The social life of things

I" 1 Commodities in cultural perspective

Edited by ARJUN APPADURAI University of Pennsylvania

""'~''''' CAMBRIDGE ::; UNIVERSITY PRESS CHAPTER 1

Introduction: commodities and the politics of value

ARJUN APPADU RA I

This essay has two aims. The first is to preview and set the context for the essays that follow it in this volume. The second is to propose a new perspective on the circulation of commodities in social life. The gist of this perspective can be put in the following way. Economic exchange creates value. Value is embodied in commodities that are exchanged. Focusing on the things that are exchanged, rather than simply on the forms or functions of exchange, makes it possible to argue that what creates the link between exchange and value is politics, construed broadly. This argument, which is elaborated in the text of this essay, justifies the conceit that commodities, like persons, have social lives. J Commodities can provisionally be defined as objects of economic value. As to what we ought to mean by economic value, the most useful (though not quite standard) guide is Georg Simmel. In the first chapter of The Philosophy of Money (1907; English translation, 1978), Simmel provides a systematic account of how economic value is best defined. Value, for Simmel, is never an inherent property of objects, but is a judgment made about them by subjects. Yet the key to the comprehension of value, according to Simmei, lies in a region where "that subjectivity is only provisional and actually not very essential" (Simmel 1978:73). In exploring this difficult realm, which is neither wholly subjective nor quite objective, in which value emerges and functions, Simmel suggests that objects are not difficult to acquire because they ~re val­ uable, "but we call those objects valuable that resist our desire to possess them" (p. 67). What Simmel calls economic objects, in partic­ ular, exist in the space between pure desire and immediate enjoyment, with some distance between them and the person who desires them, which is a distance that can be overcome. This distance is overcome in and through economic exchange, in which the value of objects is determined reciprocally. That is, one's desire for an object is fulfilled by the sacrifice of some other object, which is the focus of the desire of another. Such exchange of sacrifices is what economic life is all 3 4 Arjun Appadurai Introduction: commodities about and the economy as a particular social form "consists not only Even if our own approach to in exchanging values but in the exchange of values" (p. 80). Economic the view that things have no mea value, for Simmel, is generated by this sort of exchange of sacrifices. transactions, attributions, and m( Several arguments follow this analysis ofeconomic value in Simmel's thropological problem is that th discussion. The first is that economic value is notjust value in general, the concrete, historical circulation but a definite sum of value, which results from the commensuration the things themselves, for their m of two intensities of demand. The form this commensuration takes is their uses, their trajectories. It i~ the exchange of sacrifice and gain. Thus, the economic object does trajectories that we can interpret not have an absolute value as a result of the demand for it, but the lations that enliven things. Thus, demand, as the basis of a real or imagined exchange, endows the of view human actors encode th object with value. It is exchange that sets the parameters of utility odological point of view it is the tr and scarcity, rather than the other way round, and exchange that is human and social context. No sc the source of value: "The difficulty ofacquisition, the sacrifice offered analyst is an economist, an art 1 in exchange, is the unique constitutive element of value, of which avoid a minimum level of what scarcity is only the external manifestation, its objectification in the tishism. This·methodological feti~ form of quantity" (p. 100). In a word, exchange is not a by-product things themselves, is in part a cor: of the mutual valuation of objects, but its source. sociologize transactions in thing: These terse and brilliant observations set the stage for Simmel's Firth has recently noted (l983:8c analysis of what he regarded as the most complex instrument for the Commodities, and things in gel conduct ofeconomic exchange - money - and its place in modern life. several kinds ofanthropology. Tl But Simmel's observations can be taken in quite another direction. the last resort ofarcheologists. Th This alternative direction, which is exemplified by the remainder of which unites archeologists with : this essay, entails exploring the conditions under which economic ogists. As valuables, they are at t objects circulate in different regimes of value in space and time. Many and, not least, as the medium ( of the essays in this volume examine specific things (or groups of exchange theory and social anthl things) as they circulate in specific cultural and historical milieus. What perspective on things represents these essays permit is a series of glimpses of the ways in which desire vived, semiotically oriented inter and demand, reciprocal sacrifice and power interact to create eco­ marked and exemplified in a sp' nomic value in specific social situations. But commodities are not of fune Contemporary Western common sense, building on various histor­ ogists. They also ,constitute a tc ical traditions in philosophy, law, and natural science, has a strong economic historians, to art histo: , tendency to oppose "words" and "things." Though this was not always mists, though each discipline mig] the' case even in the West, as Marcel Mauss noted in his famous work Commodities thus represent a s The Gift, the powerful contempmary tendency is to regard the world have something to offer to its ne of things as inert and mute, set' in motion and animated, indeed about which it has a good deal t( knowable, only by persons and their words (see also Dumont 1980:229­ The essays in this volume covel 30). Yet, in many historical societies, things have not been so divorced conceptual ground, but they do from the capacity of persons to act and the power of words to com­ tionship of culture to commodit municate (see Chapter 2). That such a view of things had not dis­ anthropologists, an archeologist, appeared even under the conditions ofoccidental industrial capitalism omists or art historians are repn: is one of the intuitions that underlay Marx's famous discussion, in by no means ignored. Several m;: Capital, of the "fetishism of commodities." (notably China and Latin Americ Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 5 articular social form "consists not only Even if our own approach to things is conditioned necessarily by ~ exchange of values" (p. 80). Economic the view that things have no meanings apart from those that human 1 by this sort of exchange of sacrifices. transactions, attributions, and motivations endow them with, the an­ s analysis ofeconomic value in Simmel's thropological problem is that this formal truth does not illuminate nomic value is notjust value in general, the concrete, historical circulation of things. For that we have to follow hich results from the commensuration the things themselves, for their meanings are inscribed in their forms, fhe form this commensuration takes is their uses, their trajectories. It is only through the analysis of these gain. Thus, the economic object does trajectories that we can interpret the human transactions and calcu­ a result of the demand for it, but the lations that enliven things. Thus, even though from a theoretical point II or imagined exchange, endows the of view human actors encode things with significance, from a meth­ 1ge that sets the parameters of utility odological point of view it is the things-in-motion that illuminate their Ither way round, and exchange that is human and social context. No social analysis of things (whether the ulty of acquisition, the sacrifice offered analyst is an economist, an art historian, or an anthropologist) can Institutive element of value, of which avoid a minimum level of what might be called methodological fe­ lanifestation, its objectification in the tishism. This'methodological fetishism, returning our attention to the a word, exchange is not a by-product things themselves, is in part a corrective to the tendency to excessively ects, but its source. sociologize transactions in things, a tendency we owe to Mauss, as .servations set the stage for Simmers Firth has recently noted (1983:89).2 ; the most complex instrument for the Commodities, and things in general, are of independent interest to - money - and its place in modern life. several kinds ofanthropology. They constitute the first principles and I be taken in quite another direction. the last resort ofarcheologists. They are the stuffof"material culture," ch is exemplified by the remainder of which unites archeologists with several kinds of cultural anthropol­ le conditions under which economic ogists. As valuables, they are at the heart of economic anthropology gimes of value in space and time. Many and, not least, as the medium of gifting, they are at the heart of :xamine specific things (or groups of exchange theory and social anthropology generally. The commodity fic cultural and historical milieus. What perspective on things represents a valuable point of entry to the re­ ,f glimpses of the ways in which desire vived, semioticaHy oriented interest in material culture, recently re­ ice and power interact to create eco­ marked and exemplified in a special section of RAIN (Miller 1983). ltuations. But commodities are not of fundamental interest only to anthropol­ mon sense, building on various histor­ ogists. They also constitute a topic of lively interest to social and. aw, and natural science, has a strong economic historians, to art historians, and, lest we forget, to econo­ :i "things." Though this was not always mists, though each discipline might constitute the problem differently. arcel Mauss noted in his famous work Commodities thus represent a subject on which anthropol()gy may lorary tendency is to regard the world have something to offer to its neighboring disciplines, as we'll as one set in motion and animated, indeed about which it has a good deal to learn from them. heir words (see also Dumont 1980:229­ The essays in this volume cover much historical, ethnographic, and eties, things have not been so divorced conceptual ground, but they do not by any means exhaust the rela­ ) act and the power of words to com­ tionship of culture to commodities. The contributors are five social It such a view of things had not dis­ anthropologists, an archeologist, and four social historians. No econ­ ~ions ofoccidental industrial capitalism omists or art historians are represented here, though their views are nderlay Marx's famous discussion, in by no means ignored. Several major world areas are not represented nmodities." (notably China and Latin America), but the spatial coverage is ilever­ 6 Arjun Appadurai Introduction: commodities all theless fairly wide. Though an interesting range of goods is discussed modern, capitalist societies), and th in these essays, the list of commodities not discussed would be quite gence between Marx and Simmel c long, and there is a tilt toward specialized or luxury goods rather than The most elaborate and thought "primary" or "bulk" commodities. Finally, most of the contributors of the commodity appears in Vol stick to goods rather than to services, though the latter are obviously though the idea was widespread in important objects of commoditization as welL Though each of these political economy. Marx's own rean omissions is serious, I shall suggest in the course of this essay that was a central part of his critique 0 some of them are less important than they might seem. a fulcrum for the transition from The remaining five sections of this essay are devoted to the following cially Marx 1973) on capitalism to ' tasks. The first, on the spirit of commodity, is a critical exercise in Today, the conceptual centrality 0 definition, whose argument is that commodities, properly understood, way to the neoclassical, marginali! are not the monopoly of modern, industrial economies. The next, on word "commodity" is used in neo( paths and diversions, discusses the strategies (both individual and a special subclass of primary goo institutional) that make the creation of value a politically mediated analytic role. This is, of course, not process. The subsequent section, on desire and demand, links short­ in economics and sociology, or wil and long-term patterns in commodity circulation to show that con­ as those of Piero Sraffa), where tl­ sumption is subject to social control and political redefinition. The plays a central theoretical role (Sr last substantive section, on the relationship between knowledge and But in most mode.rn analyses 0 commodities, is concerned with demonstrating that the politics of the meaning of the term com modi value is in many contexts a politics of knowledge. The concluding part of the heritage of Marx and section brings the argument back to politics as the mediating level is, in most contemporary uses, cor between exchange and value. ufactured goods (or services), whit modes of production and are thtl! The spirit of the commodity has penetrated. Thus even in cun ization (see, for example, Perlin 1 Few will deny that a commodity is a thoroughly socialized thing. The modi ties are associated with definitional question is: in what does its sociality consist? The purist organizational and technical forms answer, routinely attributed to Marx, is that a commodity is a product of European origin. Commoditie intended principally for exchange, and that such products emerge, terial representations of the cap by definition, in the institutional, psychological, and economic con­ they are classified as petty and th ditions of capitalism. Less purist definitions regard commodities as Yet it is cle,ar that this is to dra' goods intended for exchange, regardless of the form of the exchange. understanding of the nature of t1 The purist definition forecloses the question prematurely. The looser commodity in the first hundred c definitions threaten to equate commodity with gift and many other of the most difficult, contradictc kinds of thing. In this section, through a critique of the Marxian corpus. It begins with an extren understanding of the commodity, I shall suggest that commodities ("A commodity is, in the first pia are things with a particular type of social potential, that they are by its properties satisfies human distinguishable from "products," "objects," "goods," "artifacts," and then moves dialectically through other sorts of things - but only in certain respects and from a certain initions, which permit the gradl point of view. If my argument holds water, it will follow that it is approach to use value and exch definitionally useful to regard commodities as existing in a very wide lence, the circulation and exchar variety of societies (though with a special intensity and salience in of money, It is the elaboration 0 Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 7 .n interesting range of goods is discussed modern, capitalist societies), and that there is an unexpected conver­ mmodities not discussed would be quite gence between Marx and Simmel on the topic of commodities. :I specialized or luxury goods rather than The most elaborate and thought-provoking discussion of the idea dities. Finally, most of the contributors of the commodity appears in Volume 1, Part I, of Marx's Capital, services, though the latter are obviously though the idea was widespread in nin:teenth-century discussions .of ditization as well. Though each of these political economy. Marx's own reanalysIs of the concept of commodIty suggest in the course of this essay that was a central part of his critique of bourgeois political economy and tant than they might seem. a fulcrum for the transition from his own earlier thought (see espe­ ;of this essay are devoted to the following cially Marx 1973) on capitalism to the full-fledged analysis of Capital. t of commodity, is a critical exercise in Today, the conceptual centrality of the idea of commodity has given ;that commodities, properly understood, way to the neoclassical, marginalist conception of "goods," and the lern, industrial economies. The next, on word "commodity" is used in neoclassical economics only to refer to ;ses the strategies (both individual and a special subda~s .of primary goods and no. longer plays a central creation of value a politically mediated analytic role. ThiS IS, of course, not the case wIth MarXian approaches .ion, on desire and demand, links short­ in economics and sociology, or with neo-Ricardian approaches (such )mmodity circulation to show that con- as those of Piero Sraffa), where the analysis of the "commodity" still control and political redefinition. The plays a central theoretical role (Sraffa 1961; Sedd?n 1978). le relationship between knowledge and But in most modern analyses of economy (outSIde anthropology), N'ith demonstrating that the politics of the meaning of the term commodity has narrowed to reflect only one politics of knowledge. The concluding part of the heritage of Marx and the ea.r~y political ~con?mists. That back to politics as the mediating level is, in most contemporary uses, commoditIes are speCIal kmds of man­ ufactured goods (or services), which are associated only with capitalist modes of production and are thus to be found only where capitalism Ilmodity has penetrated. Thus even in current debates about proto-industrial­ ization (see, for example, Perlin 1982), the issue is not whether com­ ity is a thoroughly socialized thing. The modities are associated with capitalism, but whether certain lat does its sociality consist? The purist organizational arid technical forms associated with capitalism a:e solely o Marx, is that a commodity is a product of European origin. Commodities are generally seen as typICal ma­ lange, and that such products emerge, terial representations of the capitalist mode of production, even if ::mal, psychological, and economic con­ they are classified as petty and their capitalist context as incipient. lrist definitions regard commodities as Yet it is clear that this is to draw on only one strand in Marx's own regardless of the form of the exchange. understanding of the nature of the commodity. The treatment of the es the question prematurely. The looser commodity in the first hundred or so pages of Capital is arguably one e commodity with gift and many other of the most difficult, contradictory, and ambiguous parts of Marx's m, through a critique of the Marxian corpus. It begins with an extremely broad definition of commodity )dity, I shall suggest that commodities ("A commodity is, in the first place, an object outside us, a thing that type of social potential, that they are by its properties satisfies human wants of some sort or another"). It :ts," "objects," "goods," "artifacts," and then moves dialectically through a series of more parsimonious def­ Iy in certain respects and from a certain initions, which permit the gradual elaboration of the basic Marxian ~nt holds water, it will follow that it is approach to use value and exchange value, the problem of equiva­ I commodities as existing in a very wide lence, the circulation and exchange of products, and the significance N'ith a special intensity and salience in of money. It is the elaboration of this understanding of the relation­ 8 Arjun Appadurai ., Introduction: commodities; ship between the commodity form and the money form that alll~ws .~: reference to the problematics of ! Marx to make his famous distinction between two forms ofcircu atlon ...i~...·... other regarded the movement t( ofcommodities (Commodities-Money-Commodities and Money-Com- l: tionary, unidirectional, and histor modities-Money), the latter representing the general formula for cap- f; exist or do not exist, and they ar, ita\. In the course of this analytic movement, commodities become of these assumptions requires me intricately tied to money, an impersonal market, and exchange value. Despite these epistemic limitati Even in the simple form ofcirculation (tied to use value), commodities fetishism of commodities, Marx are related through the commensuration capabilities of money. To­ Capital, that the commodity doe: day, in general, the link of commodities to postindustrial social, fi­ product under bourgeois prodw nancial, and exchange forms is taken for granted, even by those who an early date in history, though in other regards do not take Marx seriously. characteristic manner as nowad. Yet in Marx's own writings, there is the basis for a much broader, outside the scope of this essay t more cross-culturally and historically useful approach to commodities, own thought on precapitalist, no whose spirit is attenuated as soon as he becomes embroiled in the might note that ~arx I~ft .t?e d details of his analysis of nineteenth-century industrial capitalism. By modities. at least III a pnmltlve f this earlier formulation, in order to produce not mere products but The definitional strategy I pn commodities, a man must produce use values for others, social use gels's emendation of Marx's broa, values (Marx 1971 :4t5). This idea was glossed by Engels in a paren­ of use value for others, which co thesis he inserted into Marx's text in the following interesting way: exchange as the source of econc "To become a commodity a product must be transferred to another, that a commodity is any thing in! whom it will serve as a use-value, by means of an exchange" (Marx from the exclusive preoccupatic 1971 :48). Though Engels was content with this elucidation, Marx and the original or dominant intI proceeds to make a very complex (and ambiguous) series of distinc­ us to focus on the dynamics of e tions between products and commodities, but for anthropological pur­ then, the question becomes not poses, the key passage deserves quotation in full: "What sort of an exchange is e Every product of labour is, in all states of society, a use-value; but it is only part of the effort to define com at a definite historical epoch in a society's development that such a product two kinds of exchange that are becomes a commodity, viz. at the epoch when the labour spent on the pro­ modity exchange. The first is b, duction of a useful article becomes expressed as one of the objective qualities exchange), and the other is th( of that article, i.e., as its value. It therefore follows that the elementary value­ barter. form is also the primitive form under which a product of labour appears Barter as a form of exchange historically as a commodity, and that the gradual transformation of such products into commodities, proceeds pari passu with the development of the man (1980) in an essay that, " value-form. (Marx 1971 :67). Marx's own analysis of the rei a! commodity exchange. Combin The difficulty of distinguishing the logical aspect of this argument tions of barter (including Chap from its historical aspect has been noted by Anne Chapman (1980). the exchange of objects for on whose argument I will return to shortly. In the above passage from and with maximum feasible re( Capital, the shift from product to commodity is discussed historically. personal transaction costs. The But the resolution is still highly schematic, and it is difficult to specify from commodity exchange in 1 or test it in any clear way. from gift exchange by virtuall) The point is that Marx was still imprisoned in two aspects of the Chapman is right that, insoJ mid-nineteenth-century episteme: one could see the economy only in seriously, his treatment of bart Introdnction: commodities and the politics of valne 9

'rm and the money form that allows C rence to the problematics of production (Baudrillard 1975); the tion between two forms of circulation rele d' d' I h r regarded the movement to commo Ity pro uctlon as evo u­ oney-Commodities and Money-Com­ ot e d" 'h tiona' ry " unidirectional and historical. As a result commo, Itles elt er esenting the general formula for cap­ exist or do not exist, and they are products of a partICular sort. Each tic movement, commodities become :~ of these assumptions requires modification. .. ersonal market, and exchange value. Despite these epistemic limitations, in his famous diScussion of t~e .ation (tied to use value), commodities fetishism of commodities, Marx does note, as he does elsewhere In nsuration capabilities of money. To­ Capital, that the commodity does not emerge wh?le-cloth from ~?e 1modities to postindustrial social, fi­ producL under bourgeois productio~, but makes Its app:ar~nce at aken for granted, even by those who an early date in history, though not 10 the same predommatmg ~n? lrx seriously. characteristic manner as nowadays." (Marx 1971 :86). Though It IS lere is the basis for a much broader, outside the scope of this essay to explore the difficulties of ~arx's :ally useful approach to commodities, own thought on precapitalist, nonstate, nonmonetary economies, we on as he becomes embroiled in the might note that Marx l~ft .t?e door open for the existen~e of com­ nth-century industrial capitalism. By modities, at least in a pnmltlve form, 10 many sorts of socIety. r to produce not mere products but The definitional strategy 1 propose is a return to a version of En­ uce use values for others, social use gels's emendation of Marx's broad definition involving the production ~a was glossed by Engels in a paren­ of use value for others, which converges with SimmeI's emphasis on ~xt in the following interesting way: exchange as the source of economic value, Let us star~ with the idea :fuct must be transferred to another, that a commodity is any thing intended for exchange. This gets us away e, by means of an exchange" (Marx from the exclusive preoccupation with the "product," "productio~," content with this elucidation, Marx and the original or dominant intention of the "producer" and permits :x (and ambiguous) series of distinc­ us to focus on the dynamics of exchange. For comparative purposes, nodities, but for anthropological pur­ then, the question becomes not "What is a commodity?" but rather quotation in full: "What sort of an exchange is commodity exchange?" Here, and as ites of society, a use-value; but it is only part of the effort to define commodities,better, we need to ~eal with dety's development that such a product two kinds of exchange that are conventionally contrasted wIth com­ )()ch when the labour spent on the pro­ modity exchange. The first is barter (sometime~ referred to as dir~ct xpressed as one of the objective qualities exchange), and the other is the exchange of gifts. Let us start with refore follows that the elementary value­ barter. der which a product of labour appears lat the gradual transformation of such Barter as a form of exchange has recently been analyzed by Chap­ s pari passu with the development of the man (1980) in an essay that, among other things, takes issue with Marx's own analysis of the relationship between direct exchange an? commodity exchange. Combining aspects of several current defin~­ g the logical aspect of this argument tions of barter (including Chapman's), I would suggest that barter IS ~n noted by Anne Chapman (1980), the exchange of objects for one another without reference to money , shortly. In the above passage from and with maximum feasible reduction of social, cultural, political, or •commodity is discussed historically. personal transaction costs. The former criterion distinguishes barter chematic, and it is difficult to specify from commodity exchange in the strict Marxist sense, and the latter from gift exchange by virtually any definition. . ill imprisoned in two aspects of the Chapman is right that, insofar as Marx's theory of value IS taken ~: one could see the economy only in seriously, his treatment of barter poses insoluble theoretical and con­ 10 Arjun Appadurai Introduction: commodities ceptual problems (Chapman 1980:68-70), for Marx postulated that which the circulation of things is barter took the form of direct exchange of the product (x use value or cultural norms. Yet wherever A = Y use value B), as well as direct exchange of the commodity (x nation of what may be bartered, commodity A y commodity B). But this Marxist view of barter, as of what drives the demand for whatever problems it may pose for a Marxist theory of the origin of affair. There is a deep tendency exch~nge value, has the virtue of fitting well with Chapman's most largely negative matter, so that t persuasive claim - that barter, as either a dominant or a subordinate earlier periods is frequently regal form of exchange, exists in an extremely wide range of societies. relation between communities rat! Chapman criticizes Marx for inserting the commodity into barter and is, in this model, held to be in . wishes to keep them quite separate, on the grounds that commodities foreign trade, by extension, is se assume the use of money objects (and thus congealed labor value), (Sahlins 1972). But there are goo and not just money as a unit of account or measure of equivalence. sons to question this view. Commodity exchange, for Chapman, occurs only when a money object The notion that trade in nonm intervenes in exchange. Since barter, in her model, excludes such generally regarded as antisocial f intervention, commodity exchange and barter are formally completely communities and thus was fre( distinct, though they may coexist in some societies (Chapman 1980:67­ strangers has as its close counte 68). gift and that of the commodity a In her critique of Marx, it seems to me, Chapman takes an unduly exchange and commodity exch; constricted view of the role of money in the circulation of commod­ and mutually exclusive. Thougl ities. Though Marx ran into difficulties in his own analysis of the recent attempts to mute the exa~ relationship between barter and commodity exchange, he was right Mauss (Hart 1982; Tambiah 1£ to see, as did Polanyi, that there was a commonality of spirit between modalities of exchange as fundal barter and capitalist commodity exchange, a commonality tied (in this feature of anthropological discou view) to the object-centered, relatively impersonal, asocial nature of gory 1982; Sahlins 1972; Taussi: each. In the various simple forms of barter, we see an effort to ex­ The exaggeration and reificat change things without the constraints of sociality on the one hand, commodity in anthropological wr and the complications of money on the other. Barter in the contem­ are the tendency to romanticize porary world is on the increase: one estimate has it that an estimated value (in Marx's sense) with ge $12 billion a year in goods and services is bartered in the United States tendency to forget that capitalisl alone. International barter (Pepsico syrup for Russian vodka; Coca­ cultural designs; the proclivity t( Cola for Korean toothpicks and Bulgarian forklifts are examples) is culative, impersonal and self-ag also developing into a complex alternative economy. In these latter societies. These tendencies, in tUl situations, barter is a response to the growing number of barriers to view of the opposition between rv international trade and finance, and has a specific role to play in the (1982) has suggested, misses im] larger economy. Barter, as a form of trade, thus links the exchange between them. of commodities in widely different social, technological, and institu­ Gifts, and the spirit of recipr tional circumstances. Barter may thus be regarded as a special form which they are typically exchang. of commodity exchange, one in which, for any variety 'of reasons, profit-oriented, self-centered, ar money plays either no role or a very indirect role (as a mere unit of culation of commodities. Furthe account). By this definition of barter, it would be difficult to locate and embed the flow of things any human society in which commodity exchange is completely ir­ modi ties are held to represent relevant. Barter appears to be the form of commodity exchange in cultural constraints - of goods f Introduction: commodities and the politics of value II 1980:68-70), for Marx postulated that which the circulation of things is most divorced from social, political, ct exchange of the product (x use value or cultural norms. Yet wherever evidence is available, the determi­ 1S direct exchange of the commodity (x nation of what may be bartered, where, when, and by whom, as well ty B). But this Marxist view of barter, as of what drives the demand for the goods of the "other," is a social )se for a Marxist theory of the origin of affair. There is a deep tendency to regard this social regulation as a ue of fitting well with Chapman's most largely negativ<: matter, so that barter in sn:all-scale socie.ties and in r, as either a dominant or a subordinate earlier periods IS frequently regarded as havmg been restncted to the an extremely wide range of societies. relation between communities rather than within communities. Barter inserting the commodity into barter and is, in this model, held to be in inverse proportion to sociality, and )arate, on the grounds that commodities foreign trade, by extension, is seen to have 'preceded' internal trade ~ects (and thus congealed labor value), (Sahlins 1972). But there are good empirical and methodological rea­ : of account or measure of equivalence. sons to question this view. apman, occurs only when a money object The notion that trade in nonmonetized, preindustrial economies is :e barter, in her model, excludes such generally regarded as antisocial from the point of view of face-to-face lange and barter are formally completely communities and thus was frequently restricted to dealings with cist in some societies (Chapman 1980:67­ strangers has as its close counterpart the view that the spirit of the gift and that of the commodity are deeply opposed. In this view, gift seems to me, Chapman takes an unduly exchange and commodity exchange are fundamentally contrastive )f money in the circulation of commod­ and mutually exclusive. Though there have been some important ) difficulties in his own analysis of the recent attempts to mute the exaggerated contrast between Marx and md commodity exchange, he was right Mauss (Hart 1982; Tambiah 1984), the tendency to see these two here was a commonality of spirit between modalities of exchange as fundamentally opposed remains a marked ity exchange, a commonality tied (in this feature of anthropological discourse (Dumont 1980; Hyde 1979; Gre­ relatively impersonal, asocial nature of gory 1982; Sahlins 1972; Taussig 1980). :onns of barter, we see an effort to ex­ The exaggeration and reification of the contrast between gift and mstraints of sociality on the one hand, commodity in anthropological writing has many sources. Among them [ley on the other. Barter in the contem­ are the tendency to romanticize small-scale societies; to conflate use se: one estimate has it that an estimated value (in Marx's sense) with gemeinchaft (in Toennies's sense); the f services is bartered in the United States tendency to forget that capitalist societies, too, operate according to Jepsico syrup for Russian vodka; Coca­ cultural designs; the proclivity to marginalize and underplay the cal-­ md Bulgarian forklifts are examples) is culative, impersonal and self-aggrandizing features of noncapitalist lex alternative economy. In these latter societies. These tendencies, in turn, are a product of an oversimplified ;e to the growing number of barriers to view of the opposition between Mauss and Marx, which, as Keith Hart ce, and has a specific role to play in the (1982) has suggested, misses important aspects of the commonalities form of trade, thus links the exchange between them. ferent social, technological, and institu­ Gifts, and the spirit of reciprocity, sociability, and spontaneity in may thus be regarded as a special form which they are typically exchanged, usually are starkly opposed to the ~ in which, for any variety'of reasons, profit-oriented, self-centered, and calculated spirit that fires the cir­ r a very indirect role (as a mere unit of culation of commodities. Further, where gifts link things to persons )f barter, it would be difficult to locate and embed the flow of things in the flow of social relations, com­ commodity exchange is completely ir­ modities are held to represent the drive - largely free of moral or )e the form of commodity exchange in cultural constraints - of goods for one another, a drive media'ted by 12 Arjun Appadurai Introduction: commodities a money and not by sociality. Many of the essays in this volume, as well things"; "market exchange" versus as my own argument here, are designed to show that this is a simplified oppositions parody both poles an and overdrawn series of contrasts. For the present, though, let me cially. One symptom of this proble, propose one important quality that gift exchange and the circulation conception of the commodity, as . of commodities share. restricting the debate to the matte My view of the spirit of gift exchange owes a good deal to Bourdieu is. But, in trying to understand w (1977), who has extended a hitherto underplayed aspect of Mauss's exchange, it does not make sense t, analysis of the gift (Mauss 1976:70-3), which stresses certain strategic barter on the one hand, or from t parallels between gift exchange and more ostensibly "economic" prac­ As Simmel (1978:97-8), suggests, j tices. Bourdieu's argument, which stresses the temporal dynamics of dimension in all these forms of e gifting, makes a shrewd analysis of the common spirit that underlies form and intensity of sociality ass! both gift and commodity circulation: to characterize commodity exchani manner. Ifit is true that the lapse oftime interposed is what enables the gift or counter­ Let us approach commodities gift to be seen and experienced as an inaugural act of generosity, without situation that can characterize ma any past or fu~ure, i.e., without calculation, then it is clear that in reducing the polythetic to the monothetic, objectivism destroys the specificity of all ferent points in their social lives. Tl practices which, like gift exchange, tend or pretend to put the law of self­ potential of all things rather than interest into abeyance. A rational contract would telescope into an instant a distinction between commodities transaction which gift exchange disguises, by stretching it out in time; and means breaking significantly with t because of this, gift exchange is, ifnot the onlymode ofcommodity circulation view of the commodity and focusi practiced, at least the only mode to be fully recognized, in societies which, duction, through exchange/distrib because they deny "the true soil of their life," as Lukacs puts it, have an But how are we to define the cc economy in itself and not for itself. (Bourdieu 1977:171.) the commodity situation in the social This treatment of gift exchange as a particular form of the circu­ situation in which its exchangeability ( lation of commodities comes out of Bourdieu's critique not only of thing is its socially relevant feature. "objectivist" treatments of social action, but of the sort of ethnocentr­ defined this way, can be disaggreg ism, itself a historical product of capitalism, that assumes a very re­ of the social life of any thing; (2: stricted definition of economic interest.s Bourdieu suggests that thing; and (3) the commodity co "practice never ceases to conform to economic calculation even when placed. Each of these aspects 0 it gives every appearance of disinterestedness by departing from the explication. logic of interested calculation (in the narrow sense) and playing for The idea of the commodity ph: stakes that are non-material and not easily quantified" (ibid: 177). summary way to capture the cen I take this suggestion to converge, though from a slightly different portant essay in this volume, wher angle, with the proposals ofTambiah (1984), Baudrillard (1968; 1975; in and out of the commodity stat 1981), Sahlins (1976), and Douglas and Isherwood (1981), all of which biographical approach to things i represent efforts to restore the cultural dimension to societies that for the moment that things can r are too often represented simply as economies writ large, and to state, that such movements can be 4 restore the calculative dimension to societies that are too often simply normative or deviant. Though th{ portrayed as solidarity writ small. Part of the difficulty with a cross­ (such as heirlooms, postage starn! cultural analysis ofcommodities is that, as with other matters in social ticeable than that of some others life, anthropology is excessively dualistic: "us and them"; "materialist this component is never complete ~nd religious"; "objectification of persons" versus "personification of The commodity candidacy of th Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 13 tany of the essays in this volume, as well things"; "market exchange" versus "reciprocity"; and so forth. These ! designed to show that this is a simplified oppositions parody both poles and reduce human diversities artifi­ ~trasts. For the present, though, let me cially. One symptom of this problem has been an excessively positivist :y that gift exchange and the circulation conception of the commodity, as being a certain kind of thing, thus restricting the debate to the matter of deciding what kind of thing it exchange owes a good deal to Bourdieu is. But, in trying to understand what is distinctive about commodity hitherto underplayed aspect of Mauss's exchange, it does not make sense to distinguish it sharply either from 76:70-3), which stresses certain strategic barter on the one hand, or from the exchange of gifts on the other. ~e and more ostensibly "economic" prac­ As Simmel (1978:97-8), suggests, it is important to see the calculative I'hich stresses the temporal dynamics of dimension in all these forms of exchange, even if they vary in the vsis of the common spirit that underlies form and intensity of sociality associated with them. It remains now ulation: to characterize commodity exchange in a comparative and processual manner. nterposed is what enables the gift or counter­ Let us approach commodities as things in a certain situation, a as an inaugural act of generosity, without calculation, then it is clear that in reducing situation that can characterize many different kinds of thing, at dif­ c, objectivism destroys the specificity of all ferent points in their social lives. This means looking at the commodity ge, tend or pretend to put the law of self­ potential of all things rather than searching fruitlessly for the magic ~I contract would telescope into an instant a distinction between commodities and other sorts of things. It also disguises, by stretching it out in time; and means breaking significantly with the production-dominated Marxian . not the only mode ofcommodity circulation view of the commodity and focusing on its total trajectory from pro­ ~ to be fully recognized, in societies which, duction, through exchange/distribution, to consumption. I of their life," as Lukacs puts it, have an But how are we to define the commodity situation? I propose that ~If. (BourdieuI977: 17l.) the commodity situation in the social life of any "thing" be defined as the ange as a particular form of the circu­ situation in which its exchangeability (past, present, or future) for some other out of Bourdieu's critique not only of thing is its socially relevant feature. Further, the commodity situation, ial action, but of the sort of ethnocentr­ defined this way, can be disaggregated into: (1) the commodity phase t of capitalism, that assumes a very re­ of the social life of any thing; (2) the commodity candidacy of any nic interest.s Bourdieu suggests that thing; and (3) the commodity context in which any thing may be 3rm to economic calculation even when placed. Each of these aspects of "commodity-hood" needs some lisinterestedness by departing from the explication. (in the narrow sense) and playing for The idea of the commodity phase in the social life of a thing is a nd not easily quantified" (ibid: 177). summary way to capture the central insight in Igor Kopytoffs im­ Iverge, though from a slightly different portant essay in this volume, where certain things are seen as moving . 1mbiah (1984), Baudrillard (1968; 1975; in and out of the commodity state. I shall have more to say on this 19las and Isherwood (1981), all of which biographical approach to things in the next section, but let us note he cultural dimension to societies that for the moment that things can move in and out of the commodity mply as economies writ large, and to state, that such movements can be slow or fast, reversible or terminal, ion to societies that are too often simply normative or deviant.4 Though the biographical aspect of some things naIl. Part of the difficulty with a cross­ (such as heirlooms, postage stamps, and antiques) may be more no­ es is that, as with other matters in social ticeable than that of some others (such as steel bars, salt, or sugar), Iy dualistic: "us and them"; "materialist this component is never completely irrelevant. I of persons" versus "personification of The commodity candidacy of things is less a temporal than a con­ 14 Arjun Appadurai Introduction: commodities ceptual feature, and it refers to the standards and criteria (symbolic, prefer to use the term regiws ofv( classificatory, and moral) that define the exchangeability of things in act of commodity exchange prest any particular social and historical context. At first glance, this feature of assumptions, but rather that I would appear best glossed as the cultural framework within which be highly variable from situation things are classified, and it is a central preoccupation of Kopytoffs to commodity. A regime of value, paper in this volume. Yet this gloss conceals a variety of complexities. very high and very low sharing 0 It is true that in most stable societies, it would be possible to discover ticular commodity exchange. Suc a taxonomic structure that defines the world of things, lumping some constant transcendence of cultur things together, discriminating between others, attaching meanings modities, where culture is unde] and values to these groupings, and providing a basis for rules and system of meanings. practices governing the circulation of these objects. In regard to the Finally, the commodity context r economy (that is, to exchange), Paul Bohannan's (1955) account of within or between cultural units, spheres of exchange among the Tiv is an obvious example of this type didacy of a thing to the commodit of framework for exchange. But there are two kinds of situations societies, marriage transactions m where the standards and criteria that govern exchange are so atten­ women are most intensely, and n tuated as to seem virtually absent. The first is the case of transactions change values. Dealings with strar across cultural boundaries, where all that is agreed upon is price commoditization of things that a (whether monetary or not) and a minimum set of conventions re­ moditization. Auctions accentuate garding the transaction itsele The other is the case of those intra­ jects (such as paintings) in a man cultural exchanges where, despite a vast universe of shared deeply inappropriate in other co: understandings, a specific exchange is based on deeply divergent per­ encourage commodity flows as do; ceptions of the value of the objects being exchanged. The best ex­ ofsuch contexts, within and acrOS5 amples of such intracultural value divergence are to be found in the social environment of the con situations of extreme hardship (such as famine or warfare), when bolic state, As I have already suge exchanges are made whose logic has little to do with the commen­ social matter, may bring together suration of sacrifices. Thus a Bengali male who abandons his wife to systems who share only the most prostitution in exchange for a meal, or a Turkana woman who sells conceptual point of view) about til critical pieces of her personal jewelry for a week's food, 'are engaging about the terms of trade. The so in transactions that may be seen as legitimate in extreme circumstan­ the most obvious example of the n ces, but could hardly be regarded as operating under a rich shared social dimensions of commodity e framework of valuation between buyer and seller. Another way to Thus, commoditization lies at th characterize such situations is to say that in such contexts, value and cultural, and social factors. To the price have come almost completely unyoked. are frequently to be found in the ( Also, as Simmel has pointed out, from the point of view of the ments ofcommodity candidacy, an individual and his subjectivity, all exchanges might contain this type they are its quintessential commo­ ofdiscrepancy between the sacrifices ofbuyer and seller, discrepancies most things in a society sometimes normally brushed aside because of the host of conventions about be said to be highly commoditize, exchange that are complied with by both parties (Simmel 1978:80). can safely be said that more thin We may speak, thus, of the cultural framework that defines the com­ modity phase in their own careers, modity candidacy of things, but we must bear in mind that some commodity contexts, and the star exchange situations, both inter- and intracultural, are characterized embrace a large part of the wor by a shallower set ofshared standards of value than others, I therefore societies. Though Marx was there Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 15 to the standards and criteria (symbolic, prefer to use the term regimes oJ value, which does not imply that every t define the exchangeability of things in act of commodity exchange presupposes a complete cultural sharing Irical context. At first glance, this feature of assumptions, but rather that the degree of value coherence may lS the cultural framework within which be highly variable from situation to situation, and from commodity s a central preoccupation of Kopytoffs to commodity. A regime of value, in this sense, is consistent with both ; gloss conceals a variety of complexities. very high and very low sharing of standards by the parties to a par­ ocieties, it would be possible to discover ticular commodity exchange. Such regimes of value account for the ·fines the world of things, lumping SOme constant transcendence of cultural boundaries by the flow of com­ ng between others, attaching meanings modities, where culture is understood as a bounded and localized ~s, and providing a basis for rules and system of meanings. lation of these objects. In regard to the Finally, the commodity context refers to the variety of social arenas, [e), Paul Bohannan's (1955) account of within or between cultural units, that help link the commodity can­ he Tiv is an obvious example of this type didacy of a thing to the commodity phase of its career. Thus in many But there are two kinds of situations societies, marriage transactions might constitute the context in which eria that govern exchange are so atten­ women are most intensely, and most appropriately, regarded as ex­ sent. The first is the case of transactions change values. Dealings with strangers might provide contexts for the where all that is agreed upon is price commoditization of things that are otherwise protected from com­ lnd a minimum set of conventions re­ moditization. Auctions accentuate the cormnudily dilllt::llSioll of ob­ 5 :. The other is the case of those intra­ jects (such as paintings) in a manner that might well be regarded as despite a vast universe of shared deeply inappropriate in other contexts. Bazaar settings are likely to :hange is based on deeply divergent per­ encourage commodity flows as domestic settings may not. The variety objects being exchanged. The best ex- ofsuch contexts, within and across societies, provides the link between value divergence are to be found in the social environment of the commodity and its temporal and sym­ lip (such as famine or warfare), when bolic state. As I have already suggested, the commodity context, as a ogic has little to do with the com men­ social matter, may bring together actors from quite different cultural Bengali male who abandons his wife to systems who share only the most minimal understandings (from the a meal, or a Turkana woman who sells conceptual point of view) about the objects in question and agree only jewelry for a week's food, 'are engaging about the terms of trade. The so-called silent trade phenomenon is :en as legitimate in extreme circumstan­ the most obvious example of the minimal fit between the cultural and lrded as operating under a rich shared social dimensions of commodity exchange (Price 1980). Ieen buyer and seller. Another way to Thus, commoditization lies at the complex intersection of temporal, ; to say that in such contexts, value and cultural, and social factors. To the degree that some things in a society )Ietely unyoked. are frequently to be found in the commodity phase, to fit the require­ ed out, from the point of view of the ments ofcommodity candidacy, and to appear in a commodity'context, {, all exchanges might contain this type they are its quintessential commodities. To the degree that many or :rifices ofbuyer and seller, discrepancies most things in a society sometimes meet these criteria, the society may lUse of the host of conventions about be said to be highly commoditized. In modern capitalist societies, it Nith by both parties (Simmel 1978:80). can safely be said that more things are likely to experience a com­ lltural framework that defines the com­ modity phase in their own careers, more contexts to become legitimate but we must bear in mind that some commodity contexts, and the standards of commodity candidacy to er- and intracultural, are characterized embrace a large part of the world of things than in noncapitalist mdards of value than others. I therefore societies. Though Marx was therefore right in seeing modern indus­ 16 Arjun Appadurai f'.. .. ~ Introduction: commodities al trial capitalism as entailing the most intensely commoditized type of • drawing on certain ethnographic society, the comparison of societies in regard to the degree of "com- I section that the Aow of commoditie: moditization" would be a most complex affair given the definitional ~ compromise between socially regu approach to commodities taken here. By this definition, the term ~ spired diversions. "commodity" is used in the rest of this essay to refer to things that, ~ Commodities, as Igor Kopytoff p at a certain phase in their careers and in a particular context, meet the ~ as having life histories. In this proc requirements of commodity candidacy. Keith Hart's recent (1982) f~ of the life history of an object do( analysis of the importance of the growing hegemony of the commodity 1 culturally regulated; and its interp in the world would fit with the approach suggested here, except thatj nipulation to some degree. Furthel commoditization is here regarded as a differentiated process (affect-' question of what sorts of object ma ing matters of phase, context, and categorization, differentially) and f more deeply a matter for social cont the capitalist mode of commoditization is seen as interacting with societies than in smaller-scale, nonm( myriad other indigenous social forms of commoditization. is, in Kopytoffs model, a perennial Three additional sets ofdistinctions between commodities are worth the tendency of all economies to e) making here (others appear later in this essay). The first, which is a ditization and of all cultures to re~ modified application of a distinction originally made by Jacques Ma­ can go with either tendency as it sui quet in 1971 in regard to aesthetic productions,6 divides commodities sense of moral appropriateness, th into the following four types: (1) commodities by destination, that is, room for maneuver is usually not g objects intended by their producers principally for exchange; (2) com­ pytoffs model the most important, modities by metamorphosis, things intended for other uses that are general processual model of comm placed into the commodity state; (3) a special, sharp case of com­ be moved both into and out of the modities by metamorphosis are commodities by diversion, o~jects placed fortable with the opposition betwe( into a commodity state though originally specifically protected from tization, since some of the most int it; (4) ex-commodities, things retrieved, either temporarily or perma­ agrees are in the middle zone of his nently, from the commodity state and placed in some other state. It more or less permanent commoditi; also seems worthwhile to distinguish "singular" from "homogeneous" Two questions can be raised abOl commodities in order to discriminate between commodities whose ment. One would be that the very c candidacy for the commodity state is precisely a matter of their class gularities as opposed to classes is a CI characteristics (a perfectly standardized steel bar, indistinguishable in be unique examples of homogeneo practical terms from any other steel bar) and those whose candidacy and classes of culturally valued singl is precisely their uniqueness within some class (a Manet rather than a designer-label clothing}. On the othc Picasso; one Manet rather than another). Closely related, though not contrast would suggest that it is com identical, is the distinction between primary and secondary commod­ torical process that determines in v ities; necessities and luxuries; and what I call mobile versus enc1aved relationship between singular and h commodities. Nevertheless, all efforts at defining commodities are moment in the life of a society. But doomed to sterility unless they illuminate commodities in motion. This commodity is not one kind of thin: is the principal aim of the section that follows. phase in the life of some things. H agreement. This view of commodities and corr Paths and diversions tant implications, some of which are Commodities are frequently represented as mechanical products of Kopytoffs argument. Others are dis( production regimes governed by the laws of supply and demand. By immediate concern is with one impor Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 17 r'" :he most intensely commoditized type of t drawing on certain ethnographic examples, I hope to show in this .~ ::>cieties in regard to the degree of "com­ section that the flow ofcommodities in any given situation is a shifting ost complex affair given the definitional compromise between socially regulated paths and competitively in­ :t.ken here. By this definition, the term spired diversions. rest of this essay to refer to things that, Commodities, as Igor Kopytoff points out, can usefully be regarded 'eers and in a particular context, meet the as having life histories. In this processual view, the commodity phase I candidacy. Keith Hart's recent (1982) of the life history of an object does not exhaust its biography; it is the growing hegemony of the commodity culturally regulated; and its interpretation is open to individual ma­ he approach suggested here, except that nipulation to some degree. Further, as Kopytoff also points out, the :t.rded as a differentiated process (affect­ question of what sorts of object may have what sorts of biography is t, and categorization, differentially) and more deeply a matter for social contest and individual taste in modern moditization is seen as interacting with societies than in smaller-scale, nonmonetized, preindustrial ones. There :ial forms of commoditization. is, in Kopytoffs model, a perennial and universal tug-of-war between ;tinctions between commodities are worth the tendency of all economies to expand the jurisdiction of commo­ later in this essay). The first, which is a ditization and of all cultures to restrict it. Individuals, in this view, itinction originally made by Jacques Ma­ can go with either tendency as it suits their interests or matches their thetic productions,6 divides commodities sense of moral appropriateness, though in premodern societies the s; (1) commodities by destination, that is, rOom for maneuver is usually not great. Of the many virtues of Ko­ :lucers principally for exchange; (2) com­ pytoffs model the most important, in my view, is that it proposes a ilings intended for other uses that are general processual model of commoditization, in which objects may state; (3) a special, sharp case of com­ be moved both into and out of the commodity state, I am less com­ 'e commodities by diversion, objects placed fortable with the opposition between singularization and commodi­ gh originally specifically protected from tization, since some of the most interesting cases (in what Kopytoff retrieved, either temporarily or perma­ agrees are in the middle zone of his ideal-typical contrast) involve the state and placed in some other state. It more or less permanent commoditizing of singularities. inguish "singular" from "homogeneous" Two questions can be raised about this aspect of Kopytoffs argu­ ,criminate between commodities whose ment. One would be that the very definition of what constitutes sin­ I state is precisely a matter of their class gularities as opposed to classes is a cultural question, just as there can .ndardized steel bar, indistinguishable in be unique examples of homogeneous classes (the perfect steel bar) er steel bar) and those whose candidacy and classes of culturally valued singularities (such as works of art and within some class (a Manet rather than a designer-label clothing). On the other hand, a Marxist critique of this m another). Closely related, though not contrast would suggest that it is commoditization as a worldwide his­ tween primary and secondary commod­ torical process that determines in very important ways the shifting ; and what I call mobile versus enclaved relationship between singular and homogeneous things at any given dl efforts at defining commodities are moment in the life of a society. But the important point is that the { illuminate commodities in motion. This commodity is not one kind of thing rather than another, but one ction that follows. phase in the life of some things. Here, Kopytoff and I are in full agreement. This view of commodities and commoditization has several impor­ tant implications, some of which are touched upon in the course of represented as mechanical products of Kopytoffs argument. Others are discussed later in this essay. But my I by the laws of supply and demand. By immediate concern is with one important aspect of this temporal per­ r~ 18 Arjun Appadurai ~ Introduction: commodities an spective on the commoditization of things, which concerns what I operate as a team, interpreting one anot] have called paths and diversions. lowe both these terms, and some keda collapse, regularly making it nece: measure of my understanding of the relationship between them,. to Some form completely different keda, ~ Nancy Munn's contribution (Munn 1983) in ~nimportant collectlo.n may want to form another ked a by dr of papers on a phenomenon that is of great Importance to the topIC never kula again because of their inabil of this volume, the celebrated kula system of the Western PaCific reputation for "bad" kula activity. In rea (Leach and Leach 1983). . in anyone keda is migratory and the soc A shell's accumulation of history is retar, The kula is the best-documented example of a non-Western, prell1­ keda, while men's claims to immortality dustria!, nonmonetized, translocal exchange system, and with the pub­ these men after being successfully attra lication of this recent collection, it becomes, arguably, the most on the identity of its new owners. (Caml thoughtfully and fruitfully analyzed one. l.t now ~ppears that M~Ii. The path taken by these valuable, nowski's classic account of this system (Malmowskl 1922) was partial stitutive of social partnerships and s and problematic, though it has laid the foundation ~or even the ~ost number of other things are worth sophisticated recent analyses. The implications of thIs recen~ rethmk­ these valuables. The first is that their ( ing of the kula phenomenon for the gen~ral concer~s of thIs volume as simple reciprocal exchange, far fI are severaL Although the essays 1 shall CIte from thIs volume reflect merce. Though monetary valuation! different vantage points, both ethnographic and theoretical, they do the objects and a variety of sources, permit some general observations. . .. it possible to have the sort of calculi: The kula is an extremely complex regIonal system for the cIrculatIOn at the heart of the exchange of COli of particular kinds of valuables, usually between. men of subst~nce, monetary modes of valuation allow I in the Massim group of islands off the eastern tIP of New Gumea. (following Cassady 1974) calls "exchaJ The main objects exchanged for one another are of two types: d~c. in which something like price is arriv( orated necklaces (which circulate in one direction) and armshells (wlllch other than the impersonal forces ofSUI circulate in the other). These valuables acquire very specific biogra­ Thus, despite the presence of broad phies as they move from place to place and hand. to hand, just as ~he complex qualitative calculus exists (C men who exchange them gain and lose reputation as they acqUIre, mits the competitive negotiation of Pi hold, and part with these valuables. The term keda (ro~d, rout,e, path, light of both short- and long-term indi or track) is used in some Massim communities to descnbe the Journey What Firth here calls "indebtedness of these valuables from island to island. But ked a also has a more sort of calculated exchange that, by J diffuse set of meanings, referring to the more or less stable social, tween commodity exchange and oth political, and reciprocal links between men that constitute these paths. The most important difference betw( In the most abstract way, ked a refers to the path (created through modities and the exchange ofcommo( the exchange of these valuables) to wealth, power, and reputation for omies is that the increment being so the men who handle these valuables (Campbell 1983a:203-4). reputation, name, or fame, with the Keda is thus a polysemic concept, in which the circulation.of objec~s, ducing this profit being people rather I the making of memories and reputations, and the pursUIt of socIal (Strathern 1983:80; Damon 1983:33~ distinction through strategies of partnership all come together. The few commodities can afford. delicate and complex links between men and things that are central Perhaps even more important thaI to the politics of the keda are captured in the following extract from exchanges is the fact that these recer the perspective of the island of Vakuta: to regard the exchange of kula valu The successful keda consists of men who are able to maintain relatively stable boundaries between communities, wi keda partnerships through good oratorical and manipulative skills, and who curring within these communities (DaJ Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 19 :ation of things, which concerns what I . te as a team, interpreting one another's movements. Nevertheless, many opela k" f I' h I sions. lowe both these terms, and some ked a collapse, regularly ma 109 It necessary or men to rea Ign t emse ves. e form completely different keda, while the remnants of a broken keda ,ng of the relationship between them, to 5om d d . . Y h (Munn 1983) in an important collection want to form another ke a by rawmg 10 new men. et ot ers may maY:er kula again because 0 f th'elr .ma b'l'I Ity to f orm anot her ke d a oWll1g. to a 1 that is of great importance to the topic I~e\ utation for "bad" kula activity. In reality, the population of shell valuables lted kula system of the Western Pacific :I~~ny one keda is migrato:y and the social composi.tion of a keda transitory. A shell's accumulatIon of hIstory IS retarded by contmual movement between nented example of a non-Western, prein­ k da while men's claims to immortality vanish as shells lose association with lslocal exchange system, and with the pub­ t~es~ men after being successfully attracted into another keda, thus taking ection, it becomes, arguably, the most on the identity of its new owners. (Campbell 1983:218-19.) analyzed one. It now appears that Mali­ The path taken by these valuables is thus both reflective and con­ his system (Malinowski 1922) was partial stitutive of social partnerships and struggles for preeminence. But a !las laid the foundation for even the most number of other things are worth noting about the circulation of s. The implications of this recent rethink­ these valuables. The first is that their exchange is not easily categorized [) for the general concerns of this volume as simple reciprocal exchange, far from the spirit of trade and com­ ssays 1 shall cite from this volume reflect merce. Though monetary valuations are absent, both the Rature of Ith ethnographic and theoretical, they do the objects and a variety of sources of flexibility in the system make lations. ' it possible to have the sort of calculated exchange that I maintain is omplex regional system for the circulation at the heart of the exchange of commodities. These complex non­ tbles, usually between men of substance, monetary modes of valuation allow partners to negotiate what Firth ands off the eastern tip of New Guinea, (following Cassady 1974) calls "exchange by private treaty," a situation d for one another are of two types: dec­ in which something like price is arrived at by some negotiated process !late in one direction) and armshells (which other than the impersonal forces of supply and demand (Firth 1983:91). :se valuables 'acquire very specific biogra­ Thus, despite the presence of broad conventional exchange rates, a ace to place and hand to hand, just as the complex qualitative calculus exists (Campbell 1983:245-6) which per­ ~ain and lose reputation as they acquire, mits the competitive negotiation of personal estimates of value in the Juables. The term keda (road, route, path, light of both short- and long-term individual interest (Firth 1983: 101). lssim communities to describe the journey What Firth here calls "indebtedness engineering'" is a variety of the and to island. But ked a also has a more sort of calculated exchange that, by my definition, blurs the line be­ :ferring to the more or less stable social, tween commodity exchange and other, more sentimental, varieties. s between men that constitute these paths. The most important difference between the exchange of these com­ zeda refers to the path (created through modities and the exchange ofcommodities in modern industrial econ­ bles) to wealth, power, and reputation for omies is that the increment being sought in kula-type systems is in valuables (Campbell 1983a:203-4). reputation, name, or fame, with the critical form of capital for pro­ :oncept, in which the circulation ofobjects, ducing this profit being people rather than other factors of production nd reputations, and the pursuit of social (Strathern 1983:80; Damon 1983:339-40). Pricelessness is a luxury les of partnership all come together. The few commodities can afford. between men and things that are central Perhaps even more important than the calculative aspect of kula ,re captured in the following extract fro111 exchanges is the fact that these recent studies make it very difficult d of Vakuta: to regard the exchange of kula valuables as occurring only at the f men who are able to maintain relatively stable boundaries between communities, with more giftlike exchanges oc­ od oratorical and manipulative skills, and who curring within these communities (Damon 1983: 339). The concept of ···,''''· -.

20 Arjun Appadurai r· Introduction: commodities: i~ kitoum provides the conceptual and technical link between the large§ 1983:317-23). The kula may be r paths that the valuables take and the more intimate, regular, and i propose to call tournaments of valu problematic intra-island exchanges (Weiner 1983; Damon 1983; .•~ Tournaments of value are con Campbell 1983; Munn 1983). Though the term kitoum is complex moved in some culturally well-def and in certain respects ambiguous, it seems clear that it represents nomic life. Participation in them the articulation between the kula and other exchange modalities in those in power and an instrumen which men and women transact in their own communities. Kitoums The currency ofsuch tournaments are valuables that one can place into the kula system or legitimately well understood cultural diacritic withdraw from it in order to effect "conversions" (in Paul Bohan­ tournaments is not just status, ra nan's sense) between disparate levels of "conveyance" (Bohannan but the disposition of the central 1955). In the use of kitoum we see the critical conceptual and in­ question.s Finally, though such tOt strumentallinks between the smaller and bigger paths that consti­ times and places, their forms and tute the total world of exchange in Massim. As Annette Weiner has for the more mundane realities oj shown, it is a mistake to isolate the grander interisland system of ex­ As in the kula, so in such tournai change from the more intimate, but (for men) more suffocating lo­ skill is culturally measured by the cal transfers of objects that occur because of debt, death, and affinity diversions or subversions of cultur (Weiner 1983: 164-5). flow of things. The kula system gives a dynamic and processual quality to Mauss's The idea oftournaments of vah ideas regarding the mingling or exchange of qualities between men category, following up a recent and things, as Munn (1983:283) has noted with regard to kula ex­ (1983:535) comparing the kula sysl change in Gawa: "Although men appear to be the agents in defin!ng West. Baudrillard's analysis of th~ shell value, in fact, without shells, men cannot define their own value; West allows one to widen and shaq in this respect, shells and men are reciprocally agents of each other's that the art auction, with its ludic, ri value definition." But, as Munn has observed, in the reciprocal con­ apart from the ethos of conventior struction of value, it is not only paths that play an important role, but "goes well beyond economic calcula diversions as well. The relations between paths and diversions is crit­ of the transmutation of values, fr ical to the politics of value in the kula system, and proper orchestration value which may be noted in det of these relations is at the strategic heart of the system: (Baudrillard 1981: 121). The follm' Actually, diversion is implicated in the path system, since it is one of .the ethos of the art auction deserves, means of making new paths. Possession of more than one path also pomts easily be an apt characterization of to the probability of further diversions from one established path to another, of value: as men become subject to the interests and persuasiveness of more than one Contrary to commercial operations, w set of partners.... In fact, men of substance in kula have to develop some rivalry between individuals on the fOOl capacity to balance operations: diversions from one path must later be re­ guiding his own calculation of individu placed in order to assuage cheated partners and keep the path from dIsap­ fete or the game, institutes a concrete ( pearing, or to keep themselves from being dropped from the path. (Munn Whoever the vanquisher in the challeng 1983:301.) is the institution of a community of th! These large-scale exchanges represent psychological efforts to tran· such by agonistic speculation upon a n scend more humble flows of things, but in the politics of reputation, of the aristocratic sort seals their paril formal equality of economic com petitio gains in the larger arena have implications for the smaller ones, .and ilege with respect to ail others, from the idea of the kitoum assures that both conveyances and conversions merely by their purchasing power, bUI have to be carefully managed for the greatest gains overall (Damon of the production and exchange of sigl Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 21 tual and technical link between the large 1983:317-23). The kula may be re~arded as the paradigm of what 1 ke and the more intimate, regular, and ropose to call tournaments of value. I xchanges (Weiner 1983; Damon 1983; p Tournaments of value are complex periodic events that are re­ :3). Though the term kitoum is complex moved in some culturally well-defined way from the routines of eco­ biguous, it seems clear that it represents nomic life. Participation in them is likely to be both a privilege of e kula and other exchange modalities in those in power and an instrument of status contests between them. :lsact in their own communities. Kitoums The currency ofsuch tournaments is also like1y to be set apart through ;>lace into the kula system or legitimately well understood cultural diacritics. Finally, what is at issue in such to effect "conversions" (in Paul Bohan­ tournaments is not just status, rank, fame, or reputation of actors, lrate levels. of "conveyance" (Bohannan but the disposition of the central tokens of value in the society in m we see the critical conceptual and in­ question.s Finally, though such tournaments of value occur in special he smaller and bigger paths that consti­ times and places, their forms and outcomes are always consequential lange in Massim. As Annette Weiner has for the more mundane realities of power and value in ordinary life. late the grander interisland system of ex­ As in the kula, so in such tournaments of value generally, strategic mate, but (for men) more suffocating 10­ skill is culturally measured by the success with which actors attempt occur because of debt, death, and affinity diversions or subversions of culturally conventionalized paths for the flow of things. iynamic and processual quality to Mauss's The idea of tournaments of value is an attempt to create a general· ng or exchange of qualities between men category, following up a recent observation by Edmund Leach 3:283) has noted with regard to kula ex­ {I 983:535) comparing the kula system to the art world in the modern 1 men appear to be the agents in definjng West. Baudrillard's analysis of the art auction in the contemporary shells, men cannot define their own value; West allows one to widen and sharpen this analogy. Baudrillard notes len are reciprocally agents of each other's that the art auction, with its ludic, ritual, and reciprocal aspects, stands funn has observed, in the reciprocal con­ apart from the ethos of conventional economic exchange, and that it mly paths that play an important role, but "goes well beyond economic calculation and concerns all the processes tions between paths and diversions is cril­ of the transmutation of values, from one logic to another logic of l the kula system, and proper orchestration value which may be noted in determinate places and institutions" ,trategic heart of the system: (Baudrillard 1981: 121). The following analysis by Baudrillard of the ethos of the art auction deserves quotation in full since it could so ted in the path system, since it is one of the Possession of more than one path also points easily bean apt characterization of other examples of the tournament iversions from one established path to another, of value: interests and persuasiveness of more than one Contrary to commercial operations, which institute a relation of economic ~n of substance in kula have to develop some rivalry between individuals on the footing of formal equality, with each one s: diversions from one path must later be re­ guiding his own calculation of individual appropriation, the auction, like the eat.ed partners and keep the path from disap· fete or the game, institutes a concrete community of exchange among peers. ~s from being dropped from the path. (Munn Whoever the vanquisher in the challenge, the essential function of the auction is the institution of a community of the privileged who define themselves as ges represent psychological efforts to tran­ such by agonistic speculation upon a restricted corpus of signs. Competition of the aristocratic sort seals their parity (which has nothing to do with the )f things, but in the politics of reputation, formal equality of economic competition), and thus their collective caste priv­ ave implications for the smaller ones, and ilege with respect to all others, from whom they are no longer separated res that both conveyances and conversions merely by their purchasing power, but by the sumptuary and collective act sed for the greatest gains overall (Damon of the production and exchange of sign values. (1981: 117.) 22 MjUD Appadu,,' r' InnoducI'on, shell money among the Yurok and the III into the category of objects whose com· shell currency of Rossell Island and other parts of Oceania are ex­ f, whose' movement is restricted, and which amples of such "commodity coupons" (in Douglas's phrase), whose " in the way other things might be. Yet the restricted flow is at the service of the reproduction of social and po­ , to make them circulate with considerable litical systems. Things, in such contexts, remain devices for repro­ same way, as their more mundane coun· ducing relations between persons (see also Dumont 1980:231). Such ~ case of "transvalued" objects, which take commodity coupons represent a transformational midpoint between lclaved, rather than mobile, commodities, "pure" gifts and "pure" commerce. Wi~h the ~ift, .they share a ~ertain tion in the reasons for, and the nature of, insensitivity to supply and demand, a hIgh codIng In terms of etIquette 's "kingly things," Geary's relics, and Dav· and appropriateness, and a tendency to follow socially set paths. With different kinds of enclaved commodities, pure barter, their exchange shares the spirit of calculation, an open­ potential is carefully hedged. It may also ness to self-interest, and a preference for transactions with relative ,t a very important institutional way to reo strangers. :lity exchange itself is the "port-of-trade" In such restricted systems of commodity flow, where valuables play modern kingdoms (Geertz 1980), though the role of coupons or licenses designed to protect status systems, we in premodern politics may not have been see the functional equivalent but the technical inversion of "fashion" lmetimes been imagined (Curtin 1984:58). in more complex societies. Where in the one case status systems are ing are quite variable, but in each case, the protected and reproduced by restricting equivalences and exchange on have clear implications for framing and in a stable universe of commodities, in a fashion system what is re­ and commercial exchanges ofa more mun­ stricted and controlled is taste in an ever-changing universe of com­ :ommodities bear a family resemblance to modities, with the illusion of complete interchangeability and equently discussed in the anthropological unrestricted access. Sumptuary laws constitute an intermediate con­ Jables," whose specialness is directly linked sumption-regulating device, suited to societies devoted to stable status displays in exploding commodity contexts, such as India, China, and )y virtue of their exchange destinies and Europe in the premodern period. (These comparisons are p,ursued tend to dissolve the links between persons more precisely in the following section of this essay.)9 y is always balanced by a countertendency, Such forms of restriction and the enclaved commodities they create control, and channel exchange. In many sometimes provide the context and targets of strategies of diversions. nitive valuables display these socially reo Diversion, that is, may sometimes involve the calculated and "inter­ to Mary Douglas (1967) the insight thal ested" removal of things from an enclaved zone to one where ex­ mble coupons and licenses in modern in· change is less confined and more profitable, in some short-term sense. s, although they resemble money, they are Where enclaving is usually in the interests of groups, especially the ~xchange but have the following character· politically and economically powerful groups in any society, diversion tcquisition that they represent are highly is frequently the recourse of the entrepreneurial individual. But 26 A';un A,pad.,,, r,.U-odUdiOn, commoditic whether it is groups or individuals who are involved in either kind orl of the major art and archeolo~ activity, the central contrast is that whereas enclaving seeks to protect' whose formation represents eX" certain things from commoditization, diversion frequently is aimed sale, and inheritance. combined at drawing protected things into the zone of commoditization. Diver. of the past and of the other. 10 I sion, however, can also take the form of strategic shifts in path within today most of the critical cultur a zone of commoditization. "authentic" (see Spooner, Chap In an extremely interesting discussion of British trade in Hawaii in Chapter 2) commodities. The Cl the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, Marshall Sahlins and American museums and gov has shown how Hawaiian chiefs, in stretching traditional conceptions raise all the moral and political of tabu to cover new classes of trade goods (in keeping with their Own things get diverted, several time cosmopolitical interests), succeeded in transforming the "divine fl­ tional paths and are transferred nality" even ofeconomic tabus into instruments ofexpedience (Sahlins history of claims and countercla 1981 :44-5). Thus, what Sahlins calls "the pragmatics of trade" erodes The diversion of com modi tie: and transforms the cultural bounds within which it is initially con· carries a risky and morally ambi ceived. In a word, the politics ofenclaving, far from being a guarantor nan (1955) called conveyances gi of systemic stability, may constitute the Trojan horse of change. the spirit ofentrepreneurship an The diversion of commodities from specified paths is always a sign simultaneously. In the case of tl of creativity or crisis, whether aesthetic or economic. Such crises may movement of commodities acro take a variety of forms: economic hardship, in all manner of societies, order, is also at the heart of the: drives families to part with heirlooms, antiques, and memorabilia and kula player. Inappropriate conw to commoditize them. This is as true of kula valuables as of more to another are frequently fortifi, modern valuables. The other form of crisis in which commodities are nomic crisis, whether it be famin diverted from their proper paths, of course, is warfare and the plun. not available or credible, accusat der that historically has accompanied it. In such plunder, and the lives are likely to set in. Excellent spoils that it generates, we see the inverse of trade. The transfer of of diversion are to be found il commodities in warfare always has a special symbolic intensity, ex- commodity exchanges, one case emplified in the tendency to frame more mundane plunder in the Lee Cassanelli's intriguing pap transfer of special arms, insignia, or body parts belonging to the en- in the last fifty years in Northeas emy. In the high-toned plunder that sets the frame for more mundane of a quasilegal commodity calle. pillage, we see the hostile analogue to the dual layering of the mun· excellent example of change in dane and more personalized circuits of exchange in other contexts modity ecumene, II that is, a tra (such as kula and gimwali in Melanesia). Theft, condemned in most linking producers, distributors, ; human societies, is the humblest form of diversion of commodities modity or set of commodities. W from preordained paths. case, is the dramatic expansion ( But there are subtler examples of the diversion of commodities production) of qat which is clea from their predestined paths. One whole area involves what has been infrastructure as well as the politi dubbed tourist art, in which objects produced for aesthetic, ceremOll­ the expansion of production apl ial, or sumptuary use in small, face-to-face communities are trans- fit with more universal patterns formed culturally, economically, and socially by the tastes, markets, ture, what is more intriguing is and ideologies of larger economies (Graburn 1976). I shall have more response of the state - especially to say on tourist art in the section of this essay on knowledge and the production and the consumr commodities. Another, related area is that of the history and nature The recent (1983) ban by the ~ 'r" I."",,u,tion, ,.mmoditi", and the politi" of value 27 ~iduals who are involved in either kind of ~1. of the major art and archeology collections of the Western world, is that whereas enclaving seeks to protect whose formation represents extremely complex blends of plunder, lditization, diversion frequently is aimed sale, and inheritance, combined with the Western taste for the things into the zone of commoditization. Diver­ of the past and of the other. 10 In this traffic in artifacts, we can find the form of strategic shifts in path within today most of the critical cultural issues in the international flow of "authentic" (see Spooner, Chapter 7) and "singular" (see Kopytoff, 19 discussion of British trade in Hawaii in Chapter 2) commodities. The current controversies between English Iy nineteenth centuries, Marshall Sahlins and American museums and governments and various other countries liefs, in stretching traditional conceptions raise all the moral and political delicacies that come into play when of trade goods (in keeping with their own things get diverted, several times over, from their minimal, conven­ lCceeded in transforming the "divine fi­ tional paths and are transferred by a variety of modes that make their us into instruments ofexpedience (Sahlins history of claims and counterclaims extremely difficult to adjudicate. tlins calls "the pragmatics of trade" erodes The diversion of commodities from their customary paths always II bounds within which it is initially con­ carries a risky and morally ambiguous aura, Whenever what Bohan­ :s ofenclaving, far from being a guarantor nan (1955) called conveyances give way to what he called conversions, mstitute the Trojan horse of change. the spirit ofentrepreneurship and that of moral taint enter the picture iities from specified paths is always a sign simultaneously. In the case of the kula exchanges of Melanesia, the er aesthetic or economic. Such crises may movement of commodities across spheres, though somehow out of 10mic hardship, in all manner ofsocieties, order, is also at the heart of the strategy of the skillful and successful heirlooms, antiques, and memorabilia and kula player. Inappropriate conversions from one sphere of exchange , is as true of kula valuables as of more to another are frequently fortified by recourse to the excuse of eco­ :r form of crisis in which commodities are nomic crisis, whether it be famine or bankruptcy. If such excuses are paths, of course, is warfare and the plun­ not available or credible, accusations of inappropriate and venal mo­ :companied it. In such plunder, and the tives are likely to set in. Excellent examples of the political implications see the inverse of trade. The transfer of of diversion are to be found in the arena of illegal or quasilegal iVays has a special symbolic intensity, ex­ commodity exchanges, one case of which is discussed next. to frame more mundane plunder in the Lee Cassanelli's intriguing paper in this volume discusses the shift, signia, or body parts belonging to the en­ in the last fifty years in Northeastern Africa, in the political economy tder that sets the frame for more mundane of a quasilegal commodity called qat (catha edulis). Qat provides an tnalogue to the dual layering of the mun­ excellent example of change in what may be referred to as a com­ ed circuits of exchange in other contexts ~o~ity ecumene,11 t?at. is, a transcultural network of relationships n Melanesia). Theft, condemned in most ImklOg producers, dlstnbutors, and consumers of a particular com­ nblest form of diversion of commodities modity or set of commodities. What is particularly interesting, in this case, is the dramatic expansion of the scale of consumption (and of lam pIes of the diversion of commodities production) of qat which is clearly tied to changes in the technical 1S. One whole area involves what has been infrastructure as well as the political economy of the region. Although 1 objects produced for aesthetic, ceremon­ the expansion of production appears consistent with conditions that mall, face-to-face communities are trans­ fit with more universal patterns in the commercialization of agricul­ icaIly, and socially by the tastes, markets, ture, what is more intriguing is the expansion of demand and the ,nomies (Graburn 1976). I shall have more response of the state - especially in Somalia to the explosion in both ~ section of this essay on knowledge and the production and the consumption of qat. ned area is that of the history and nature The recent (1983) ban by the Somali government on the planting, 28 Arjun Appadurai Introduction: commodities importing, and chewing of qat clearly is the most recent move in a challenge is to define the relevar long tradition of state ambivalence toward a commodity whose con­ logic of diversions can properly, a sumption is perceived as tied to unproductive, and potentially sub­ relationship between paths and ( versive, forms of sociality. In the case of the current Somali ban, it alectical, as Michael Thompson (J appears that qat (like cloth in Gandhi's rhetoric) is seen as a multilevel to art objects in the modern West. problem, one that challenges not only state control over the economy. are on their way to becoming new but state authority over the social organization of leisure among the new diversions or returns to old f newly rich and upwardly mobile citizens of urban Somalia. We are are rapid and easy to see in our 0\1 again reminded, with this example, that rapid changes in consump­ where such shifts are more gradu tion, if not inspired and regulated by those in power, are likely to Change in the cultural construc appear threatening to them. Also, in the case of Somalia, we have a in the shifting relationship of patl very good example of the tension between a rapid shift in the political modities. The diversion of comm economy of a regional commodity ecumene and the authority of One brings in the new. But diversion i: state in this ecumene. desires and novel demands, and Of course, the best examples of the diversion of commodities from problem of desire and demand. their original nexus is to be found in the domain of fashion, domestic display, and collecting in the modern West. In the high-tech look inspired by the Bauhaus, the functionality of factories, warehouses, Desire and demand and workplaces is diverted to household aesthetics. The uniforms of Part of the reason why demand various occupations are turned into the vocabulary of costume. In the that we assume it has something' logic of found art, the everyday commodity is framed and aestheti­ (by its nature assumed to be infin cized. These are all examples of what we might call commoditization the other (by its nature assumed, by diversion, where value, in the art or fashion market, is accelerated (1981), I suggest that we treat d( or enhanced by placing objects and things in unlikely contexts. It is aspect of the overall political ecor the aesthetics of decontextualization (itself driven by the quest for emerges as a function ofa variety 0 novelty) that is at the heart of the display, in highbrow Western homes, rather than a mysterious emanati ofthe tools and artifacts ofthe "other": the Turkmen saddlebag, Masai response to social manipulation ( spear, Dinka basket. 12 In these objects, we see not only the equation advertising in our own society), or of the authentic with the exotic everyday object, but also the aesthetics and voracious desire for objects to of diversion. Such diversion is not only an instrument of decommo­ Alfred Gell's marvelous picture ditization of the object, but also of the (potential) intensification of consumption among the Muria G. commoditization by the enhancement of value attendant upon its interesting and important points. diversion. This enhancement of value through the diversion of com­ consumption and the dilemmas modities from their customary circuits underlies the plunder ofenemy undergoing rapid change. After r valuables in warfare, the purchase and display of "primitive" utilitar­ ficult to see the desire for goods a ian objects, the framing of "found" objects, the making of collections and demand as being a natural an( of any sort. 13 In all these examples, diversions of things combine the ability of goods and the money w aesthetic impulse, the entrepreneurial link, and the touch of the mor­ sumption among the Gonds is ( ally shocking. economic egalitarianism, and sod Nevertheless, diversions are meaningful only in relation to the paths those M uria who, as a consequent from which they stray. Indeed, in looking at the social life of com­ over the last century or so, have a modities in any given society or period, part of the anthropological than the rest of their communitie1 Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 29 lat clearly is the most recent move in a ~:; challenge is to define the relevant and customary paths, so that the 'alence toward a commodity whose Con- logic of di;ersions can properly, a~d re~atio~al!y, be ~nde:stood. The d to unproductive, and potentially sub- relationship between paths and dIVerSIOns IS Itself hlstoncal and di­ n the case of the current Somali ban, it alectical, as Michael Thompson (1979) has skillfully shown in regard Gandhi's rhetoric} is seen as a multilevel to art objects in the modern West. Diversions that become predictable not only state control over the economy, are on their way to becoming new paths, paths that will in turn inspire social organization of leisure among the new diversions or returns to old paths. These historical relationships obile citizens of urban Somalia. We are are rapid and easy to see in our own society, but less visible in societies (ample, that rapid changes in consump­ where such shifts are more gradual. ~ulated by those in power, are likely to Change in the cultural construction of commodities is to be sought . Also, in the case of Somalia, we have a in the shifting .relationship of paths to diversions in the lives of com­ Ision between a rapid shift in the political modities. The diversion of commodities from their customary paths lOdity ecumene and the authority of one brings in the new. But diversion is frequently a function of irregular desires and novel demands, and we turn therefore to consider the les of the diversion of commodities from problem of desire and demand. . ound in the domain of fashion, domestic le modern West. In the high-tech look Desire and demand e functionality of factories, warehouses, o household aesthetics .. The uniforms of Part of the reason why demand remains by and large a mystery is ed into the vocabulary of costume. In the that we assume it has something to do with desire, on the one hand yday commodity is framed and aestheti­ (by its nature assumed to be infinite and transcultural) and need on :s of what we might call commoditization the other (by its nature assumed to be fixed). Following Baudrillard I the art or fashion market, is accelerated (1981), I suggest that we treat demand, hence consumption, as an ~cts and things in unlikely contexts. It is aspect of the overall political economy of societies. Demand, that is, lalization (itself driven by the quest for emerges as a function ofa variety of social practices and classifications, :the display, in highbrow Western homes, rather than a mysterious emanation of human needs, a mechanical Ie "other"; the Turkmen saddlebag, Masai response to social manipulation (as in one model of the effects of ese objects, we see not only the equation advertising in our own society), or the narrowing down of a universal tic everyday object, but also the aesthetics and voracious desire for objects to whatever happens to be available. is not only an instrument of decommo­ Alfred Gell's marvelous picture in Chapter 4 of the dilemmas of also of the (potential) intensification of consumption among the Muria Gonds of central India makes many hancement of value attendant upon its interesting and important points about the cultural complexities of It of value through the diversion of com­ consumption and the dilemmas of desire in small-scale societies ry circuits underlies the plunder ofenemy undergoing rapid change. After reading his paper, it would be dif­ rchase and display of "primitive" utilital" ficult to see the desire for goods as being bottomless or culture free, found" objects, the making of collections and demand as being a natural and mechanical response to the avail­ amples, diversions of things combine the ability of goods and the money with which to purchase them. Con­ )reneuriallink, and the touch of the mor­ sumptio.n am~ng. the Gonds is closely tied to collective displays, economIC egalitananism, and sociability. This poses a problem for re meaningful only in relation to the paths those Muria who, as a consequence of shifts in the tribal economy eed, in looking at the social life of com­ over the last century or so, have acquired considerably more wealth ty or period, part of the anthropological than the rest of their communities. The result is a pattern of what, 30 . A'jun Appodu"i ,,' '''.' r'''# ".... in"odu"ion, lImited good, as It might first appear, but one relational, and active rather than where there is no real interest in most ~fwhat the ~arket ~as to offer. has the advantage over Baudrill; Group identity, sumptuary homogeneIty, economIC equalIty, and he­ mption as communication tc 'h' h' h consu donistic sociality constitute a value f~amewo.r k wit m w ~c most :x­ extending it to other societies as \\ ternall,y introdu~ed goods are unmterestmg or worr~som:, 1 he the logic of consumption under t collective regulation of demand (and thus of consumption) IS. here both production and exchange, eql part of a conscious strategy on the 'part of :h~ wealthy to ~ontam the an immensely effective critique of potentially divisive implications ofdIfferentiation, The Muna example omists in regard to the twin conCt is a striking case of the social regulation of the desire for goods, even which the latter saw as rooted in when the technical and logistical conditions for a consumer revolutIOn substrate of basic human requirel have been met, as is the case with cloth in India, which is discussed My own inclination is to push Be next. and "utility" (and his relocation 0 Christopher Bayly's contribution to this v~lume is an enorm~~sly duction and exchange) one step fl subtle and suggestive analysis of the changmg moral and pohtlCal capitalist societies as well. What de 14 economy of cloth in India since 1700_ It demonstrate~ very clearly It means looking at consumptiOi the links between politics, value, and demand in the social hIstory of possible) as a focus not only for ~ things. In Bayly's argument, the prod~ction, ?,xch~~ge, ~nd con,~ has proposed), but for receiving tf sumption of cloth constitute the matenal of a pohtlcal discourse two different relationships betweel (rather as qat does in Somalia) that ties together royal demand, !~eal On the one hand, demand is d( production structures and soci~l sol~darities, .and t~~ fabr~c of pohtIcal forces; 2. on the other, it can rna legitimacy. It is the consumptIon SIde of ,thiS pO!ltlc~1 dlsco~rse that and economic forces. The imporl accounts for the deep penetration of Enghsh textiles mto IndIan mar­ point ofview, these two aspects of( kets in the nineteenth century, and not just the brute logics of utility royal demand, for example, as in and price. Finally, in the nationalist movement of the late nineteenth India. Here royal demand is a messc and early twentieth centuries, especially in Gandhi's rhet:>ric, the many force, looked at from the internal I strands of the political discourse on cloth are reconstituted and reo Indian society, That is, royal dem deployed in what might be called a language of commodity resistance, and production within its relevant in which older as well as more recent meanings of cloth are turned mand is also a message-receiving f against the British imperium. Bayly's paper (which is, among other ship to contemporary European ~ things, an extraordinarily rich application of the ideas of W:rner general, have this "turnstile" funct Sombart), by taking the long view of the sodal life of a particular sibilities and then providing model significant commodity, affords us two insights that are of ~onside.rable for internal tastes and production comparative interest: first, that the customary consumptIOn lOgICS of One mechanism that frequently small communities are intimately tied to larger regimes of value de­ sumer demand is that of the "suml fined by large-scale polities; and that the link between processes ?f plex premodern societies, bUI "singularization" and "commoditization" (to use Kopytofrs terms) !l1 preindustrial, and preliterate societ 'f"""," ;~ Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 31 call "conspicuous parsimony," where 8im. 'al lives of things is itself dialectical and subject (in the hands the soc I . :ssions is maintained against the growing f en like Gandhi) to what ClIfford Geertz would call deep play. me. When expenditures on commodities o {;mand is thus the economic expression of the political logic of )lve around traditionally acceptable com. romeumption and thus its basis must be sought in that logic. Taking. )ots, ceremonial finery, and houses, where lead from Veblen, Douglas and Isherwood (1981), and Baudnllard re incarnated. This is not a world domi. ~~68; 1975; 1981), I suggest that ~onsumpti~n is emin.ently social, :d good, as it might first appear, but one lational, and active rather than pnvate, atomIC, or passIve. Douglas 'st in most of what the market has to offer. ~:s the advantage over ~a~drillard of not restricti?g .her v.iews of homogeneity, economic equality, and he. consumption as commu~IC~tlon to contemp<:rary capltal.lst SOCiety but a value framework within which most ex· tending it to other SOCietIeS as well. Baudnllard, for hiS part, places are uninteresting or worrisome, The ~~e logic of ronsumption under the dominio? of the soc~al logics of nand (and thus of consumption) is here bom production and exchange, equally. In addItIon, Baudnllard makes on the part of the wealthy to contain the an immensely effective critique of Marx and his fellow political econ­ ons ofdifferentiation. The Muria example omists in regard to the twin concepts of "need" and "utility," both of II regulation of the desire for goods, even which the latter saw as rooted in a primitive, universal, and natural :tical conditions for a consumer revolution substrate of basic human requirements. se with cloth in India, which is discussed My own inciinatio? is to Pu.sh Baudrilla~d's deconstruction of "need" and "utility" (and hiS relocatIOn of them In the larger sphere of pro­ ribution to this volume is an enormously duction and exchange) one step further and extend this idea to non­ ysis of the changing moral and political capitalist societies as wei\. What ?oes this view of consumption entai~? ,ince 1700,14 It demonstrates very clearly It means looking at consumption (and the demand that makes It alue, and demand in the social history of possible) as a focus not only for sending social messages (as Douglas nt, the production, exchange, and con· has proposed), but for receiving them as well. Demand thus conceals te the material of a "political discourse" two different relationships between consumption and production: 1. lia) that ties together royal demand, local On the one hand, demand is determined by social and economic ocial solidarities, and the fabric of political forces; 2. on the other, it can manipulate, within limits, these social lption side of this political discourse that and economic forces. The important point is that from a historical :ration of English textiles into Indian mar· point ofview, these two aspects of demand can affect each other. Take lry, and not just the brute logics of utility royal demand, for example, as in Bayly's discussion of premodern ltionalist movement of the late nineteenth India. Here royal demand is a message-sending or production-molding s, especially in Gandhi's rhetoric, the many force, looked at from the internal point of view ofeighteenth-century :ourse on cloth are reconstituted and reo Indian society. That is, royal demand sets parameters for both taste :alled a language ofcommodity resistance, and production within its relevant sphere of influence. But royal de­ lore recent meanings of cloth are turned mand is also a message-receiving force, as is borne out in its relation­ m, Bayly's paper (which is, among other ship to contemporary European styles and products. Elite tastes, in rich application of the ideas of Werner general, have this "turnstile" function, selecting from exogenous pos­ ng view of the social life of a particular sibilities and then providing models, as well as direct political controls, rds us two insights that are ofconsiderable for internal tastes and production. that the customary consumption logics of One mechanism that frequently translates political control into con­ nately tied to larger regimes of value de· sumer demand is that of the "sumptuary laws" that characterize com­ ;; and that the link between processes of plex premodern' societies, but also characterize small-scale, moditization" (to use Kopytoffs terms) in preindustrial, and preliterate societies. Wherever clothing, food, hous­ 32 Arjun Appadurai Introduction: commoditie ing, body decoration, number of wives or slaves, or any other visible consumer demand. Demand ca act of consumption is subject to external regulation, we can see that appeals, whether in the. special demand is subject to social definition and control. From this point of grown in ?ad la,?or c?n,~ltlO~s 0 view, the plethora of "taboos" in primitive societies, which forbid tionism, either offiCial or unl particular kinds of marriage, food consumption, and interaction (as Gandhi's manipulation of the me well as their cognate positive injunctions), can be seen as strict moral is an arch-example of the dire( analogues to the more explicit, legalized sumptuary laws of more large~scale manipulation of the d com plex and literate societies. It is by virtue of this link that we can India was possible only because ( better understand the shrewd analogy that Douglas (1967) drew be­ an instrument for the sending c tween "primitive" and "modern" rationing systems. we can state as a general rule What modern money is to primitive media of exchange, fashion is sumption is most intricately tied to primitive sumptuary regulations. There are clear morphological likely to be least responsive to en: similarities between the two, but the term fashion suggests high ve­ responsive to political manipulal locity, rapid turnover, the illusion of total access and high converti­ From the social point of view, bility, the assumption of a democracy of consumers and of objects of the critical agents for the articu consumption. Primitive media of exchange, like primitive sumptuary commodities have been not onI} laws and taboos, on the other hand, seem rigid, slow to move, weak Curtin's monumental recent wor in their capacity to commensurate, tied to hierarchy, discrimination, dustrial world suggests that earl and rank in social life. But, as Baudrillard (1981) and Bourdieu (1984) ministered trade may have ov~ have shown so well, the establishments that control fashion and good premodern economies (Curtin 1 taste in the contemporary West are no less effective in limiting social lations between rulers and state: mobility, marking social rank and discrimination, and placing con­ time. Though studies like Curti sumers in a game whose ever-shifting rules are determined by "taste underlying this diversity, the de makers" and their affiliated experts who dwell at the top of society. namics remains obscure. The ver Modern consumers are the victims of the velocity of fashion as and traders (whether of complie: surely as primitive consumers are the victims of the stability of sump­ from both parties being cIaiman tuary law. The demand for commodities is critically regulated by this ulation of demand. The politics ( variety oftaste-making mechanisms, whose social origin is more clearly of the tension between merchan understood (both by consumers and by analysts) in our own society chants tend to be the social repre than in those distant from us. From the point of view of demand, the new commodities, and strange I critical difference between modern, capitalist societies and those based custodians of restricted exchang on simpler forms of technology and labor is not that we have a thor­ tablished tastes and sumptuary oughly commoditized economy whereas theirs is one in which sub­ "foreign" goods and local sump! sistence is dominant and commodity exchange has made only limited tures is probably the fundamer inroads, but rather that the consumption demands of persons in our tendency of primitive societies own society are regulated by high-turnover criteria of "appropriate­ commodities and to dealings wid ness" (fashion), in contrast to the less frequent shifts in more directly or friends. The notion that trad~ regulated sumptuary or customary systems. In both cases, however, complex societies be only a vagu demand is a socially regulated and generated impulse, not an artifact fundamental antagonism. In pre of individual whims or needs. mand for commodities sometim~ Even in modern, capitalist societies, of course, the media and the in the kula case, the hinge fun( impulse to imitate (in Veblen's sense) are not the sole engines of elite males in linking internal an ••••>

"r'­'., Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 33 ts ".< ler of wives or slaves, or any other visible sumer demand. Demand can be manipulated by direct political ct to external regulation, we can see thal cO;eals, whether in the special form of appeals to boycott lettuce 1efinition and control. From this point of a~own in bad labor conditions or in the generalized forms of protec­ )os" in primitive societies, which forbid ~ nism, either "official" or "unofficial." Again, Bayly's treatment of e, food consumption, and interaction (as ~~ndhi's manipulation of the meaning of indigenously produced cloth e injunctions), can be seen as strict moral . an arch-exam pie of the direct politicization of demand. Yet this )Iicit, legalized sumptuary laws of more ~:rge~scale manipulation of the demand for cloth in twentieth-century es. It is by virtue of this link that we can India was possible only because cloth had long been, at the local level, Nd analogy that Douglas (1967) drew be­ an instrument for the sending -of finely tuned social messages. Thus iern" rationing systems. we can state as a general rule that those commodities whose con­ => primitive media of exchange, fashion is sumption is most intricately tied up with critical social messages are ~ulations. There are clear morphological likely to be least responsive to crude shifts in supply or price, but most ), but the term fashion suggests high ve­ responsive to political manipulation at the societal level. llusion of total access and high converti­ From the social point of view, and over the span of human history, lemocracy of consumers and of objects of the critical agents for the articulation of the supply and demand of iia of exchange, like primitive sumptuary commodities have been not only rulers but, of course, traders. Philip ler hand, seem rigid, slow to move, weak Curtin's monumental recent work on cross-cultural trade in the prein­ Isurate, tied to hierarchy, discrimination, dustrial world suggests that earlier models, such as Polanyi's, of ad­ IS Baudrillard (1981) and Bourdieu (1984) ministered trade may have overstated state control over complex .blishments that control fashion and good premodern economies (Curtin 1984:58). What is clear is that the re­ Vest are no less effective in limiting social lations between rulers and states varied enormously over space and nk and discrimination, and placing COll­ time. Though studies like Curtin's are beginning to show patterns er-shifting rules are determined by "taste underlying this diversity, the demand component in these trade dy­ l experts who dwell at the top of society. namics remains obscure. The very close historical links between rulers the victims of the velocity of fashion as and traders (whether of complicity or antagonism) might partly stem TS are the victims of the stability of sump­ from both parties being claimants for the key role in the social reg­ commodities is critically regulated by this ulation of demand. The politics of demand frequently lies at the root Ianisms, whose social origin is more clearly of the tension between merchants and political elites; whereas mer­ mers and by analysts) in our own society chants tend to be the social representatives of unfettered equivalence, IS. From the point of view of demand, the new commodities, and strange tastes, political elites tend to be the 110dern, capitalist societies and those based custodians of restricted exchange, fixed commodity systems, and es­ logy and labor is not that we have a thor­ tablished tastes and sumptuary customs. This antagonism between omy whereas theirs is one in which sub­ "foreign" goods and local sumptuary (and therefore political) struc­ mmodity exchange has made only limited tures is probably the fundamental reason for the often remarked consumption demands of persons in our tendency of primitive societies to restrict trade to a limited set of Iy high-turnover criteria of "appropriate­ commodities and to dealings with strangers rather than with kinsmen D the less frequent shifts in more directly or friends. The notion that trade violates the spirit of the gift may in stomary systems. In both cases, however, complex societies be only a vaguely related by-product of this more ed and generated impulse, not an artifact fundamental antagonism. In premodern societies, therefore, the de­ ds. mand for commodities sometimes reflects state-level dynamics, or, as st societies, of course, the media and the in the kula case, the hinge function of status competition between lien's sense) are not the sole engines of elite males in linking internal and external systems of exchange. 34 Arjun Appadurai Introduction: commodities a This may be an appropriate point at which to note that there are the same time, his paper reminds important differences between the cultural biography and the social odities (though the central them< history of things. The differences have to do with two kinds of tem_ :: divorced from questions of techl porality, two forms of class identity, and two levels of social scale. The though the archeological proble.m cultural biography perspective, formulated by Kopytoff, is appropri_ and historical depth of the relatIor ate to specific things, as they move through different hands, contexts, entiation, and technical change, t and uses, thus accumulating a specific biography, or set ofbiographies. written or oral documents does : When we look at classes or types of thing, however, it is important to change more difficult than the re look at longer-term shifts (often in demand) and larger-scale dynamics change. Renfrew's paper has the" that transcend the biographies of particular members of that class Or what his evidence most comfortab type. Thus a particular relic may have a specific biography, but whole Long-term processes involving t types of relic, and indeed the class of things called "relic" itself, may recently been studied in three majc have a larger historical ebb and flow, in the course ofwhich its meaning del 1982; Curtin 1984), one by an may shift significantly. of these studies has some distincti Colin Renfrew's paper on "Varna and the Emergence of Wealth in significant overlaps between them Europe" raises a series of important methodological as well as theo­ ative study of what he calls "trade ~ retical questions about commodities seen over the long run. His paper that moved goods across cultural reminds us that commodities are central to some very early and fun­ history and up to the age of Europ damental shifts in human social life, specifically the shift from rela­ [Q maintain a non-Eurocentric vie' tively undifferentiated hunter-gatherer societies to more complex early trial age, and in this it has much iI state societies. In the first place, to look at such processes over the his recent book. Yet, Wolfs study very long run is necessarily to be involved in inferential models linking viewpoint of the author and partly production with consumption. Second, to examine production proc­ more recent chapter in the history esses in early human history entails looking at technological change. world, is oriented far more to Eun Here Renfrew shows us very persuasively that the decisive factors in a great deal to explode the idea 0 technological innovation (which is critical to the development of new or exclusively tied to metropolitar commodities) are often social and political rather than simply tech­ portant reminders of the instituti nical. Once this is seen, it follows, as Renfrew makes clear, that con­ drops against which commerce has siderations ofvalue and demand become central to the understanding boundaries. But, for different rea: of what look, at first glance, like strictly technical leaps. are less interested in the question ( Thus, in analyzing the role of gold and copper at Varna, and of of the cultural construction of valU! similar objects of "prime value" in other prehistoric situations in Eu­ then, complement and enrich the rope, Renfrew removes us from the temptations of the reflectionist and economic panorama of comIT view (where valuables simply reflect the high status of the people who studies. use them) to a more dynamic constructionist view, in which it is the Braudel, the formidable doyen use of high technology objects that is critical to shifts in status struc­ matter. In the second volume of ture. What is thus to be explained are changing notions of value, and material life from about 1500 I which in turn imply new uses of technological discoveries and new to give us a dense and dramatic pi forms of political control of the products of such innovations. Ren­ industrial world. In this volume, frew's complex argument illustrates the point that changes in the social Commerce, Braudel is concerned, role of objects of display (themselves based on control over materials course, with many economic and of prime value) illuminate long-term shifts in value and demand. At structure, and dynamics ofcomme 1'J!"'~,.'.,'3';0.:· Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 35 i~ iate point at which to note that there are the same time, his paper reminds us that the cultural role of com­ teen the cultural biography and the social dities (though the central theme of this volume) cannot ultimately 'ences have to do with two kinds of tem. :odivorced from questions of technology, production, and trade. Yet, Identity, and two levels of social scale. The though the archeological proble.m se~ves to highlight the c~mpl.exity :ive, formulated by Kopytoff, is appropri. and historical depth of the relatIonshIp between values, sOClal.dlffer­ move through different hands, contexts entiation, and technical change, the absence of more conventional a specific biography, or set ofbiographies: written or oral documents does make the reconstruction of value types of thing, however, it is important to change more difficult than the reconstruction of social or technical ften in demand) and larger-scale dynamics change. Renfrew's paper has the virtue of going against the grain of lies of particular members of that class Or what his evidence most comfortably supports. : may have a specific biography, but whole Long-term processes involving the social role of commodities have he class of things called "relic" itself, may recently been studied in three major treatises, two by historians (Brau­ nd flow, in the course ofwhich its meaning del 1982; Curtin 1984), one by an anthropologist (Wolf 1982). Each of these studies has some distinctive virtues, but there are also some I "Varna and the Emergence of Wealth in significant overlaps between them. Curtin's book is a bold, compar­ mportant methodological as well as thea. ative study of what he calls "trade diasporas," communities of traders nodities seen over the long run. His paper that moved goods across cultural boundaries throughout recorded ~s are central to some very early and fun. history and up to the age of European industrial expansion. It strives iocial life, specifically the shift from rela. to maintain a non-Eurocentric view of world trade before the indus­ :r-gatherer societies to more complex early trial age, and in this it has much in common with Eric Wolfs aims in place, to look at such processes over the his recent book. Yet, Wolfs study, partly because of the theoretical o be involved in inferential models linking viewpoint of the author and partly because of its concern with a much on. Second, to examine production proc· more recent chapter in the history of Europe's link to the rest of the y entails looking at technological change. world, is oriented far more to Europe. Curtin's and Wolfs studies do 'y persuasively that the decisive factors in a great deal to explode the idea of commodity flows as either recent hich is critical to the development of new or exclusively tied to metropolitan capitalism, and they serve as im­ ial and political rather than simply tech· portant reminders of the institutional, logistical, and political back­ ollows, as Renfrew makes clear, that con· drops against which commerce has occurred across social and cultural land become central to the understanding boundaries. But, for different reasons in each case, Curtin and Wolf , like strictly technical leaps. are less interested in the question ofdemand and the related problem ole of gold and copper at Varna, and of ofthe cultural construction ofvalue. The essays in the present volume; lue" in other prehistoric situations in Eu· then, complement and enrich the largely institutional, technological from the temptations of the reflectionist and economic panorama of commodity flows contained in these two y reflect the high status of the people who studies. !lic constructionist view, in which it is the Braudel, the formidable doyen of the Annales school, is another :cts that is critical to shifts in status struc· matter. In the second volume of his magisterial study of capitalism xplained are changing notions of value, and material life from about 1500 to 1800 A.D., Braudel is not content Ises of technological discoveries and new to give us a dense and dramatic picture of the making of the modern f the products of such innovations. Ren· industrial world. In this volume, whose English title is The Wheels of ustrates the point that changes in the social Commerce, Braudel is concerned, as are Curtin and Wolf (along, of lemselves based on control over materials course, with many economic and social historians) with th~ nature, long-term shifts in value and demand. At structure, and dynamics ofcommerce in the world after 1500. Indeed, 36 Arjun Appadurai ',.. [.troducdo",

Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 37 r!>:1 '*, tdies present an astonishing picture of f early capitalism, the principal cause of the expansion of nexu S O . rrelated set of what I have called "com. trade, industry, and finance capital was the ~emand for luxury gdoo~s, rting around 1500 A.D., ties together . cipally on the part of the nouveaux Tlches, the courts, an t e )rld. Braudel does briefly discuss the pr.l~ocracy. He locates the source of this increased demand, in turn, ;ign. His argument concerning the reo ans. the new understandIng. 0 f t h e sa Ie 0 f Hfree "Iove, sensua I re fi ne­ t demand in the early capitalist world 10 nt and the political economy ofcourtship during this period. This 'ays, sets things in a sweeping temporal mev ;ource of demand meant that fashion became a driving force for s and consequences of changes in de. ~~; upper classes, s~t.iated onl~ by ever-increasin~ quanti~ie~ and :ver­ It anticipated by Werner Sombart, who differentiated quahnes of articles for consumptIOn. ThiS mtenslfica­ ;s, these three major recent treatments tion of demand, s.exual and political in. its orig!ns, .signaled the end the making of the world-system serve ofa seigneurial hfestyle at the same time as It stimulated nascent ext for what the essays in this volume capitalist manufacture and trade. s to illuminate the social and cultural Although Sombart'sgeneral approach to the social history of cap­ 'his tilt toward matters of value, career italism was, during and after his lifetime, legitimately criticized for a intended to enrich our understandin~ variety of empirical deficiencies and methodological idiosyncracies, it · a dimension to which previous schol­ remains a powerful (though subterranean) alternative to both the ~matic attention. Marxian and the Weberian views of the origins of occidental capital­ and their cultural biography are not ism. In its focus on consumption and demand, it belongs to an op­ it is the social history of things,over positional and minority tradition, as Sombart was well aware. In this large social levels, that constrains the sense, Sombart is an early critic of what Jean Baudrillard calls the of more short-term, specific, and inti­ "mirror of production," in which much dominant theory of the po­ ~ case, though it is typically harder to litical economy of the modern West has seen itself. In his emphasis .y small shifts in the cultural biography on demand, in his key observations about the politics of fashion, in to shifts in the social history of things. his placement of economic drives in the context of transformations :lations between small- and large-scale of sexuality, and in his dialectical view of the relationship between :.g-term patterns in the movement of luxury and necessity, Sombart anticipates recent semiotic approaches he literature, but we can begin to look to economic behavior, such as those of Baudrillard, Bourdieu, Kris­ ce to the transformations of exchange teva, and others. · colonial rule (Dalton 1978:155-65; Sombart's approach has recently been revived in an extremely in­ ansformations of Western society that teresting study of the cultural background ofearly capitalism by Chan­ · the souvenir, the collectible, and the dra Mukerji (1983). Mukerji's argument, which converges at several lis volume, the essays by Bayly, Geary, points with my own, is that far from being a result of the industrial/ pecially interesting discussions of the technological revolution of the nineteenth century, a materialist cul­ dimensions of the temporality of things. ture and a new consumption oriented to products and goods' from scholars are all social historians, with all over the world was the prerequisite for the technological revolution ;ses. The best general treatment of the of industrial capitalism. In this bold critique of the Weberian hy­ the circulation of valuables, and long­ pothesis about the role of Puritan asceticism in providing the cultural .uction appears in the work of Werner context for capitalist calculation, Mukerji follows Nef (1958) and oth­ ers. Her argument is a sophisticated historical account of the cultural lor historical insight that in the period backdrop of early capitalism in Europe. It provides fresh evidence ~OO in Europe, which he regards as the and arguments for placing taste, demand and fashion at the heart of 38 Arjun Appadurai r·s'" .~. IntroduSidney Mintz (1979) and Fernand Braude! [ course, these two readings will di (1982: 190-4). The distinction between humble commodities and more h spatial, and temporal distance bet exotic ones is thus not a difference in kind, but most often a difference ii" creases, As we shall see, it may n( in demand over time or, sometimes, a difference between loci of I: at the production locus of a con production and those ofconsumption. From the point ofview ofscale, t empirical and knowledge at the Ct style, and economic significance, Mukerji has made an eloquent ar- r uative or ideological. Knowledge gument, at least in the case of early modern Europe, for not drawing I;. ogical, and evaluative component rigid boundaries between elite and mass consumption, luxury goods ~ to mutual and dialectical interact: e Ifwe regard some commodities and humbler ones, consumer and capital goods, or the aesthetics of i.,.•"., display as against the designs of primary production settings (Muke~ji in a meaningful sense, then it beco 1983: Chapter 1). , of knowledge at various points in Demand is thus neither a mechanical response to the structure and fi'...•. greatest uniformity at the prodw level of production nor a bottomless natural appetite. It is a complex moment of production, the comf

e Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 41 Here, the strategic arms limitations talk . I echanism that mediates between short- and long-term patterns ,etitive species of luxury trade, where th; ~~~~:modity circulation, S~ort-terr~ strat~gies of d~version (s~ch ~s ran~eed nuclear restraint of the oPPOsite discussed in the prevIous section) might entad small shifts 10 f this trade are the prerequisite for th thoSe nd that can gradually transform commodity flows in the long d lities, such as foodgrains and high tech~ emaLooked at from the pomt, 0 f'view 0 f t h e reprod' ucuon 0 f pat- ype of poli~ically mediate? relationship run. of commodity flow (rather than their alteration), however, long­ terns d" f of commodity trade that IS aggressiVely established patterns of deman act as constram~s on any given set 0 policy of "linkage," whereby Soviet in­ _ lmodity paths. One reason such paths are mherently shaky, es­ f exchange is punished in another. In (O~ially when they involve transcultural flows of commodities, is that the equivalent of the SALT talks was to ;:ey rest on unstable distributions of knowledge, a subject to which 5ift exchange between traders and chiefs we now turn. hiefs, disturbances in which could abort Knowledge and commodities see that the demand for the kinds of d what I have called the luxury register This section is concerned with the peculiarities of knowledge that mmodities is intimately connected with accompany relatively complex, long-distance, intercultural flows of lrnover registers in the language ofcom­ commodities, though even in more homogeneous, small-scale, and low-technology loci of commodity flow, there is always the potential )ropriate juncture at which to make a for discrepancies in knowledge about commodities. But as distances n~dities. dealt with in this volume, many increase, so the negotiation of the tension between knowledge and dimenSIOn and thus appear to constitute ignorance becomes itself a critical determinant of the flow of avor a cultural approach in a way that commodities. ed commodities might not. The fact is Commodities represent very complex social forms and distributions and everyday commodities is not only a of knowledge. In the first place, and crudely, such knowledge can be ven at any given point in time what looks of two sorts: the knowledge (technical, social, aesthetic, and so forth) :m of extremely limited semantic range that goes into the production of the commodity; and the knowledge 10 the course of distribution and con­ that goes into appropriately consuming the commodity. The produc­ ~xample of a humble commodity whose tion knowledge that 'is read into a commodity is quite different from idiosyncracies is sugar, as is shown in the consumption knowledge that is read from the commodity. Of ey Mintz (1979) and Fernand Braudel course, these two readings will diverge proportionately as the social, I between humble commodities and more spatial, and temporal distance between producers and consumers in­ ence in kind, but most often a difference creases. As we shall see, it may not be accurate to regard knowledge ,metimes, a difference between loci of at the production locus of a commodity as exclusively technical or .lmption. From the point of view of scale, empirical and knowledge at the consumption end as exclusively eval­ nce, M ukerji has made an eloquent ar­ uative or ideologicaL Knowledge at both poles has technical, mythol­ f early modern Europe, for not drawing ogical, and evaluative components, and the two poles are susceptible ,e and mass consumption, luxury goods to mutual and dialectical interaction. - and capital goods, or the aesthetics of Ifwe regard some commodities as having "life histories" or "careers" of primary production settings (Muke~i in a meaningful sense, then it becomes useful to look at t.he distribution of knowledge at various points in their careers. Such careers have the lechanical response to the structure and greatest uniformity at the production pole, for it is likely that at the :omless natural appetite. It is a complex moment of production, the commodity in question has had the least 42 Arjun Appadurai Introduction: commodities opportunity to accumulate an idiosyncratic biography or enjoy a pe­ ble cultural gaps (as between opiu culiar career. Thus the production locus of commodities is likely to ~st and addicts and dealers in r be dominated by culturally standardized recipes for fabrication. Thus tesimal specialization of commod factories, fields, forges, mines, workshops, and most other production distance between a particular bul loci are repositories, in the first place, of technical production knowl_ and the hundreds of transformat edge of a highly standardized sort. Nevertheless, even here it is worth the consumer. We note that sue noting that the technical knowledge required for the production of ultimate market by the producer < primary commodities (grains, metals, fuels, oils) is much more likely in trade and to the relative dep to be standardized than the knowledge required for secondary or or class in relation to the conSUl luxury commodities, where taste, judgment, and individual experi­ Chapter 7). ence are likely to create sharp variations in production knowledge. Problems involving knowledge, Nevertheless, the thrust of commoditization at the production end is restricted to the production and ( toward standardization of technical (how-to) knowledge. Of course, commodities, but characterize the with all commodities, whether primary or not, technical knowledge itself. In a powerful cultural accou is always deeply interpenetrated with cosmological, sociological, and Geertz has placed the search for ritual assumptions that are likely to be widely shared. Evans-Pritchard's this institution and has shown h Azande potters (Evans-Pritchard 1937), Taussig's Colombian peasant system to gain reliable information producers (Taussig 1980), Nancy M unn's Gawan canoe makers (Munn (Geertz 1979). Much of the institl 1977), Stephen Gudeman's Panamanian sugarcane producers (Gude­ of the bazaar is double-edged, rna man 1984), all combine technological and cosmological layers in their and also facilitating the search fo production discourse. In most societies, such production knowledge such complex and culturally organ is subject to some discontinuity in its social distribution, either by feature of bazaar-style economies, simple criteria of age or gender, by more complex criteria distin­ pie economies, as well as in advar guishing artisan households, castes, or villages from the rest of society, himself suggests (p. 224) the bazac or by even more complex divisions of labor setting apart entrepre­ apply to the used·car market (tl neurs and workers, in role terms, from householders and consumers, contemporary industrial economi( as in most modern societies. general form: bazaar-style inform But there is another dimension of production knowledge and that terize any exchange setting wher is knowledge of the market, the consumer, the destination of the valuation of goods are not standa commodity. In small-scale, traditional societies, such knowledge is lack of standardization, for the v relatively direct and complete as regards internal consumption, but reliable quality of specific things more erratic and incomplete as regards external demand. In precap­ mously. Indeed, systems for the e italist contexts, of course, the translation of external demands to local cars, and of oriental rugs, though producers is the province of the trader and his agents, who provide tutional and cultural settings, may logistical and price bridges between worlds of knowledge that may economies. have minimal direct contact. Thus it is reasonably certain that tradi· But the gaps in knowledge and tional Borneo forest dwellers had relatively little idea of the uses to between producer and consumer which the birds' nests they sold to intermediaries have played in Chinese orous flow of bulk commodities int medical and culinary practice. This paradigm of merchant bridges formations before they reach th across large gaps in knowledge between producer and consumer char­ commodities (sometimes called pr acterizes the movement of most commodities throughout history, up finite series ofsmall, overlapping ci to the present. Today, these bridges persist either because of unclos­ producer and terminal consumer. Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 43 e an idiosyncratic biography or enjoy ape. cu It ral gaps (as between opium producers in Asia and the Middle roduction locus of commodities is likely to able ; addicts and dealers in New York) or because of the infini- y standardized recipes for fabrication, Thus East an d' d' ,. h 'Im a! specialization of commo Ity pro uction or Its mverse - t e ines, workshops, and most other prodUction teS, between a particular, bulk commod' Ity (suc h as, say, copper) e first place, of technical production knowl, dIstanced h hundreds of transformations, ,It WI'II un d ergo b e f ore reac h'mg ized sort, Nevertheless, even here it is WOrth an t esumer. We note that such large gaps in knowledge of the knowledge required for the production of the. conte market by the producer are usual I y cond' uClve to h'Ig h profi ts lins, metals, fuels, oils) is much more likelv ultima , d " f h d' in trade and to the relauve eprIVation 0 t e Pdro ucmgscountry the knowledge required for secondary o~ ;? or I S I'n relation to the consumers and the tra er (see pooner, re taste, judgment, and individual ex peri­ cas Chapter 7)., '" ;harp variations in production knowledge. p oblems involvmg knowledge, mformatIon, and Ignorance are not f commoditization at the production end is tricted to the production and consumption poles of the careers of C r 'h f' I' d h technical (how-to) knowledge, Of course, commodities,res but characterize t e process 0 Circu aUon an exc ange ~ther primary or not, technical knowledge , If In a powerful cultural account of the Moroccan bazaar, Clifford lIse ' I' bl . f ' h h f ~trated with cosmological, sociological, and Geertz has placed the search for re la ,e m or~~tIon at t e ~art ~ likely to be widely shared, Evans-Pritchard's h's institution and has shown how dIfficult It IS for actors m thIS tchard 1937), Taussig's Colombian peasant : :tem to gain reliable information either about people or about things Nancy Munn's Gawan canoe makers (Munn (beertz 1979), Much of the institu~ional ~tructure and cultural form s Panamanian sugarcane producers (Gude­ of the bazaar is double-edged, makmg relIable knowledge hard to get :hnological and cosmological layers in their and also facilitating the search for it. It is tempting to conclude that nost societies, such production knowledge such complex and culturally organized information mazes are a special tinuity in its social distribution, either by feature of bazaar-style economies, and are absent in nonmarket, sim­ gender, by more complex criteria distin, ple economies, as well as in advanced industrial ones, Yet, as Geertz Is, castes, or villages from the rest of society, himself suggests (p, 224) the bazaar as an analytical category may well divisions of labor setting apart entrepre· apply to the used-car, market (t~ough not the n~w-ca: ~arket) in terms, from householders and consumers, contemporary industrial economIes, We can put thIS POlOt 10 a more :s. genera! form: bazaar-style information sear~hes are likely to cha~ac­ lension of production knowledge and that terize any exchange setting where the qualIty and the appropriate ~et, the consumer, the destination of the valuation of goods are not standardized, though the reasons for the :, traditional societies, such knowledge is lack of standardization, for the volatility of prices, and for the un?' lete as regards internal consumption, but reliable quality of specific things of a certain type may vary enor­ te as regards external demand, In precap­ mously, Indeed, systems for the exchange of kula valuables, of used he translation of external demands to local cars, and of oriental rugs, though they occur in very different insti­ of the trader and his agents, who provide tutional and cultural settings, may all involve bazaar-style information s between worlds of knowledge that may economies, :t. Thus it is reasonably certain that tradi­ But the gaps in knowledge and the difficulties of communication ers had relatively little idea of the uses to between producer and consumer are not really obstacles to the vig­ )ld to intermediaries have played in Chinese orous flow of bulk commodities intended for multiple industrial trans­ tice, This paradigm of merchant bridges formations before they reach the consumer, In the case of such ::ige between producer and consumer char­ commodities (sometimes called primary commodities), an almost in­ most commodities throughout history, up finite series ofsmall, overlapping circles of knowledge can link original e bridges persist either because of undos- producer and terminal consumer. But this is not the case with com­ 44 Arjun Appadurai Introduction: commodities a modities by destination, which are largely "fabricated," in Nancy Munn's more direct, and middle-class cons sense, early in their careers (M unn 1977). These require more direct economically) of vying for these o~ mechanisms for the satisfactory negotiation of price and the matching function of these commodities in tl ofconsumer taste to producer skill, knowledge, and tradition. Perhaps ern West is to complicate the crite the best examples of this kind of more direct communication involve plicated competition and collabor; the international commerce in ready-made clothes (Swallow 1982) and art world, dealers, producers, scho the tourist art trade in what Nelson Graburn (1976) has called the political economy of taste in the c fourth world. economy has perhaps best been e) Whenever there are discontinuities in the knowledge that aCCom_ (1981) and Bourdieu (1984). panies the movement ofcommodities, problems involving authenticity There is a particular set of issue and expertise enter the picture. Several of the papers in this volume pertise that plagues the modern v deal with these two issues. The first is Brian Spooner's paper on around the issues of good taste, eXI oriental carpets, which is a provocative anthropological interpretation social distinction, is especially visit of a problem that brings together art history, economic history, and objects. In his famous essay on W cultural analysis. Spooner's topic - the shifting terms of the relation­ Mechanical Reproduction," Walter ship between producers and consumers of oriental carpets brings 1936) recognized that the aura of a into focus a particularly striking example of a commodity linking two r: with its originality, and that this a largely isolated worlds of meaning and function. Traded originally ~. thenticity, is jeopardized by modei through a series of Asian and European entrepots, each of which II this sense copies, forgeries, and fak imposed economic and taste filters, today oriental carpets involve a 1; not threaten the aura of the origin much more direct negotiation between Western upper-middle-class ; footnote to this essay, Benjamin m tastes and Central Asian weaving organizations. But this shift involves vation: "To be sure, at the time of it not simply changes in the context of the negotiation of price. What Madonna could not yet be said to be is being negotiated, as Spooner pithily puts it, is authenticity. That is, only during the succeeding centuri{ as the pace of mobility and the crowding at the top of Western society during the last one." (Benjamin 193( become more marked, and as technology permits the multiplication of the "signature" in the modern a: of prestige objects, there is an increasingly ironic dialogue between pushes this point further: the need for ever-shifting criteria of authenticity in the West and the economic motives of the producers and dealers. The world of dealers, Until the nineteenth century, the copy 0 it was a legitimate practice. In our own further, becomes itself tied up with the politics of connoisseurship entic: it is no longer "art." Similarly, th. and the formalization of rug lore in the West. or rather, it suddenly appears with the a, In a general way, we can suggest that with luxury commodities Iik.e ers regularly used collaborators or "negn oriental rugs, as the distance between consumers and producers IS in animals. The act of painting, and so tr shrunk, so the issue of exclusivity gives way to the issue of authenticit)l. same mythological insistence upon auth That is, under premodern conditions, the long-distance movement which modern art is dedicated and by wI of precious commodities entailed costs that made the acquisition of been evident ever since the relation to illu of the artistic object changed with the ac them in itself a marker of exclusivity and an instrument of sumptuary distinction. Where the control of such objects was not directly subject With this in mind, it is possible to pi to state regulation, it was indirectly regulated by the cost ofacquisition, processes that Spooner observes in I so that they stayed within the hands of the few. As technology changes, sees as the emergence of the "object,' the reproduction of these objects on a mass basis becomes possible, just a product or a commodity, but, the dialogue between consumers and the original source becomes signs of status. Objects, in Baudrilla Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 45 ch are largely "fabricated," in Nancy Munn's direct, and middle-class consumers become capable (legally and 5 (Munn 1977). These require more direct lIl.ore micaIly) of vying for these objects, The only way to preserve the ccono d" . h' . f h d :tory negotiation of price and the matching function of these co~mo Ithies I~ t ~ prfestIghe ec~n.0mITesho t e mo ­ :er skill, knowledge, and tradition. Perhap~ > West is to complIcate t e cntena 0 aut entloty. every com­ ind of more direct communication involve ernlicated competItiOn. . an d co II a boration . between " experts " f rom t h e ~ in ready-made clothes (Swallow 1982) and artp \\,'orld dealers , producers, scholars, and consumers is part of the lat Nelson Graburn (1976) has called the I't"cal economy of taste in the contemporary West. This political ~~o~~my has perhaps best been explored in France, by Baudrillard :ontinuities in the knowledge that acco!U. (198)) and Bourdieu (1984). nmodities, problems involving authenticitv There is a particular set of issues concerning authenticity and ex­ ture. Several of the papers in this voluIl1~ ertise that plagues the modern West, and this set, which revolves •. The first is Brian Spooner's paper On ~round the issues of good taste, expert knowledge, "originality," and provocative anthropological interpretation :ocial distinction, is especially visible in the domain of art and art )gether art history, economic history, and objects. In his famou~ es~~y on "The .Wo.rk of Art i? .the A1?~ of topic the shifting terms of the relation. Mechanical ReproductiOn, Walter BenJamm (1968; ongmal edition, ld consumers of oriental carpets - brings 1936) recognized that the aura of an authentic work of art is tied up iking example of a commodity linking two with its originality, and that this aura, which is the basis of its au­ meaning and function. Traded originally thenticity, is jeopardized by modern reproductive technologies. In and European entrepots, each of which Ihis sense copies, forgeries, and fakes, which have a long history, do ,te filters, today oriental carpets involve a not threaten the aura of the original but seek to partake of it. In a tion between Western upper-middle-class footnote to this essay, Benjamin made the following shrewd obser­ ~aving organizations. But this shift involves vation: "To be sure, at the time of its origin a medieval picture of the context of the negotiation of price. What Madonna could not yet be said to be 'authentic.' It became 'authentic' )ner pithily puts it, is authenticity. That is, only during the succeeding centuries and perhaps most strikingly so the crowding at the top of Western society during the last one." (Benjamin 1936:243.) In an essay on the concept I as technology permits the multiplication of the "signature" in the modern art world, Baudrillard (1981:103) s an increasingly ironic dialogue between pushes this point further: :riteria of authenticity in the West and the Until the nineteenth century, the copy of an original work had its own value, oducers and dealers. The world ofdealers, it was a legitimate practice. In our own time the copy is illegitimate, inauth­ :l up with the politics of connoisseurship entic: it is no longer "art." Similarly, the concept of forgery has changed ­ 19 lore in the West. or rather, it suddenly appears with the advent of modernity. Formerly paint­ suggest that with luxury commodities like ers regularly used collaborators or "negros": one specialized in trees, another lce between consumers and producers is in animals. The act of painting, and so the signature as well, did not bear the usivity gives way to the issue of authenticil),. same mythological insistence upon authenticity that moral imperative to which modern art is dedicated and by which it becomes modern - which has 1 conditions, the long-distance movement been evident ever since the relation to illustration and hence the very meaning ntailed costs that made the acquisition of of the artistic object changed with the act of painting itself. (clusivity and an instrument of sumptuary Tol of such objects was not directly subject With this in mind, it is possible to place the consumption side of the :lirectly regulated by the cost ofacquisition, processes that Spooner observes in the context of what Baudrillard e hands of the few. As technology changes, sees as the emergence of the "object," that is, a thing that is no longer objects on a mass basis becomes possible, just a product or a commodity, but essentially a sign in a system of sumers and the original source becomes signs of status. Objects, in Baudrillard's view, emerge fully only in "'··_·,,"<',"·,'" . -,,-.:- 46 Arjun Appadurai r Introduction: commodities ~ this century in the modern West, in the context of the theoretical ~ trader had given way to the formulations of the Bauhaus (Baudrillard 1981: 185), though it has first third of the nineteenth centu recently been shown that the emergence of the object in European rillard calls the "mirror of prodL culture can be traced back at least to the Renaissance (Mukerji 1983). industrial framework, is no longel Fashion is the cultural medium in which objects, in Baudrillard's sense, of objectively given production me move. and the financier gives way to the, Yet problems of authenticity, expertise, and the evaluation of COIn. tion. Reddy's essay reminds us the modities are obviously not only twentieth-century phenomena. We of humble things like cloth, refle have already mentioned Patrick Geary's paper in this volume, on the organization of knowledge and mo trade in relics in Carolingian Euro·pe. Here there is a crucial problem a cultural dimension that cannot with regard to authentication, and here too it is tied to the fact thai changes in technology and econon relics circulate over long periods of time, through many hands, and One final example of the very ( over large distances. Here too there is a concern with fakery, an thenticity, taste, and the politics of« obsession with origins. But the cultural regime for authentication is ceros what have been called ethnic quite different from the modern one. Though there is a small bOdy subject to fairly close study by anti of technical procedures and clerical prerogatives involved in authen­ portant collection of essays on the tication, it is by and large a matter in which popular understandings the phenomena discussed under t about ritual efficacy and folk criteria of authenticity play a central range of objects, as Graburn not< role. Authenticity here is not the province of experts and esoteric constitute perhaps the best examr criteria, but of popular and public kinds of verification and derstanding, and use between prod confirmation. ducer end, one sees traditions of fal The problem of specialized knowledge and of authenticity takes yel changing in response to com men another form in William Reddy's fascinating case study of the shifts temptations from larger-scale, and ~ in the organization of expert knowledge in the textile industry in the other end, one has souvenirs, I France before and after the Revolution of 1789. Focusing on two hibits, and the status contests, exper commercial dictionaries published in France, in the 1720's and in rest. In between one has a series 0 1839, Reddy argues that though the French Revolution appeared to sometimes complex, multiple, and i destroy a whole way of life overnight, this was not in fact the case. and direct. In both cases, tourist ar The vast edifice of everyday knowledge and practice changed slowly, traffic, in which the group identitie uncertainly, and reluctantly. One example of this .extended crisis a status politics of consumers. period, that is, when knowledge, practice, and policy were notably out Alfred Gell's paper in this volume of step was to be seen in the codified world of knowledge regarding observations on the kinds of comF the trade in textiles. In complex early modern systems of commodity that can accompany the interaction flow, Reddy shows us, the relationship between technical knowledge, with larger-scale economies and cu taste, and political regulation are very complex and slow to change. Muria interest in brassware product Ways of knowing, judging, trading, and buying are harder to change notes that "the Muria, a traditional than ideologies about guilds, prices, or production. It took aver)' ~ition of craft and prestige-good pn complex series of piecemeal and asynchronous shifts in politics, tech­ Similar to Westerners, seeking authe nology, and culture, stretching over a century, before a new episte· to traditional craft-producer societit mological framework emerged for classifying commercial products. erroneously believed to belong." Re( In this new scheme, we might say that goods were reconceived as s:ums by anthropologists and hist( products, and the "gaze" (in Foucault's sense) of the consumer and the ndge 1984). as well as by semioticia Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 47

I West, in the context of the theoref d r had given way to the "gaze" of the producer. Textiles, in the IS (Baudrillard 1981: 185), though it ~a1 tra ~hird of the nineteenth century, came to be seen in what Baud­ Ie emergence of the object in Europe as fi.rllst d calls the "mirror of production." Authenticity, in this early rI ar k' If' h' b t le.ast to. the ~enais~ance (Mukerji 198;~ . d strial framewor , IS no onger a matter 0 connoisseurs IP, ut 1m m whICh 0Qjects, m Baudrillard's sense: ~f :bjectively given. production methods,. The :xperti~e ?f the dealer d the financier gives way to the expertise of mdustnalIzed produc­ :ity, expertise, and the evaluation of Com. an n Reddy's essay reminds us that the social history of things, even only twentieth-century phenomena. W ~~ humble things like cloth, reflects very comp!icated shift~ in the rick Geary's paper in this volume, on th: organization of knowledge and modes of production. Such shifts have I Europe. Here there is a crucial problem a cultural dimension that cannot be deduced from, or reduced to, tn, and here too it is tied to the fact thai hanges in technology and economy. riods of time, through many hands, and c One final example of the very complex relationship between au­ too there is a concern with fakery, an thenticity, taste, and the politics ofconsumer producer relations con­ the cultural regime for authentication is cerns what have been called ethnic or tourist arts. These have been Idem one. Though there is a small bod, subject to fairly close study by anthropologists, and there is one im­ clerical prerogatives involved in authe~. portant collection of essays on the subject (Grabum 1976), Though matter in which popular understandings the phenomena discussed under these labels include a bewildering ·Ik criteria of authenticity playa central range of objects, as Graburn notes in his introductory essay, they ot the province of experts and esoteric constitute perhaps the best example of the diversities in taste, un­ and public kinds of verification and derstanding, and use between producers and consumers. At the pro­ ducer end, one sees traditions of fabrication (again, following Munn), d knowledge and of authenticity takes yet changing in response to commercial and aesthetic impositions or ddy's fascinating case study of the shifts temptations from larger-scale, and sometimes far-away consumers. At ~rt knowledge in the textile industry in the other end, one has souvenirs, mementos, curios, collections, ex­ e Revolution of 1789. Focusing on two hibits, and the status contests, expertise, and commerce on which they i:>Iished in France, in the 1720's and in rest. In between one has a series of commercial and aesthetic links, )Ugh the French Revolution appeared to sometimes complex, multiple, and indirect and sometimes overt, few, overnight, this was not in fact the case. and direct. In both cases, tourist art constitutes a special commodity knowledge and practice changed slowl)" traffic, in which the group identities of producers are tokens for the One example of this .extended crisis a status politics of consumers. :tge, practice, and policy were notably out Alfred Gell's paper in this volume contains some particularly astute .e codified world of knowledge regarding observations on the kinds of complicated refractions in perception )lex early modern systems of commodity that can accompany the interaction of small traditional popula~ions ~lationship between technical knowledg~. with larger-scale economies and cultural systems. Reflecting on the n are very complex and slow to change. Muria interest in brassware produced from outside their region, GeJl rading, and buying are harder to change notes that "the Muria, a traditional people with no home-grown tra­ s, prices, or production. It took a very dition of craft and prestige-good production, are actually much more and asynchronous shifts in politics, teel;· similar to Westerners, seeking authenticity in the exotic, than they are ing over a century, before a new episte· to traditional craft-producer societies, the category to which they are red for classifying commercial products. erroneously believed to belong." Recent work on exhibitions and mu­ ght say that goods were reconceived as seums by anthropologists and historians (Benedict 1983; Brecken­ 'oucault's sense) of the consumer and the ridge 1984), as well as by semioticians and literary theorists, extends c

48 A'jun Appadu.-ai r ,. Introdu"';o", """mo.n... and deepens our understanding of the role of objects of the "other" ~ pedal history in the modern W( in creating the souvenir, the collection, the exhibit and the trophy in ~istinguished adherents in econo the modern West (Baudrillard 1968, 1981; Stewart 1984).10 In a more Sombart 1967; Nef 1958; Braud general way, it might be said that as the institutional and spatial jour. 11as received a new impetus fron neys of commodities grow more complex, and the alienation of pro. Euro-American culture (Baudrill ducers, traders, and consumers from one another increases, culturally and Isherwood 1981; Mukerji 1~ formed mythologies about commodity flow are likely to emerge. The study of the cultural desig Culturally constructed stories andideologies about commodity flows has been undertaken with enon are commonplace in all societies. But such stories acquire especially historians, anthropologists, and s intense, new, and striking qualities when the spatial, cognitive, o~ gether a rich pic.ture o.f the cultUi institutional distances between production, distribution, and con· (CoIlins 1979; DIMaggIO 1982; LE sumption are great. Such distancing either can be institutionalized son 1984). Though this larger c( within a single complex economy or can be a function of new kinds discussion, it is quite clear that cap of links between hitherto separated societies and economies. The in· cultural and historical formation, stitutionalized divorce (in knowledge, interest, and role) between per. and their meanings have played sons involved in various aspects of the flow of commodities generates peculiar and striking cultural exp specialized mythologies. I consider, in this section, three variations on market in commodity futures in I such mythologies and the contexts in which they arise. (1) Mythologies in the middle of the nineteenth 0 produced by traders and speculators who are largely indifferent to ample is the Chicago Grain Exch; both the production origins and the consumption destination ofcom· Trade in bulk commodities ren modities, except insofar as they affect fluctuations in price. The best part of world trade and the world examples of this type are the commodity futures markets in complex Adams and Behrman 1982), am capitalist economies, specifically the Chicago grain exchange in the remains perhaps the central aren; early part of this century. (2) Mythologies produced by consumers national capitalism can be observl (or potential consumers) alienated from the production and distri· tions is the one between the free-t bution process of key commodities. Here the best examples come from and the various forms of protectio the cargo cults of Oceania. And (3) mythologies produced by workers ments that have evolved to restri in the production process who are completely divorced from the dis· various coalitions of producers ( tribution and consumption logics of the commodities they produce. markets represent the institutiona The modern tin miners of Bolivia described by Michael Taussig in the national and international flo The Devil and Commodity Fetishism in South America, are an excellent case tiated by hedging on the part of: in point. In the following paragraphs, 1 briefly discuss each of these part of others. variations, starting with the capitalist commodity markets. Markets in commodity futures The commodity sphere in the modern capitalist world-system ap- transactions involving contracts to pears at first glance to be a vast, impersonal machine, governed by dates. This trade in contracts is a large-scale movements of prices, complex institutional interests, and actual exchanges of the commoditi. a totally demystified, bureaucratic, and self-regulating character. the stock market, these markets an Nothing, it appears, could be further from the values, mechanisms, the play of price, risk, and exchan and ethics of commodity flows in small-scale societies. Yet this impres· spectator, from the entire proces: sion is false. and consumption. One might sa It should by now be dear that capitalism represents not simply a futures makes a dramatic separat techno-economic design, but a complex cultural system with a very the latter of no concern at all. II ~.... <'W"" I ~~.., Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 49 ~: ling of the role of objects of the "Other" ... . I history in the modern West. This view, which has always had collection, the exhibit and the trophy in s~e:la uI'shed adherents in economic and social history (Weber 1958; (llsung . d 1968, 1981; Stewart 1984).10 In a mOrt , b rt 1967; Nef 1958; Braudell982; Lopez 1971; Thlrsk 1978), that as the institutional and spatial jour. som aceived a new impetus from anthropologists and sociologists of has re . . ore com plex, and the alienation of pro. E _American culture (Baudnllard 1981; Bourdleu 1984; Douglas rs from one another increases, culturally u~oIsherwood 1981; Mukerji 1983; Sahlins 1976). )mmodity flow are likely to emerge. . anThe study of the cultural design of capitalism in its American form ies andideologies about commodity fio\I', h been undertaken with enormous vigor in the last decade, and ~ties. But such stories acquire especiallv h~~orians, anthropologists, and sOclologis~s ~re ~eginning. to put to­ lualities when the spatial, cognitive, Or ther a rich picture of the culture of capitalism 10 the UOlted States ~en production, distribution, and Con. f~ollins 1979; DiMaggio 1982; Lears 1984; Marcus (in press); Schud-' istancing either can be institutionalized on 1984). Though this larger context lies outside the scope of this lOmy or can be a function of new kinds ~iscussion, it is quite clear that capitalism is itselfan extremely complex .arated societies and economies. The in. cultural and historical formation, and in this formation commodities )wledge, interest, and role) between per. and their meanings have played a critical role. One example of the cts of the flow of commodities generates peculiar and striking cultural expressions of modern capitalism is the )sider, in this section, three variations on market in commodity futures in the United States, which developed texts in which they arise. (1) Mythologies in the middle of the nineteenth century and whose paradigmatic ex­ eculators who are largely indifferent to ample is the Chicago Gra~~ Exchan.ge. . lnd the consumption destination of Com· Trade in bulk commodities remams today an extremely Important ley affect fluctuations in price. The best part of world trade and the world economic system (see, for example, commodity futures markets in complex Adams and Behrman 1982), and this large-scale commodity trade ally the Chicago grain exchange in the remains perhaps the central arena where the contradictions of inter­ ~) Mythologies produced by consumers national capitalism can be observed. Central among these contradic­ ~nated from the production and distri· tions is the one between the free-trade ideology of classical capitalism :lities. Here the best examples come from and the various forms of protectionism, cartels, and regulatory agree­ nd (3) mythologies produced by workers ments that have evolved to restrict this freedom in the interests of 10 are completely divorced from the dis· various coalitions of producers (Nappi 1979). Commodity futures ogics of the commodities they produce. markets represent the institutional arena where the risks that attend ~olivia described by Michael Taussig in the national and international flows of these commodities are nego­ ism in South America, are an excellent case tiated by hedging on the part of some and sheer speculation on the ragraphs, I briefly discuss each of these part of others. :apitalist commodity markets. Markets in commodity futures revolve around a large number of the modern capitalist world-system ap· transactions involving contracts to buy and sell commodities, at future vast, impersonal machine, governed by dales. This trade in contracts is a paper trade, which rarely involves Ices, com plex institutional interests, and actual exchanges of the commodities themselves between traders. Like lucratic, and self-regulating character the stock market, these markets are speculative tournaments, in which e further from the values, mechanisms, the play of price, risk, and exchange appears totally divorced, for the s in small-scale societies. Yet this impres· spectator, from the entire process of production, distribu~ion, sale, and consumption. One might say that speculating in commodity that capitalism represents not simply a futures makes a dramatic separation between price and value, with . a complex cultural system with aver) the latter of no concern at all. In this sense, the logic of trade in

i l 50 A'juo A,padu..; r'~'''''' Iolrodu: societies of the Pacific in this centu 1975). This agonistic, obsessive, and romantic eth~s has not dlsap· Cargo cults are social movemen' peared from the commodity markets, as we are re~mnded by the case centered on the symbolism of EUf( of the Hunt brothers in regard to silver (Marcus: m press), although mainly in the Pacific since early c( the moral, institutional, and political framework that governs spec· precolonial antecedents and analo) ulation in commodities has changed a good deal since the nineteenth been subject to intensive analysis by century. Of course, there are many dif~erences bet~e.en the kula and at them as psychological, religious, the commodity futures market in scale, lI1strumentahtles, co~text, and ena. Though there has been cons goals. But the similarities are real, and, as I suggested earh~r, mam 1)()logical interpretation of these IT societies create specialized arenas for tournaments of value III whICh that the emergence of cargo cults in specialized commodity tokens are traded, and such trade, through something to do with the transforn the economies of status, power, or wealth, affects more mundane this new Context, the inability of nal commodity flows. The trade in relics, the market in commodity fu- goods they desired; the arrival of a tures, the kula, the potlatch, and the Central Asian ,~uzkashi (Azo\ system through the missionaries; al 1982) are all examples of such "tournaments of val~e. I.n each case. ward indigenous ritual forms. The I we need a fuller examination of the modes of articulation of these sprea? throughout Oceania (and lat "tournament" economies with their more routine commodity contexlS duratIOn, and intensity, which both than is possible here. pean social and ritual forms and too .'<'..~~'

1IIJ'...... I"~.

f~ Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 51 ~llowing Marx, a kind of ~eta-fetishization, Th mythology of circulation generated in commodity markets (as :ommodity become a subsutute for the social I"ell :s, in other w~ys, i? stock ~arkets) is ,a mythology of rumor it, but the movement of prices becomes an " d with more reltable Information: regardmgcommodtty reserves, )r the flow of the commodities themselves. !luxe, rnment regulatIons,. seasonaI SItS,h'f consumer varIa. bl es, 'Intra­ ~gree of removal from the social relations of go\eket developments (including the rumored intention or motives of ye makes commodity futures markets verI Ul~:r speculators), and so on. These constitute an endlessly shifting ) . rnaments of value, such as these represented (~I ld potentially infinite) scenario of variables that affect price. Though Ie interesting and revealing parallels. In bOth (fl:re have been consistent improvements in the technical basis for 1c curs in a special arena, insulated from prac. :1l1al}'zing and succe~sfully playing the commodit!e~ market, there re­ tbject to special rules. In both cases, what are mains the quasi-m~gICal search for the f?rmula (dIV.Inatory rat.her t1~an f value thac can be transformed into other -fficacious) that wIll prove to be the fall-safe predICtor of pnce shifts :x set of steps and only in unusual circum. ~I'owers 1973:47)- The structur~1 basis of this ~ytho.logy of circulat~on ere are specific ways in which the reproduc· of commodities IS the fact that It plays zndejinztely WIth the fluctuation )my is articulated with the structure of the of prices; that it seeks to exhaust an inexhaustible series of variables that affect price; and that its concern with commodities is purely )ortant, in both cases, there is an agonistic. ill/ormational an~ semiotic. and is divorced from, consumption al.to­ , and gamelike ethos that stands in contrasl gether. The irrational deSIre to corner the market In some commodIty, economic behavior. The. role of kula panic. the counterintuitive search for magical formulas to predict price )n of fame and reputation for individuals in changes, the controlled collective hysteria, all these are the product !ar. But the same is the case with commodity of this complete conversion of commodities to signs (Baudrillard 1981), second half of the nineteenth century, the which are themselves capable of yielding profit if manipulated prop­ xchange) in Chicago was obviously the scene erly. The primitive counterpart to this type of mythological and con­ jng of individual reputations, of intense ~nd text-free construction of commodities is to be found in that ~etween specific individuals, and of hubnstlC anthropological staple, the cargo cults that multiplied in the stateless ~ticular men to corner the market (Dies 1925: societies of the Pacific in this century. . bsessive, and romantic ethos has not disap­ Cargo cults are social movements of intense, millennial character ,dity markets, as we are reminded by the case centered on the symbolism of European goods. They have occurred regard to silver (Marcus: in press), although mainly in the Pacific since early colonial contact, though they have and political framework that governs spec· precolonial antecedents and analogies in other societies. They have las changed a good deal since the nineteenth been subject to intensive analysis by anthropologists, who have looked. e are many differences between the kula and at them as psychological, religious, economic, and political phenom­ rtarket in scale, instrumentalities, context, and ena. Though there has been considerable variation in the anthro­ ~s are real, and, as I suggested earlier, man! pological interpretation of these movements, most observers' agree ed arenas for tournaments of value in which that the emergence of cargo cults in early colonial Pacific societies has tokens are traded, and such trade, through something to do with the transformation of production relations in >, power, or wealth, affects more mu~dane this new context, the inability of natives to afford the new European :rade in relics, the market in commodIty fu·· goods they desired; the arrival of a new theological and cosmological :latch, and the Central Asian buzkashi (Azo,' system through the missionaries; and the resulting ambivalence to­ )f such "tournaments of value." In each case,: ward indigenous ritual forms. The result was a series of movements, nation of the modes of articulation of these : spread throughout Oceania (and later Melanesia) of uneven success, s with their more routine commodity contexll duration, and intensity, which both mimicked and protested Euro­ pean social and ritual forms and took either strongly oppositional or 52 Arjun Appadurai Introduction: commodities 1lI strongly revivalistic positions in regard to ~heir own myths and rituals of prosperity and exchange. In the symbolIsm of ma.ny of these mOve. mythologies of the alienated consun " ments, an important role was played by the promIse by the leaderl of modern capitalism spawn the ffi' We turn, finally, to the third variati prophet of the arrival of valued Europe~n goo~s by plane or by ship and their "showering" upon the true believers m the movement and at the service of demand and distril and beyond their universe of know in the prophet. For this type of mythology, the I It is difficult to doubt the contention of Worsely (1957) and others analysis of the changing symbolism that the symbolism of the mysterious arrival of European. goods has ." miners since the arrival of the Span a lot to do with the distortion of indigenous exchange relatIOns under story runs as follows. Before the arr colonial rule, the perception by the natives of the apparent Contra. a small-scale activity run as a state n diction between the wealth of Europeans (despite their lack of effort) Spanish, mining became a voracious i and their own poverty (despite their arduous labor). It is no surprise, [he cause of massive dislocation am given their sudden subjection to a complex int.ernational economic~1 :\},mara Indian population of Bolivi system of which they saw only few and o:ystenous aspects, that their and magic, but only after the Spani response was occasionally to seek to replicate what they regarded as spirit of evil, symbolized in a figure ( the magical mode of production of thes~ goods. . the new Christian idiom as the Devil When we look at the symbolism and ntual practice of these move. of the mines. This devil figure cam~ ments, it is possible to see that they constitute not just a ~yth aboUi of the new capitalist economy, whid the origins of European commodities; but an a.t~empt to ntually rep. hated, and served, in COntrast to thei licate what were perceived as the SOCIal modalitIes of European lIfe. economy. Caught between state Conti This is the significance of the use of European military forms, speech national commodity market, on the ( forms, titles, and so forth, in these movements. Though often ?rdered other, they worked out a ritual that r. in indigenous patterns, the ritual practice. of cargo cults was m man) tradictions of an economic practice t cases no less than a massive effort to mIme those European SOCial worlds: forms that seemed most conducive to the production of European goods. In a kind of reverse fetishism, what ~as repli:ate~ ~as what In effect the ex.tended chain of exchan§ was seen as the most potent of European SOCIal and ImgUIstlC forms exchange gIfts WIth th~ spirit owner; the SF in an effort to increase the likelihood of the arrival of European precIous metal; the millers excavate this n commodities. But Glynn Cochrane (1970) has reminded us that these they p~rfo:m rites. of gift exchange with embodied III the tin ore, is sold as a cor cults were, however distorted, pursuits not of all European co~mod. employers; these last sell the ore on the ities, but only of those commodities tha~ wer~ se.e~ a~ partICula:h Thus, recipro<;al gift exchanges end as COj conducive to the maintenance of status dIscontmUIUes In local sOCle· l:veen the devIl and the state, the miners J ties. Cargo cults also represent a pa.rticular mY.thol?gy of product!on • ClfCUlt ensures barrenness and death inste, based on the transformation ofreciprocity ir of European finished goods by natIves embrOIled m the P~OductlOfi 1980:224). of primary commodities for the world tra?: a~d an ass?Clated lml' . tative and revitalistic ritual. The commodIties Involved In cargo, as: . The rites of production in the tin m with kula valuables, and other indigenous forms of specialized ~x· i Clat~d mythology are not a simple carr change, are seen as metonymic of a whole system of power, pro~pentr· ductlon. They reflect the tensions of a so and status. Cargo beliefs are an extreme example of the the~nes thai; has not yet become commonplace, whe are likely to proliferate when consumers are kept completely ~~norafll ties, because of its incomplete hegem. of the conditions of production and distribution of commodItIes ana da~?e:ous, ~nd there is thus a parada are unable to gain access to them freely. Such deprivation creates the De\11 In reCIprocal rituals. This is not Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 53 in regard to their own myths and ritua~ : h logies of the alienated consumer,just as the commodity markets In the symbolism of many of these move.. "t °dem capitalism spawn the mythologies of the alienated trader. 0 is played by the promise by the leaderi 1 mOrn finally, to the third variation, the mythologies of producers [led European goods by plane or by ship \\ehe tU service, of deman d an d d'Istn 'b' utlon f orces outside " their control at t .' f kid the true believers in the movement and . d beyond their umverse 0 now e ge. JUror this type of mythology, the best account we have is Taussig's contention of Worsely (1957) and others lysis of the changing symbolism of the Devil among Bolivian tin .ysterious arrival of European goods has a[:~ers since the arrival of the Spaniards (Taussig 1980). Briefly, the I of indigenous exchange relations under n~ry runs as follows. Before the arrival of the Spaniards, mining was 1 by the natives of the apparent contra. :1 small-scale activity run as a state monopoly. With the arrival of the f Europeans (despite their lack of effort; ~panish, mining b~cam~ a vor~cious k~ystone of the col~nial economy, ite their arduous labor). It is no surprise. (he cause of massive dIslocatIOn and Increased mortahty among the u to a complex international economical .\ymara Indian population of Boliv~a. Mining alw~ys i~v~lved ritual Jy few and mysterious aspects, that their and magic, but only after the Spamsh conquest dId thIS Involve the , seek to replicate what they regarded as spirit of evil, symbolized in a figure called Tio (uncle), understood in :tion of these goods. the new Christian idiom as the Devil, who was seen as the spirit owner Jolism and ritual practice of these move· of the mines. This devil figure came to represent all the alien forces lat they constitute not just a myth aboul of the new capitalist economy, which miners simultaneously feared, lmodities, but an attempt to ritually rep. hated, and served, in contrast to their traditional forms of reciprocal is the social modalities of European life. economy. Caught between state control of production and the inter­ e use of European military forms, speech national commodity market, on the one hand, and the Devil on the these movements. Though often ordered other, they worked out a ritual that reflects the ambiguities and con­ ritual practice of cargo cults was in man\ tradictions of an economic practice that straddles two incompatible e effort to mime those European social worlds: nducive to the production of European fetishism, what was replicated was whal [n effect the extended chain of exchanges in the Andes is this: peasants exchange gifts with the spirit owner; the spirit owner converts these gifts into : of European social and linguistic forms precious metal; the miners excavate this metal, which they "find" so long as e likelihood of the arrival of European they perfonn rites of gift exchange with spirit; the miners' labor, which is chrane (1970) has reminded us that these embodied in the tin ore, is sold as a commodity to the legal owners and d, pursuits not of all European commod· employers; these last sell the ore on the international .commodity market. lmodities that were seen as particularlr Thus, reciprocal gift exchanges end as commodity exchanges; standing be­ Ice of status discontinuities in local socie· tween the devil and the state, the miners mediate this transformation, This circuit ensures barrenness and death instead of fertility and prosperity. It is ent a particular mythology of production based on the transformation of reciprocity into commodity exchange. (Taussig , by natives embroiled in the production 1980:224). r the world trade and an associated imi· . The commodities involved in cargo, as The rites of production in the tin mines of Bolivia and their asso­ .her indigenous forms of specialized ex· . ciated mythology are not a simple carryover of peasant rites of pro­ lic ofa whole system ofpower, prosperilY, duction. They reflect the tensions of a society in which commoditization ~ an extreme example of the theories thai' has not yet become commonplace, where the fetishism of commodi­ 1 consumers are kept completely ignoranl lIes, because of its incomplete hegemony, is regarded as evil and tion and distribution of commodities and dangerous, and there is thus a paradoxical attempt to envelop the them freely. Such deprivation creates the Devil in reciprocal rituals. This is not commodity fetishism in the if 54 Arjun Appadurai Introduction: commoditie 1 classic Marxian sense (where products conceal and represent social societies. but there seems to be c relations), but a more literal fetishism, in which the commodity, itselr societies that such traffic is mosl iconicized as the Devil, is made the pivot of a set of ritual transactions In contemporary capitalist ecc designed to offset the cosmological and physical risk~ of mining. In arate the commoditization ofgoc this mythology ofalienated producers/extractors, the Impersonal and ices. Indeed the routine pairing 0 invisible sources of control (the state) and of demand (the world Com. of neoclassical economics. This modity market) are relocated in an icon of danger and greed, social occupational, ritual, or emotion metaphors for the commodity economy. Though Taussig's accOunt commoditization in noncapitalisi tends, like Gregory's and many others, to overstate the contrast be. postindustrial economies that ser tween gift and commodity economies, his is a persuasive aCCOunt of feature ofthe world ofcommodi t the literal fetishism of commodities that seems to accompany primary analysis of the service dimensic commodity production for unknown and uncontrolled markets. . something that a collection such a In each of the examples I have discussed, the commodity futures But perhaps the best example market, cargo cults, and mining mythology, mythological understand. edge and the control of demand i ings of the circulation of commodities are gen~~ated because of the in contemporary capitalist societi, detachment, indifference, or ignorance of partICipants as regards all important topic, and in the Unite but a single aspect of the economic trajectory of the commodity. En. debate about the functional effe( c1aved in either the production, speculative trade, or consumption publicized recent study, Michael : locus of the flow of commodities, technical knowledge tends to be neo-Marxist analyses of the manir quickly subordinated to more idiosyncratic subcultural theories about in America. He proposes that t~ the origins arid destinations of things. These are examples of the man) duced by the advertising machin( forms that the fetishism ofcommodities can take when there are sharp' "capitalist realism," a form of Cll discontinuities in the distribution of knowledge concerning their tra. of the capitalist lifestyle, rather t~ jectories of circulation. . . specific acts of consumption. The There is one final point to be made about the relationship between has been greeted by the advertis knowledge and commodities, and it is one which reminds us that the circumstantial doubt about the ar comparison of capitalistic societies with other kinds of societies is a case is that any decisive analysis I complicated matter. In complex capitalistic societies, it is not only the have to proceed to see the imal case that knowledge is segmented (even fragmented) as between pro· • changing ideas about art, design: ducers, distributors, speculators, and consumers (and different sub· to unravel the role of this kind ( categories of each). The fact is that knowledg~ ~bo~t commodities is . mobili~ation of demand (Hebdige itself increasingly commoditized. Such commodltlZatlOn of knowledge: But It does seem worthwhile t( regarding commodities is of course part of a larger problem of the vertising that is relevant to the pr political economy of culture itself (Collins 1979), i~ which expertise, fect!veness of advertising in ensu credentialism, and high-brow aestheticism (Bourdleu 1984) all pia) product, it does seem true that cont different roles. Thus, though even in the simplest economies the~'e is , in advertising (particularly on tele, a complex traffic in things, it is only with increased social: t~chnIcal. [ strategy consists in taking what a: and conceptual differentiation that what we may call a tr~ffic t.n cn/erw I produced, cheap, even shoddy, I concerning things develops. That is, only in the latter ~ltuat1o~ does! somehow (in Simmel's sense) desil the buying and selling of expertise regarding the techmcal, SOCIal, or t nary goods are placed in a sort 0 aesthetic appropriateness of commodities become widesprea~. ?f! were not available to anyone who c course, such a traffic in commodity criteria is not confined to capitaiisl i Images that create this illusion of (

t i l t Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 55 ~re products conceal and represent socia] . 'es but there seems to be considerable evidence that it is in such soc1ett , 'd II fetishism, in which the commodity, itselr societies that such traffi.c ll~ most en~e, f h .. d'ffi I .ade the pivot of a set of ritual transaction! In contemporary.ca~Ita 1st economies, urt er, It IS ,I ~u t to sep­ nological and physical risks of mining. In the commodinzauon ofgoods from the commOdJtlZatlOn ofserv­ producers/extractors, the impersonal and· a:ate1ndeed the routine pairing of goods and services is itself a heritage ICes. . Th" h' ( I (the state) and of demand (the world Corn. of neoclassical economICs. . IS IS ~ot to say t a.t servICes se~ua, .ed in an icon of danger and greed, social occupational, ritu.al, or em~uo~al) h~ ,:,holly o~ts~de the.domam of dity economy. Though Taussig's accOUnt mmoditization m noncapnahst SOCIetIes. But It IS only m complex nany others, to overstate the contrast be. (0 stindustrial economies that services are a dominant, even definitive, economies, his is a persuasive acCOunt of rature of the world ofcommodity exchange. A thorough comparative modities that seems to accompany priman e alvsis of the service dimension of commoditization, however, is unknown and uncontrolled markets. anOl~thing that a collection such as this one can only hope to stimulate. . I have discussed, the commodity futurel sO But perhaps the best example of the relationship between knowl­ ning mythology, mythological understand, edge and the control of demand is provided by the role of advertising :ommodities are generated because of the in contemporary capitalist societies. Much has been written about this or ignorance of participants as regards all important topic, and in the United States there are signs of a revived :conomic trajectory of the commodity. En, debate about the functional effectiveness of advertising. In a widely lction, speculative trade, or consumption publicized recent study, Michael. Schu?son (1984) has questione~ ~he !lodities, technical knowledge tends to be neo-Marxist analyses of the mampulatlOn ofconsumers by advertIsmg )re idiosyncratic subcultural theories about in America. He proposes that the textual and graphic images pro­ i of things. These are examples ofthe man: duced by the advertising machine are better regarded as a species of commodities can take when there are sharp "capitalist realism," a form of cultural representation of the virtues bution of knowledge concerning their tra· of the capitalist lifestyle, rather than as techniques for seduction into specific acts of consumption. The adulation with which this argument to be made about the relationship between has been greeted by the advertising profession is a source of some es, and it is one which reminds us that the circumstantial doubt about the argument itself. What is probably the societies with other kinds of societies is d case is that any decisive analysis of the effects of advertising would nplex capitalistic societies, it is not only the have to proceed to see the images of advertising in tandem with nented (even fragmented) as between pro· . changing ideas about art, design, lifestyle, and distinction, in order lators, and consumers (and different sub· to unravel the role of this kind of "capitalist realism" in the social let is that knowledge about commodities is mobilization of demand (Hebdige 1983; Bourdieu 1984). itized. Such commoditization of knowledge But it does seem worthwhile to make one observation about ad­ of course part of a larger problem of the \'ertising that is relevant to the present argument. Whatever the ef­ re itself (Collins 1979), in which expertise.. fectiveness of advertising in ensuring the success of any particular row aestheticism (Bourdieu 1984) all pial. product, it does seem true that contemporary modes of representation 19h even in the simplest economies there is in advertising (particularly on television) share a certain strategy. The i, it is only with increased social, technical.. strategy consists in taking what are often perfectly ordinary, mass­ tion that what we may call a traffie in entaiD produced, cheap, even shoddy, products and making them seem IS. That is, only in the latter situation doe! somehow (in Simmel's sense) desirable-yet-reachable. Perfectly ordi­ ~xpertise regarding the technical, social, or nary goods are placed in a sort of pseudoenclaved zone, as if they of commodities become widespread. or were not available to anyone who can pay the price. The largely social nmodity criteria is not confined to capitalist Images that create this illusion of exclusivity might be glossed as the 56 Mi= Appadu,., ri~lntrodUC"O., commodilie fetishism of the consumer rather than of th~ c?m~odity. The images P Politics (in the broad sense of of sociality (belonging, sex appeal, power, dlstmCtlon, health, togeth. .. taining to power) is what lin . h d .. f per erness, camaraderIe) that underly muc ~ vertlsmg ocus o? the· life of commodities. In the m transfor~atio? of th~ consumer to the pomt wh~re the ~artIcular changes of things in ordinary lif« commodity bemg sold IS almost an aftertho~ght. T?IS double mverslon has the routine and conventiona of the relationship between people and thmgs might be regarded as But these many ordinary dealin the critical cultural move of advanced capitalism. . . for a broad set of agreements c The relationship between knowledge and commodItIes h~s many reasonable "exchange of sacrifio dimensions that have not been discussed here. But the essentlal point to exercise what kind ofeffective, for my purposes is this: as commodities travel greater distances (in. is political about this process is I stitutional, spatial, temporal), knowledge about then: tends ~o .become constitutes relations of privilege partial, contradictory, and differentiated. But such differentiatIOn mal about it is the constant tension t itself (through the mec~anisms of tou~name?ts o.f value, authenti· price, bargaining, and so forth) ; cation, or frustrated deSire) lead to the mtenslficatlon of demand. H breach these frameworks. This t( we look at the world of commodities as a shifting series of local (cui. that not all parties share the san turally regulated) commodity paths, we can see that the politics or value, nor are the interests of a diversion as well as of enclaving often is tied to the possibility or fact identicaL of commodity exchanges with other, more distant, systems..At every At the top of many societies, " level where a smaller system interacts with a larger one, the mterplay . of value, and of calculated diversi of knowledge and ignorance serves as a turnstile, facilitating ~he flow.· commodity flow. As expressions of some things and hindering the movement of others. In thiS sense, . to commoners we have the politic even the largest commodity ecumenes are the product of complex: of taboo, all of which regulate d( interactions between local, politically mediated, systems of demand.: stantly spill beyond the boundari specific regimes of value), such p Conclusion: politics and value threatened with disturbance. In a it is possible to witness the follol' Apart from learning some moderatel~ unus~al f~cts, and regarding interests of those in power to com them from a mildly unconventional pomt of View, IS there any general ities, by creating a closed univers( benefit in looking at the social life of commodities in the manner regulations about how they are to l' proposed in this essay? What does this perspective tell us about value between those in power (or those and exchange in social life that we did not know already, or that we [0 invite a loosening of these rule: could not have discovered in a less cumbersome way? Is there any commodities. This aspect ofelite p point in taking the heuristic position that commod.ities exist every· of value shifts. So far as commoc where and that the spirit of commodity exchange IS not wholly di­ politics is the tension between the: vorced from the spirit of other forms of exchange? . . We have seen that such politics In answering these questions, I shall not conduct a tediOUS review of diversion and of display; the . of the main observations made in the course of this essay, but shall • lhentication; the politics of knowl~ go directly to the substance of my propos~L This essay took as its of expertise and of sumptuary coni starting point Simmel's view that exchange IS the source of value. ~nd : and of deliberately mobilized del' not vice versa. The papers in this volume permit us to ad~ a Critical . relations within and between thes( dimension to Simmel's rather abstract intuition about the SOCIal genesIs COUnt for the vagaries of demand. of value. hnk between regimes of value al t",M", Introd",tion, Ethnohistory Workshop at the University of Pennsyl. adaptation. vania during 1983-84 and at the Symposium on Commodities and Culture 7. In coining the term tournamenl in May 1984 enriched my own thinking. Igor Kopytoffs paper in this volume use, in a very different COntext • is the most recent in a long series of contributions he has made to my ideas (Marriott 1968). ' about commodities. 8. In his recent discussion of world Earlier versions of this essay were presented at the Center for Advanced (1983:6) has noted the elements, Study in the Behavioral Sciences and at the Department of Anthropology at P?litics associated with these eve Stanford .University. In these contexts, the following persons made helpfUl 9. Slmmel (1957) is a seminal discu criticisms and suggestions: Paul DiMaggio, Donald Donham, Michael Epel. also, t~e reference to BougIe's an baum, Vlf Hannerz, Virginia Held, David Hollinger, Mary Ryan, G. William India In Christopher Bayly's pap Skinner, Burton Stein, Dennis ThompsolJ, Pierre van den Berghe, and Ararn [ 1922]). Yengoyan. Finally, as always, Carol A. Breckenridge provided sanity, stirn· 10. An excellent example of this pn ulation, and a sharp critical eye. . II. My use of the term ecumene i! 1. In starting with exchange, I am aware that I am bucking a trend in recem Marshall Hodgson's use of it in economic anthropology, which has tended to shift the foclls of attention 12. Also compare to Alsop's (1981) to production on the one hand, and consumption on the other. This trend loose." the things that are collec~ was ajustifiable response to what had previously been an excessive preoc· deprIves them of significant soci; cupation with exchange and circulation. The commodity angle, however, 13. It IS ~orth noting that despite; promises to illuminate issues in the study of exchange that had begunlO t~ere IS a deep affinity between t look either boring or incorrigibly mysterious. . view of the material life of simple 2. See Alfred Schmidt (1971 :69) for a similar critique of the "idealist" tend· called ~he intensification ofobjecthoo, ency in Marxist studies, which promotes the view that "since Marx reduces art builds on this inner affinity. all economic categories to relationships between human beings, the world 14. For a faScinating aCCOUnt of th( is composed of relations and processes and not of bodily material things." . SOCIology of knowledge in India, Obviously, careless subscription to this point of view can lead to exag· , gerations of the "vulgar" variety" ' 3. The use of terms such as "interest" and "calculation," I realize, raises References important problems about the comparative study of valuation, exchange, trade, and gift. Although the danger of exporting utilitarian models and Ada~s, F. G., and J. R. Behrman. 1982. assumptions (as well as their close kin, economism and Euro-American eXlOgton, Mass.: Lexington Books.

I I 'F"'''' I.ttodue.ion, eommoditie, .nd the politic, of v.Jue 59 . . . . ~ 'ndividualism) is serious. it is equa~ly tende.ntious to reserve for ~est~rn )Qhtlcal economists. there has not been ~: I h' ht to be "interested" m the give and take of matenal lIfe. · . d d . man t e rig nship between .po Imcs an pro ~ction. l What is called for. a?d does not now exist. except in e,?bryo (see Medick Ion to demystify the demand side of ' and Sabean 1984). IS a framew?r~ .for th,; cO~f.aratlve ,:tudy ,~f e~~n- omies. in which the culturdal variabIlity ofII' sedlf, person, a;td mddlvld - I" (following Geertz an Dumont) IS a Ie to a comparative stu y 0 f U~culation (following Bourdieu) and of interest (following Sahlins). Only C~ter such a framework is developed will we be able to study the motives. ~nstruments, telos, and ethos of economic activity in a genuinely com­ luthor was a Fellow at the Center for Ad. parative way. 1984-85. ciences, Stanford, California, in 4. Simmel (1978: 138), in a quite different con~ext. anticipates th~ noti~n . period, I acknowledge National Science that things move in and out of the commodIty state and notes Its Ans­ 494 to the Center and a sabbatical gram totelian pedigree. '" . lla. 5. Gray (1984) is an excehllent dlshcusslOhn, also mflufencehd by Slmme\, 0lf theI riting this essay, I have. ~ccumulated maUl divergences of value t at can s ape t e nature 0 ~xc ang~ across cu tu ra now ledge here. In addition to the contrib. borders. His study of lamb auctIons on the EnglIsh-Scottish borderlands : persons gave papers on the t.opic of com. is also a rich ethnographic illustration of what I have called tournaments Iniversity of Pennsylvania, whICh proVided of value. 110 Carmagnani, Philip Curtin, Mary Doug.. 6. I am indebted to Graburn (1976), ~hose use ~f Maqu.et's .original ter­ Gudeman, George Marcus,Jane Schneider. minology, in his classificatIon of ethnIc and toUrist arts, msplred my own :iner. Participants and commentators at the adaptation. " , ry Workshop at the Univ~~sity of Penns),l.. 7. In coining the term tournaments of value, I was stimulated by Marriott s Symposium on Commodltle~ an~ Culture use, in a very different context, of the conception of tournaments of rank lking. Igor Kopytoffs paper 10 thiS vo~ume (Marriott 196~).. ,. . . . of contributions he has made to my Ideas 8. In his recent diSCUSSion of world s fairs and expOSItIOnS, Burton BenedICt (1983:6) has noted the elements ofcontest, competitive display, and status ore presented at the Center for Advanced politics associated With. these even~s. " md at the Department of Anthropology at ; 9. Simmel (1957) is a semmal diSCUSSion of the cultural logIC of fashIOn. See texts, the following persons made helpful . also the reference to Bougl<~'s analysis of consumption patterns in village )iMaggio, Donald Donham, Michael Epel.. India in Christopher Bayly's paper in this volume, and Max Weber (1978 1, David Hollinger, Mary Ryan, G. WIlham· [ 1922]). ompson, Pierre van den B.erghe, a?d A~m 10. An excellent example of this process appears in Hencken (1981). '01 A. Breckenridge proVided sanity, stlm· ' 11. My use of the term ecumene is a rather idiosyncratic modification of Marshall Hodgson's use of it in The Venture of Islam (1974). n aware that I am bucking a trend in recent 12. Also compare to Alsop's (1981) notion that art collecting invariably "pries h has tended to shift the focus of attention loose" the things that are collected from their former context of use and I, and consumption on the other. ~his trend deprives them of significant social purpose. hat had previously been ~n excessive preoc· : 13. It is worth noting that despite a superficial opposition between them, ircuJation. The commodity angle, however, , there is a deep affinity between trade and art, at least from the P?int of in the study of exchange that had begun to ! view of the material life of simpler societies. Both involve what mIght be [ibly m~st~rious: . W,,,: called the intensification ofobjecthood, though in very different ways. Tourist ,for a Similar CritIque of the IdealIst tend.: art builds on this inner affinity. promotes the view that "sinc~ Marx reduces· 14. For a fascinating account of the role of cloth in an evolving colonial tionships between hum~n bemgs: the ~orl~ sociology of knowledge in India, see Cohn (forthcoming). )rocesses and not ofbod.lly matenal thmgs. i Ion to this point of view can lead to exag· r ~~. . ! nterest" and "calculation," I realize, raIses l References : comparative stu~y of ~~Iua~ion, exchange. ~ danger of exportmg utilitarian models and t Adams. F. G., and J. R. Behrman. 1982. 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