemisia telesii stream banks ieaves summer A-P

Sweet coltsfoot Petasites frigidus wet meadows/woods roots spring H913 P. hyperboreus wet meadows/woods roots spring P. sagittatus wet meadows/woods leaves spring A-P P. palmatus wet meadows/woods leaves spring

Wild thistle Cirsium folisum meadows roots fall T2-119

References: T1 Turner 1975 T2 Turner 1978 H Hulten 1968 Cr Craighead et al. 1963 N Nickerson et al. 1973 A-P Albright coll, verified by J. Pindermoss, U.B.C. Herbarium 125

Appendix 4. Maps of Ethnographic Fishing Villages

Legend for Maps

road " trail sh5 0 smokehouse " -—t> ' direction of river flow n raised cache iiiuiniii steep rise CD cache pit major contour XX lithic scatter gravel bar/beach o house depression or foundation limit of vegetation * — ■ gill net boom stand of pine^aspen q u ip rock pile 1 fenced garden * • outdoor hearth S' cabin G3 tent frame

Appendix 4a. Eleven mile site on Stikine River 126 TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY

Appendix 4b. Nine mile fish camp on Stikine River r^ CM Appendix 4c. Appendix 4c. Tahltan — Stikine Confluence DEPARTMENT OF ARCHAEOLOGY PUBLICATIONS

Number 3. CURRENT RESEARCH REPORTS. 14 Detailed Reports on Current Archaeological Research. 184 pages, 101 text figures. R. L. Carlson (editor), 1976. $ 8.00 4. A GUIDE TO BASIC ARCHAEOLOGICAL FIELD PROCEDURE OUT-OF-PRINT 5. STUDIES IN BELLA BELLA PREHISTORY. 140 pages, 80 text figures. J.J. Hester and S. Nelson (editors), 1978. 10.00 6. SETTLEMENT PATTERNS OF THE DRAPER AND WHITE SITES. 185 pages. B. Hayden (editor), 1979. 10.00 7. THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF KAMLOOPS. 126 pages, 78 text figures. R.L. Wilson and C. Carlson, 1980. 12.00 8. MARPOLE. Anthropological Reconstructions of a Prehistoric Northwest Coast Culture Type. 82 pages, 14 text figures. D.V. Burley, 1980. 8.00 9. THE BELCARRA PARK SITE. 78 pages, 54 text figures. A. S. Charlton, 1980. 8.00 10. PAPERS ON CENTRAL COAST ARCHAEOLOGY. P.M. Hobler (ed.). B. Apland and M.W. Chapman. 134 pages, 74 text figures, 1982. 12.00 11. THE EVOLUTION OF MARITIME CULTURES ON THE NORTHEAST AND THE NORTHWEST COASTS OF AMERICA. R.J. Nash (ed.), 236 pages.1983. 12.00 12. FOUND! HUMAN REMAINS. A Field Manual for the Recovery of the recent human skeleton. M. Skinner 8 R. Lazenby. 192 pages. 1983. 17.50 13. INDIAN ART TRADITIONS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. R.L. Carlson (ed.), 214 pages. 1983. 12.95 14. GLASS AND ICE: A report on the Archaeologyof the Mt. 16.00 Edziza and Spectrum Ranges, Northwestern, British Columbia. K.R. Fladmark. 15. TAHLTAN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY. S. Albright, 1984. 10.00

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