Copyright and use of this thesis This thesis must be used in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright Act 1968. Reproduction of material protected by copyright may be an infringement of copyright and copyright owners may be entitled to take legal action against persons who infringe their copyright. Section 51 (2) of the Copyright Act permits an authorized officer of a university library or archives to provide a copy (by communication or otherwise) of an unpublished thesis kept in the library or archives, to a person who satisfies the authorized officer that he or she requires the reproduction for the purposes of research or study. The Copyright Act grants the creator of a work a number of moral rights, specifically the right of attribution, the right against false attribution and the right of integrity. You may infringe the author’s moral rights if you: - fail to acknowledge the author of this thesis if you quote sections from the work - attribute this thesis to another author - subject this thesis to derogatory treatment which may prejudice the author’s reputation For further information contact the University’s Copyright Service. sydney.edu.au/copyright PREACHING TO THE PERVERTED:

MICHAEL GLYNN AND THE SYDNEY STAR.

Thesis submitted by John Dominic O’Grady in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Arts in the Department of Media and Communications at the University of Sydney. December 2012.

Michael Glynn, 1980. Photo courtesy of the Star.

1 Certification of Authorship/Originality

I certify that the work in this thesis has not previously been submitted for a degree nor has it been submitted as part of requirements for a degree except as fully acknowledged within the text.

I also certify that the thesis has been written by me. Any help that I have received in my research work and the preparation of the thesis itself has been acknowledged. In addition, I certify that all information sources and literature used are indicated in the thesis.

Interviews I conducted with Michael Glynn’s associates as part of the research for this thesis were approved by, and met the ethical standards of, The Human Research Ethics Committee of the University of Sydney. Approved: 17/7/2010. Completed: 31/7/2011. Project number 12896.

Signature of Candidate

2 Table of contents

Prologue 4

Introduction 8

1. Exegesis

1.1 Evolution and affirmation 24

1.2 Sexual citizenship and the public sphere 40

1.3 Polymorphous perversity, sexual cultures, and AIDS 63

1.4 Conclusion 78

2. Narrative

2.1 Mr Leather 1980 85

2.2 The Harlem Hideaway 91

2.3 A Star is born 95

2.4 Mardi Gras madness 101

2.5 The Syndicate rules 110

2.6 Getting elected 121

2.7 Clones & community 129

2.8 Lesbian inclusion 137

2.9 A walk on the violent side 143

2.10 Religion, spirituality and universal joy 151

2.11 When push comes to shove 159

2.12 We need to learn from the dead 164

2.13 The last chapter 169

Epilogue 177

Reference list 186

Acknowledgements 197

3 Prologue

Michael Glynn was found dead in his Glebe Housing Commission terrace on Wednesday 10 July 1996. To paraphrase Auden’s Funeral Blues, no one stopped the clocks or held the presses. It was deadline day, after all, and the page proofs for that week’s edition of the Sydney Star Observer – the newspaper Glynn founded almost two decades earlier – had to be at the printers by 6pm. It wasn’t until the following day that reports of

Glynn’s death filtered into the Star office on Oxford Street, a noisy thoroughfare lined with gay bars and clubs and known as Sydney’s golden mile.

Glynn had emigrated to Australia from the USA in 1971. He was a good- looking 23-year-old then, still shy about embracing his sexuality but aware, after seeing in Boston the surf film Endless Summer, that Australia had erotic appeal.

“The guys in Endless Summer were travelling around the world, following the sun and the surf,” Glynn recalled in an interview with a former editor of the Star, Larry Galbraith. “They went to Melbourne, then they came to

Sydney, but on both occasions it was overcast and raining and the waves weren’t doing much. Then they ended up in Darwin. And I saw these men wearing Speedos and of course I grew up with boxer short swimwear, so the Speedos were a bit of an eye-opener. And that’s about the only thing I knew about Australia before I came down here” (Galbraith, 1995).

4

Glynn, who taught high school English and drama for several years after he arrived in Australia, would have expected his death to make the front- page of the Star, and it did. Glynn’s photo appeared underneath the Star masthead on 18 July 1996, next to a photo of a fellow American drama queen, Truman Capote. Glynn’s photo pointed readers to a tribute on page three, penned by a long-time Star contributor, Gary Dunne, who described

Glynn as a lanky American with no shortage of attitude and chutzpah

(Dunne, 1996, p. 3).

I was one of three journalists who worked at the Star at the time of

Glynn’s death. Ben Widdicombe and Julie Catt were the other two staff journalists, and we reported to Bernie Sheehan, who was the newspaper’s second lesbian editor in 17 years. All of us knew of Glynn as the Star founder but none of us had any contact with the man whose vision for a gay community newspaper we had inherited.

Certainly, we were fiercely protective of the newspaper and its reputation.

We valued its status as an independent and critical voice within Sydney’s gay and lesbian community and its role as the community’s journal of record. The Star we worked for in the mid-1990s had evolved into a much more polished version of the newspaper Glynn founded in 1979 but it nevertheless remained true to Glynn’s original vision. We reported on breakthroughs and setbacks in AIDS treatments; and on continuing street violence against lesbians and gays. We pushed back against the Wood

5 Royal Commission and its conflation of homosexuality with paedophilia; and we celebrated court victories that included insurance payouts to same- sex partners and human rights rulings against discrimination. We carried arts reviews and scene photos, lists of event information and community contacts, and humourous columns about love and lust. We boasted an audited, weekly circulation of 24,682 and were frequently cited by mainstream media as a source for stories about gay and lesbian issues.

Digital services such as Gaydar and Grindr were unheard of at the time.

Instead, the Star carried page after page of classified advertisements from sex workers, escorts, and masseurs; and columns of ‘personals’ from gay men seeking casual or long-term connections: “31YO, 5’8 70kg. Turned on by stocky man with hairy chest, mo. Into anything that’s safe. Very b’minded” (anon, 1996, p 33).

We had made good on our inheritance. But we were too busy to spare much thought for the Star’s origins. Thankfully, others did. Dunne interviewed Glynn in June 1994 for the Star’s 15th anniversary edition, and Galbraith recorded an interview with Glynn in December 1995. Those two interviews are unique in that they allow Glynn to provide a public account of his life. But of course that’s not the full story. There exists a shoebox full of Glynn’s personal papers and diaries, a collection that reveals some of Glynn’s torturous interior life. As well, Glynn’s surviving friends, lovers, co-workers and peers have their own memories and their own versions of events. One of them is the gay activist and former Sydney City Councillor, Craig Johnston, who was commissioned

6 by Dunne to write a brief reflection on Glynn and the Star for the newspaper’s 15th anniversary edition. Johnston’s account provides the starting point for this thesis:

For me, I guess, the Golden Age of the gay/lesbian print media will always be Michael Glynn’s Star. I first came across it when Michael and friends like Dennis Scott were handing it out from a little table, night-time, just near Capriccios.

It took on a tabloid format, personified the passion and commitment of Michael, was full of infuriating typing mistakes, upbraided the gay male community into maturity, was loved and hated, depended on volunteers, printed absolutely everything you gave it (which was great for the homosexual law reform campaign and my campaign for election to Sydney City Council), happily antagonised advertisers, lived on a shoe string (which couldn’t last) and was entirely maverick and unpredictable – except for its unshakeable commitment to gay power and community development.

In these days when poofs and dykes who work for the homosexual print media are just as likely to wear red braces as purple overalls, our media could do worse than remember the eight pillars of homosexual politics expressed in the first Star. Sexuality. Identity. Community. Gender non-conformism. Camp. Enterprise. Militancy. Radical social critique. Think about it for a while, if you want (Johnston, 1994, p. 37).

7

Introduction

When Michael Glynn launched the Sydney Star in July 1979, he declared his newspaper to be his contribution to “the building of the gay movement and the growth of gay consciousness” (Glynn, 1979, p 8). Glynn had absolutely no journalism or publishing experience, other than as a student contributor to his high school newspaper in Newark, New Jersey.

Nevertheless, he successfully edited and published the Star for five years before he sold it in 1984 to a group of Star staffers and contributors. Now, the Star is a community-owned media enterprise that bills itself as

“Australia’s leading gay and lesbian newspaper” (Sydney Star Observer,

2011). Despite several changes in format and ownership over the past 33 years, the Star has remained a voice of difference in Sydney’s media landscape because it is produced by, and for, members of Australia’s gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender and intersex (GLBTI) communities and it expresses an alternative vision to the dominant perspectives of the heterosexual world. This characterisation of the Star is consistent with media theorist John Downing’s (2001, p v) understanding of alternative or radical media as being generally small-scale and expressive of an alternative vision to hegemonic policies, priorities and perspectives.

The Star embodies what Downing (2001, p v) calls “historical persistence”. The newspaper is certainly small-scale, and it has a chronological history that can be traced from 1979 onwards. But more than this, the Star has a historical persistence which is remarkable given

8 the size and scope of the ideological and social changes that have affected the gay movement over the past three decades, not to mention the technological and cultural changes that have pushed into extinction many thousands of newspaper titles, large and small.

Apart from O’Donnell (2004), the Star rarely figures in mainstream studies of media and communication. Its do-it-yourself beginnings suggested a lack of professionalism. Then there’s the question of content.

When Glynn started the Star in the late ’70s, homosexual sex was considered a criminal activity in New South Wales. Images of bare-arsed leather men and stories about police raids on gay sex clubs were oft-times considered immoral, embarrassing or distasteful, to say the least. In attempting to understand the mainstream media’s then hostility to homosexuality, Altman (1972, p 41) argues that liberal opinion “never really accepted homosexuality as a full and satisfying form of sexual and emotional behaviour.” This fundamental oversight, Altman says, explains the recurrence of negative stereotypes about homosexuals in Western media in the decades surrounding the Star’s launch. As Altman notes of the time:

It is a common complaint among homosexuals that the media ignores their political activities and even refuses space to homosexual organisations for advertisements, apparently regarding these as unfit to be printed. One of the earliest gay liberation protests in New York occurred because the Village Voice refused to allow the word ‘gay’ in its classified ads – but printed ‘dykes’ and ‘fags’ in its news columns. This in 1969, in the mouthpiece of swinging, with-it journalism (Altman, 1972, p 41).

9 One possible explanation for the academic silence that surrounds the Star is that a small-scale newspaper focusing on gay and lesbian sexual identity doesn’t much matter in the scheme of things because the package is perceived as amateurish, the audience limited, and the publication is thought to present no challenge to the power and influence of mass media.

But as media theorist Clemencia Rodriguez makes clear, such thinking misses the point:

While traditional scholarship weighed alternative media by their capacity to alter the empire of media megaliths, I suggest redirecting our focus to understanding how citizens’ media activate subtle processes of fracture in the social, culture and power spheres of everyday life (Rodriguez, 2001, p xiv).

This thesis takes up Rodriguez’s suggestion by paying attention to the ways in which the Star helped activate subtle processes of fracture in the social, cultural and power spheres of everyday life. In the chapters that follow, I present Glynn’s Star as an example of the kind of media that

Downing and Rodriguez had in mind in their respective studies of alternative media. My primary concern in this thesis is to illuminate the impact the Star had on its readers. I argue that the Star can be understood as both a small-scale local gay newspaper as well as a bona fide member of a decentralised, global disorganisation of alternative and radical media that express alternatives to hegemonic and heteronormative policies, priorities and perspectives. The expression of these alternatives empowers groups of subordinated people to control their representation and in the process, renegotiate their sexual citizenship.

10 When small-scale alternative media such as the Star enable their constituents to renegotiate previously fixed elements of social organisation such as sexual identity, then, by extension, it becomes possible for these constituents (or readers) to notice the fissures in the edifice of church and state and begin to question entire structures of power. Such realisations were central to the social change movements of the 1960s and 1970s and were particularly important to the gay movement. One question leads to another, as the homosexual rights activist Harry Hay liked to point out. Hay, who helped establish the

Mattachine Society in 1950 as one of America’s earliest homosexual rights organisations, attributed his lack of guilt about his sexuality to his childhood discovery that his father could be wrong about a matter of fact:

If my father could be wrong, then the teacher could be wrong. And if the teacher could be wrong, then the priest could be wrong. And if the priest could be wrong, then maybe even God could be wrong (Hay, cited in Timmons, 2012, p 25).

Thesis structure: narrative and exegesis

Glynn’s reign at the Star unfolded – not coincidentally – during an extraordinary time for Sydney’s gay and lesbian community. The violent policing of the first Sydney Gay Mardi Gras occurred just one year before the Star’s inception, serving as a powerful reminder of the forces that could be marshalled for and against gay liberation. At the same time, the late 1970s and early 1980s saw unprecedented growth in the number and scope of gay venues in the inner-city suburb of Darlinghurst. The inhabitants of the gay ghetto that emerged in Darlinghurst and in the

11 neighbouring suburbs of Surry Hills and Paddington began to see themselves as a community with a political voice strong enough to elect gay representatives to the Sydney City Council. All of these developments were intimately entangled with the gay movement’s long-running but ultimately successful campaign to remove homosexuality from the New

South Wales Criminal Code. That change took place in 1984.

The first component of this thesis is an exegesis that draws on academic analyses of alternative and radical media to illuminate the impact Glynn and the Star had on Sydney’s gay and lesbian community. I argue that the newspaper played a critical role in the evolution, consolidation and survival of the Sydney gay and lesbian community through its affirmation of the ‘coming out’ narrative, through its articulation and promotion of sexual citizenship, and through its intervention in the homosexual law reform campaign and the fight against AIDS.

The second component of this thesis is an extended piece of narrative journalism that presents a series of portraits of Glynn, his newspaper, and

Sydney’s gay world at the time. These portraits are snapshots rather than detailed histories. They are fragments of a story about Glynn, the newspaper he founded, and the gay world the Star helped construct and maintain.

12 Exegesis, chapter 1: Evolution and affirmation

Chapter one of the exegesis focuses on the Star and the evolution of the gay movement in Sydney in the late 1970s and early 1980s. It takes as its starting point an observation by Ellie Rennie (2006, p 4) that community media is distinguished by its aspirations and motivations as much by its methods and structures. With this in mind, I assess the Star’s impact in terms of Glynn’s aspirations for the newspaper, which he described as

‘raising gay consciousness’, ‘building the gay movement’ and ‘helping the gay community get its act together’.1 I argue that the Star’s consistent publication of narratives that endorsed the act of ‘coming out’ as fundamental to the formation of gay identity and as a necessary precursor to membership of the gay community are a form of gay consciousness raising. This journalism-as-affirmation played a critical role in helping

Sydney’s gay and lesbian population ‘get its act together’ and evolve into a community.

Exegesis, chapter 2: Sexual citizenship and the public sphere

Chapter two of the exegesis focuses on sexual citizenship. In this chapter,

I discuss the Star’s impact on its readers by examining the ways in which

1 “If we had a strong sense of community,” Glynn wrote in an editorial for the Star’s first issue, “a real feeling of support from friends and others, then we might be able to face the conflicts that rage about us. We could live in unity and strength and love. The whole process is called ‘getting your act together (Glynn, July 1979, p. 3).” Glynn re-stated his editorial intent in subsequent editions, declaring: “The Sydney Star is published fortnightly as a contribution to the building of the gay movement and the growth of gay consciousness (Glynn, December 1979, p. 3).”

13 the newspaper helped an emergent gay community lay claim to sexual citizenship by articulating its readers’ demands for sexual freedom, better policing, and equal access to conditions and services otherwise denied because of discriminatory policies and practices.

The Star consistently published and endorsed a set of narratives that informed readers of their rights in relation to the law. The gay movement’s ultimately successful campaign to remove homosexuality from the NSW Crimes Act 1900 received unequivocal support in the Star.

The newspaper embedded in its editorial coverage precise details of how readers could participate in the reform campaign by sending donations, writing letters to politicians, and attending protest rallies. The Star’s involvement in the homosexual law reform campaign illuminates the newspaper’s influence as both a site of resistance and as a publisher of what James Lemert identifies as “mobilising information” (1977, p. 721).

Exegesis, chapter 3: Polymorphous perversity, sexual cultures, AIDS

The campaign by Sydney gay activists against the state’s criminal prosecution of patrons of a gay sex club called Club 80 received positive and substantial editorial coverage in the Star. Narratives of sex-for- pleasure, informed by gay liberation’s promotion of polymorphous perversity, functioned as a form of cultural activism, encouraging Star readers to “talk back to power” (Ginsburg, 2002) by celebrating and legitimising alternative sexual and social cultures. In chapter three of this exegesis, I examine the Star’s coverage of the police raids on Club 80

14 within the context of the sex-for-pleasure narrative. This narrative framework, I argue, was subsequently adapted to create the so-called

‘safe-sex’ culture. I note that Glynn’s Star was the first media outlet in

Australia to publish a report on the AIDS epidemic. Throughout the ensuing health crisis, the Star played an unrelentingly activist role, helping the gay community survive the devastation of AIDS by publicising community meetings and their outcomes, by providing detailed information about possible transmission routes and risk reduction, and by publishing counter-narratives that challenged the dominant AIDS hysteria, inflamed by ignorance, fear, and many mainstream media reports.

Research methodology

Archival research provided me with a large amount of original source material for this thesis. I read Glynn’s newspaper closely, paying attention to news selection, editorials and guest columns; to cover photos and social

(or ‘scene’) photos; to letters to the editor; to advertisements and advertorials; to the entertainment and business listings; to the ‘community service announcements’ that covered everything from alerts about police harassment at beats through to calls for players to join a soccer team; and to the columns of personal advertisements placed by readers seeking soul mates and/or play mates.

I sought and obtained ethics approval from the University of Sydney to interview former Star journalists and contributors, seeking the

15 perspectives of people who knew Glynn and who worked with him on the

Star. These interviewees included former Star journalist Richard Turner; former contributor and subsequent Star board member, Gary Dunne; former Star photographer C. Moore Hardy (who shot the cover image for the Star’s inaugural issue); former Star editor Larry Galbraith; and former

Star office manager and staff writer, Nick Papademetriuo. I also interviewed gay activist Ken Davis, who remembers his first encounter with Glynn as a fiery argument about Mardi Gras.

The Glynn interviews conducted by Dunne (1994) and Galbraith (1995) are important source material. They provide unique opportunities for

Glynn’s own voice to be heard throughout this thesis; as do the many editorials Glynn wrote and published in the Star. Dunne’s interview with

Glynn was published in the Star in July 1994 as part of a 20-page special supplement celebrating the newspaper’s 15th anniversary, while

Galbraith’s interview with Glynn is stored with the Pride History Group in

Sydney as part of its collection of oral histories.

In addition to drawing on the body of historical information in the Star’s archives and making use of the interviews with Glynn and his associates, I wish to acknowledge a body of relevant critical and creative thinking about the gay cultural issues of the 1970s and early 1980s by Australian academics and writers such as Altman (1971, 1980, 1982), Dunne (1983,

1990), Johnston (1999), Graham Willett (2000) and Garry Wotherspoon

(1991). These participant observers have moved between journalism,

16 fiction, commentary, and sometimes, the academy, often blurring the lines between these categories but always carrying with them a set of questions about the nature and expression of contemporary gay life. In doing so, they have helped document Australia’s gay culture from the late 1960s onwards, providing the historical and cultural framework within which this thesis sits.

Altman opened a window into the newly emergent gay world when he published Homosexual Oppression and Liberation (1971). He followed this up with Coming Out in the Seventies (1979), and The

Homosexualization of America, The Americanization of the Homosexual

(1982). These three works not only describe and analyse gay liberation and its impacts, they provide a social and historical context that makes sense of the gay movement as a personally liberating and profoundly culture-changing response to systemic oppression. Altman’s work resonates with my central research question about the Star’s impact on

Sydney’s gay community because it engages not only with ‘coming out’ as the dominant narrative of gay liberation, but with the ways in which this narrative circulates and its effects.

Dunne, Johnston, Willett and Wotherspoon have also focussed their attention on the details of contemporary Australian gay culture, using fiction, journalism, life narrative, historical research and observational commentary to describe, analyse, contextualise and understand the gay experience. This thesis draws extensively on Dunne’s work as co-editor

17 of, and contributor to, the Star’s 15th anniversary supplement. Dunne’s work delivers a detailed and nuanced picture of the Star’s early history.

Johnston’s observations of Sydney gay and lesbian politics in the early

1980s, published in the collection A Sydney gaze (1999) also provides this thesis with first-hand insights into the intricacies of the gay scene at the time of Glynn’s involvement. The thesis also draws on research by Bill

Calder (2011) into the history of Australian gay and lesbian media.

Finally, a reading of Willett’s Living out loud: a history of gay and lesbian activism in Australia, and Wotherspoon’s ‘City of the plain’:

History of a gay sub-culture, enables this thesis to be situated within the broad cultural history of Australian homosexuality.

Theoretical approaches

Downing’s analysis of radical alternative media is a strong influence on this exegesis. In Radical Media (2001, p vi) he asks: “… how can small- scale radical media have any impact worth having?” The answer, he says, is that small-scale radical media have multiple impacts on different levels.

With this in mind, the three chapters of this exegesis illuminate the Star’s multiple impacts, on different levels. I use Downing to theorise about the

Star’s entanglement with the ‘consciousness raising’ dimensions of social movements such as the American feminist and gay liberation movements of the 1960s and early 1970s (exegesis, chapter one: evolution and affirmation).

18 Alternative journalism, as conceptualised by Chris Atton and James

Hamilton (2008) informs my discussion of affirmative journalism, in chapter one of this exegesis. Atton’s identification of ‘movement journalism’ and ‘personal journalism’ (2008, p 35-38) enables the Star to be situated within alternative media’s historical, social and cultural framework. By this I mean that the particularities of the Star as a newspaper for Sydney’s gay ghetto should not obscure the fact that the

Star also occupies a space within the history of personal journalism as well as within the history of movement journalism, which Atton (2008, p.38) characterises as springing from the anarchist and syndicalist labour movements of the late 19th and early 20th century, and which aspired to a kind of ‘communal individuality’ as a precursor to social change. This exegesis also draws on the work of Nick Couldry (2003), who recognises alternative media power as an emergent form of social power and who identifies the nature of that power as being about the relative control over representational resources. (2003, p 4).

I use the conceptualisations of alternative media articulated by Rodriguez

(2001) as the framework within which I identify and describe the Star’s impact on its readers and writers. Rodriguez’ re-conceptualisation of the impact of alternative media relates especially well to the themes of this exegesis. If we stop thinking about political actions and social movements as linear and continuous, Rodriguez argues, we can assess the impact of alternative media in different ways. Of particular interest to Rodriguez, and of particular relevance to my analysis of the Star, is the opportunity

19 that alternative media extends to its participants to create their own

images of self and of their environment. While reflecting on her journeys

with alternative media producers, Rodriguez (2001, p. 3) came to the

conclusion that the men and women who were involved in alternative

media projects underwent compelling transformations in which

established sociological, psychological and even existential ‘givens’ were

suddenly questioned:

I could see how producing alternative media messages implies much more than simply challenging the mainstream media… It implies having the opportunity to create one’s own images of self and environment; it implies being able to recodify one’s own identity with the signs and codes that one chooses, thereby disrupting the traditional acceptance of those imposed by outside sources; it implies becoming one’s own storyteller, regaining one’s own voice; it implies reconstructing the self-portrait of one’s own community and one’s own culture; it implies exploring the infinite possibilities of one’s own body…; it implies taking one’s own languages out of their usual hiding places and throwing them out there, into the public sphere, and seeing how they do, how they defeat other languages, or how they are defeated by other languages.

When we consider the mainstream political, social, religious and media environments that existed in Sydney when Glynn launched the Star, it becomes possible to imagine the kinds of transformation that became available to the men and women involved in this gay media project. Given that mainstream media representations of homosexuality were either non-existent or sensationalist (Altman, 1972, p 41), that gays and lesbians had no influence in the political sphere, that homosexual lives were unlawful under the NSW

Criminal Code, and that dominant Christian religions publicly condemned homosexuality (Johnston and van Reyk, 2001), the men and women previously targeted by such discourse now had an opportunity to reconstruct their social, political, religious and sexual representations, using their own

20 images and their own language. Rodriguez (2001, p. 3) noticed that peoples’ point of view shifted when they became involved in alternative media projects. “In some cases,” she found, “where a woman’s subordination to men is one of the main sources of her identity, revising one’s convictions about gender relations implies a complete reformulation of one’s entire worldview

[my italics].”

Rodriguez’s observation helps us come to an understanding of the

experience of a gay man or lesbian – hirtherto subordinated by the

heteronormative discourse of church and state – who re-evaluates their

position and asserts a homonormative (or at least, homopositive)

expression of sexual relationships, family structures, citizenship, and

spirituality. In this context, the impact of gay media projects such as the

Star becomes clear. When men and women participate in the newspaper

as writers and readers, when they produce and send their own stories, they

have an opportunity to reformulate their entire worldview.

Much of this discussion is about power. It is about the power that

alterative media has to enable transformation through representation. It is

about the power that alternative media has to assert a different way of

being in the world. And at its most intense, it is about the power

alternative media has to reformulate one’s worldview and to create a

world within a world. Writers such as American sociologist Martin

Hoffman have conceptualised homosexuals as inhabiting a parallel world.

A decade before Glynn’s Star hit the streets, Hoffman (1968, p. 73)

21 described a previously unknown homosexual world that he said existed in the shadow of mainstream heterosexual culture. Hoffman described this alternative world as one inhabited by millions of American men who congregated in secret locations and had a language and style of their own.

More than two decades later, Altman (1982, p. 9) referred to Hoffman’s discovery of this gay world and noted that the size and scope of this world had expanded throughout the 1970s, so much so that homosexuals could now find a meaningful source of identity and community within its borders.

The conclusion I come to in this exegesis is that the Star and its audience constitute an alternative media project that is deeply and profoundly implicated in the maintenance and amplification of a world within a world. Theorists such as Nancy Fraser (1992) and Michael Warner (2002) have conceptualised such worlds, or spaces, as ‘subaltern counterpublics’ and ‘counterpublics’. Fraser and Warner consider these environments to be metaphysical as well as actual arenas in which subordinated social and sexual identities are formed and enacted. Perhaps the most striking example, says Fraser (1992, p. 123):

… is the late-twentieth-century U.S. feminist subaltern counterpublic, with its variegated array of journals, bookstores, publishing companies, film and video distribution networks, lecture series, research centres, academic programs, conferences, conventions, festivals, and local meeting places.

Warner (2002, p. 56) re-worked Fraser’s conceptualisation of a subaltern counterpublic, discarding Fraser’s ‘subaltern’ tag because, he argues, the inhabitants of a counterpublic maintain at some level an awareness of

22 their subordinate status. Warner notes the discussions that occur within a counterpublic are understood to contravene the rules of the world at large because the content of such discussions is structured by alternative dispositions or protocols and is shaped by different assumptions about

“what can be said or what goes without saying.”

The ‘things that can be said’ in the Star, and the ‘things that go without saying’ mark the points at which theories of alternative media and theories of counterpublics intersect. It is my assertion in this exegesis that the Star, through its articulation and amplification of gay activities, behaviours, language and style, and through its assumption of things that ‘go without saying’ (such as the ‘naturalness’ of same-sex desire), offered its readers and writers multiple entry and exit points into Sydney’s gay world from

1979 onwards. Each encounter between and amongst the Star and its writers and readers, each entry into and exit from this gay world, acknowledged the fissures and fractures that pervade the social, sexual, political and cultural spheres of everyday life. Such acknowledgement offered opportunities, unevenly and incrementally, for participants to reformulate and strengthen a new worldview. It also diminished, unevenly and incrementally, the power of those who opposed difference.

23 Exegesis, Chapter 1: Evolution and affirmation

If we had a strong sense of community, a real feeling of support from friends and others, then we might be able to face the conflicts that rage about us. We could live in unity and strength and love. The whole process is called ‘getting your act together’. - Michael Glynn, ‘Upfront’ editorial, July 1979, p. 3.

In this chapter, I will examine the evolution of the Star’s journalism between the newspaper’s inception in July 1979 and its first report of the

NSW police raid on Club 80 in January 1983. During this period of time, narratives about ‘coming out’ dominated the Star’s content. These narratives affirmed the gay identity of Star readers and confirmed the evolution of a community of like-minded readers.

An observation by media theorist Ellie Rennie about the significance of community media aspirations provides the starting point for this chapter’s discussion about the Star’s impact on the evolution and affirmation of a gay identity and a gay community. Rennie (2006, p. 4) noted that community media is distinguished by its aspirations and motivations as much as by its methods and structures. In the context of the Star, this observation can be understood to mean that while Glynn’s status as a maverick publisher and editor meant that his newspaper’s methods and its structure were idiosyncratic, an equally distinguishing influence on the

Star’s content, and its impact on readers, was Glynn’s articulation of two very specific aspirations: the raising of gay consciousness and the building of the gay movement.

24 Gay consciousness-raising gained currency within the gay movement in

Australia and in the USA following the success of consciousness-raising for American feminists in the 1960s and the galvanising effect of the 1969

Stonewall riots.2 However, recognition of the strategy’s potential as an organising tool pre-dates both feminism and Stonewall. Homosexual activists such as Harry Hay were exposed to consciousness-raising as an organising strategy while working for the Communist Party in the 1940s.

As Hay (1995, 2012) recalls, consciousness-raising represented a breakthrough for the founding members of the Mattachine Society in

1950:

At our first discussion group, in December 1950, eighteen of us sat for two hours not really knowing what to say to one another but sensing that no one wanted to leave. At the second meeting, to break the ice, the three of us present from the five-member steering committee started the ball rolling by “coming out” to one another. After about two hours of this, it suddenly flashed on us all that just maybe we each had more in common with the others in this room, friends and newcomers alike, than we had ever had with anybody before, in all our lives! For the first time in any of our experience, we were feeling the prickling surge of collective Brotherhood. The three of us realized that by this process we’d turned a major corner in our perception of gay consciousness. People couldn’t wait for the next meeting to learn more about each other, and so about themselves through the experiences of others, and to bring a friend. The golden dream of Brotherhood was enveloping us all. Twenty years later, in the 1970s, this process would be known as “consciousness-raising raps.” But in 1951, we had not developed such concepts, let alone the words. We just knew we’d invented the organizing tool we’d been looking for.

I will pay attention in this chapter to the way in which gay consciousness- raising fused with another dominant counter-cultural trope, ‘the personal

2 The Stonewall riots in New York in July 1969 were triggered by police harassment of GLBTI patrons of the Stonewall Inn. Running battles erupted on Christopher Street as Stonewall patrons resisted police arrests, and the riots have come to mark the beginning of the modern gay rights movement.

25 is political’, to propel homosexuals to ‘come out of the closet’ and embrace a new identity as gay men. The conclusion I draw from this discussion is that the Star’s motivations and aspirations meshed with the

‘coming out’ narrative to produce a style of journalism that was similar in style and effect to the ‘personal journalism’ and ‘movement journalism’

Atton (2008, pp. 35-38) identifies as characteristic of alternative media projects.

Glynn (1979, July, p. 3) declared his aspirations in an editorial in the

Star’s second issue. “One of the main reasons for starting up this publication was to try to provide information to the Gay Community in

Sydney,” he wrote. Subsequent issues of the Star (1979, December, p. 2) included an editorial statement that claimed: “The Sydney Star is published fortnightly as a contribution to the building of the gay movement and the growth of gay consciousness.” These statements framed the Star’s editorial aspirations as simultaneously conventional and radical. The Star’s conventional aspiration to provide information to a particular readership was, in itself, unremarkable. However, in naming the

Gay Community in Sydney [not my capitals] as its audience, and in subsequently claiming to exist in order to make a contribution to the building of the gay movement and the growth of gay consciousness,

Glynn positioned the Star within an international and ‘historically persistent’ (Downing, 2001, p. v) tradition of gay newspapers and magazines published by gay activists to further the gay movement. Earlier examples included CAMP Ink, first published in Sydney in 1970 to

26 counter public ignorance about homosexuality; and ComeOut!, first published in New York in 1969 to discuss “methods and actions necessary to end our oppression” (1969, November 14, p 1).

Glynn was given to making grand claims on his own behalf and he may have overstated his case in positioning his Star as heir to titles such as

CAMP Ink and ComeOut! Certainly, there were gay activists in Sydney who viewed his motivations as commercial rather than community- focused. These perceptions were reinforced by the Star’s structure as a privately owned enterprise as opposed to the collectively run Sydney Gay

Mardi Gras. And the newspaper’s reliance on advertising revenue from sex clubs and gay venues owned by profiteers associated with Sydney’s organised crime boss, Abe Saffron (Pride History Group, 2013), left the

Star open to charges that its integrity was compromised. To further complicate matters, Glynn’s overwhelming interest in leather-men and gay clones meant that the Star’s editorial content did not evenly represent lesbians, drag queens, transsexuals or alternative gay identities.

Ultimately, these structural issues and editorial imbalances raised questions within Sydney’s gay and lesbian community about the newspaper’s claim to be raising gay-consciousness and building gay community. The divergence of opinion about Glynn’s Star points to the existence of persistent tensions over self-representation and the role of capital in a social movement whose political impulses were often anti- capitalist (Altman, 1982, p. 218).

27 Consciousness-raising

Like other social movements of the time, the gay movement was neither centrally organised nor focussed on a single, universally accepted objective. Nevertheless, there were political strategies and practices that were widespread, particularly gay consciousness-raising and coming out.

Consciousness-raising gathered momentum among gay populations in the

USA and in most western democracies in the aftermath of the Stonewall riots because it was seen to be a successful organising tool for the women’s liberation movement (Willis, 1992, p 121). Consciousness- raising enabled the participants in single-sex group discussions to come to an understanding of their systemic oppression by discussing individual experiences of oppression. Participants in these consciousness-raising groups came to see that many of their personal problems were the result of the dominant power structures that kept women – and gays – in subordinate positions. Thus the personal was political: women and gay men who shared with each other the detail of their personal experiences could come to a better awareness of their oppression as a disenfranchised group. Consciousness-raising empowered women and gay men to acknowledge their oppression and move towards a collective liberation.

Altman (1972) expressed the liberating call of the gay movement and invoked the principles of consciousness-raising by encouraging his readers to see themselves as a disenfranchised group, and quite possibly, as a ‘community’, whose shared experience of oppression carried with it the potential to mobilise as a collective force for personal as well as

28 systemic change. While speaking at a forum on sexual liberation, held at the University of Sydney in January 1972, Altman encouraged his audience to see gay liberation as having ramifications “not only for those of us who are homosexual … [but] for everyone else” because it challenged not only conventional interpretations of sexuality and sex roles but the social repression that sustained a heterosexual world view: “Gay liberation is more than the liberation of homosexuals – it is in fact the liberation of us all (Altman, 1979, p 13).”

Of critical importance was Altman’s framing of homosexual oppression and liberation as cultural phenomena. By doing so, Altman helped focus the gay movement’s attention on the importance of seizing representational power, of using whatever means were available to generate counter-narratives to the overwhelmingly negative representations of gay men that were being circulated in the US by publications such as New York, Harper’s, and Village Voice.

Print offered the gay movement an immediate opportunity to own some of this representational power. It was a relatively inexpensive and accessible form of media (compared to radio, TV or film); there was an emerging parallel economy of gay bars, clubs and bookstores that would willingly advertise in gay publications, thus providing an important revenue stream; and gay publishers could use these bars, clubs and bookstores as ready- made distribution points. Importantly, the readers of gay newspapers were generally willing and able to write and submit free content. This was true

29 for American newspapers such as ComeOut! as much as it proved to be the case for the Star. Donated editorial content not only helped keep such publications afloat, it helped ensure that the pages of these publications reflected contributors’ interests (primarily gay men who identified with the gay cultural, political, sexual and social communities coalescing in and around Oxford Street, Darlinghurst, and the inner city suburbs of

Paddington, Surry Hills and Newtown where there was a concentration of gay bars, clubs, bookstores and cafes). In this way, the publication of reader-generated narratives supported and reinforced a symbiotic relationship between the newspaper, its readers and its writers.

Coming out

The gay movement’s adoption of consciousness-raising as a mobilising strategy, together with the movement’s understanding of oppression as a cultural phenomenon, provided a framework within which the act of

‘coming out of the closet’ made perfect sense as both personally liberating and politically critical to the success of the gay movement. “To come out of the closet quintessentially expressed the fusion of the personal and the political,” according to sociologist, John D’Emilio (1983, p. 235).

When lesbians and gay men came out, they crossed a critical dividing line. They relinquished their invisibility, made themselves vulnerable to attack, and acquired an investment in the success of the [gay] movement in a way that mere adherence to a political line could never accomplish … once out of the closet, they could not easily fade back in. Coming out provided gay liberation with an army of permanent enlistees. (D’Emilio, 1983, p. 236).

This ‘army of permanent enlistees’ constituted a primary audience for gay

30 newspapers such as the Star. The encounters these enlistees had with each other and with the rest of the world were stock-in-trade, informing the

Star’s news and feature stories, its letters to the editor and its social pages.

In this way, the Star’s editorial content came to be dominated by narratives about ‘coming out’ and ‘being out’. These narratives perpetuated and reflected the belief that the personal was political, that the lives of Star readers were also sites of political activity. But as Warner

(2002, p. 34) notes, the slogan ‘the personal is political’ could be taken to mean two different things. It could be understood to mean – as it generally was in the context of consciousness-raising – that the social arrangements that structure sexuality and private life “are neither neutral nor immutable but can be seen as relations of power and subject to transformation”.

However, ‘the personal is political’ could also mean that our understanding of politics and political motivations should be personalised,

“that is, everyone’s political views should be read as expressing his or her particular, subjective interests - identities of race, class, gender and sexuality inevitably color everyone’s perspective (Warner, 2002, p. 34).”

Warner’s two definitions of ‘the personal is political’ are not necessarily contradictory. In the rest of this chapter, I wish to present a conceptual argument based on the possibility that an understanding of one’s sexuality and private life as being subject to transformation through the contestation of ‘neither neutral nor immutable’ social arrangements does not preclude us from a simultaneous understanding of politics and personal motivations as being expressions of subjective interests. If we allow these two

31 understandings to coexist, we could comprehend Glynn’s motivations and aspirations as being congruent with the desires and identities of Star readers and the gay movement’s promise of transformation.

Affirmative journalism

It is my contention that the interplay of subjectivities and social forces at work in the Star produced an expressive style that may be characterised as

‘affirmative’ journalism. The qualities of affirmative journalism are similar to the qualities of ‘personal’ or ‘movement’ journalism that Atton and Hamilton identified in alternative journalism projects including The

Washington Spectator and IF Stone’s Weekly, or in street papers such as

The Big Issue, published to raise awareness of homelessness (Atton &

Hamilton, 2008, pp. 35 - 40).

Atton and Hamilton characterise personal journalism as being a rejection of bourgeois journalism values. Personal journalism, they argue, eschews empiricism and objectivity in favour of a personal perspective. Its authority rested largely on the individual’s writing skill, the strength of their argument, and “also on the degree of brazenness of the act itself

(Atton & Hamilton, 2008, p. 35).” An example Atton and Hamilton provide to illustrate this point is that of the idiosyncratic American journalist, the self-described ‘Jeffersonian-Marxist’, Isadore (Izzy)

Feinstein Stone (1907- 1989). Stone had worked for the New York Post and The Nation but he was unemployed when he started his own newsletter, IF Stone’s Weekly, in the early 1950s. The newsletter was a

32 brazen and highly successful alternative journalism project that focused on Washington’s political machinations. Its style was driven by Stone’s personal loathing of McCarthyism and racism; and its authority rested on

Stone’s status as a Washington outsider and as a maverick publisher.

Movement journalism rejected professional journalistic principles such as empiricism and objectivity, “and instead opened the project to anyone who wished to join and contribute, in any way (Atton & Hamilton, 2008, p. 38).” Important precursors of movement journalism, according to Atton and Hamilton, were the anarchist and syndicalist labour movements of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The readerships envisaged by these movements were dispersed and mobile, but the expressive style associated with movement journalism nevertheless aspired to bring its readers together to form novel kinds of hybrid associations, a kind of ‘communal individuality’ (Atton & Hamilton, 2008, p. 38).

There are clear links between Glynn’s Star and the characteristics of personal and movement journalism. One example is provided by Glynn’s open invitation to readers to contribute to the newspaper:

Our editorial policy is to print all letters received by our office. Our only requirement is that the writers are bona fide, that they exist as real people. To this end we require sender’s name, address and telephone contact number to verify. In the past (and, we expect, in the future) the letters column has caused some people to become upset. We feel that access to the people, by the people is an important part of our service to the community. We base our editorial policy on this premise (Glynn, 1982, December, p. 3).

A more nuanced understanding of the Star’s expressive style emerges when we consider the degree of inter-connectivity between Glynn, the

33 Star, and its readers and writers. In her consideration of J.F Archibald’s

The Bulletin (1880 – 2008), the Australian historian and cultural critic,

Sylvia Lawson (1987, pp. 333 – 334) uses the term ‘intimate entanglement’ to describe the complex relationships between readers of the Bulletin and its founding editor, Jules François Archibald. “How far do the prejudices of readerships and audiences determine editorial policy choices, how far does it work the other way around?” Lawson asks. “One thing the early Bulletin showed, with spectacular force, was the intimate entangling of the newspaper with its readers and writers; it was so much the work of a population that you can credit or blame them all.”

Lawson’s concept of ‘intimate entanglement’ resonates with Warner’s deliberately ambiguous definition of ‘the personal is political’. Together, they provide a frame of reference that enables me to describe the Star and its journalism as an intimate expression of its editor’s and readers’ aspirations, motivations and desires. Further, this intimate expression was in turn deeply entangled with the dispersed social and political objectives of the gay liberation movement.

Earlier in this chapter, I noted that the gay movement lacked a single, universally accepted objective. But it did have a widely accepted call to action, which was the act of coming out. This call to action provided the gay movement and its ‘army of enlistees’ with a shared narrative that was at once intimate and personal, and simultaneously political and transformative. And here is the bridge to what I characterise as

34 ‘affirmative journalism’. In publishing and circulating stories about coming out, the Star and other gay newspapers gave expression to a journalistic style that was a hybrid of personal and movement journalism.

I call it affirmative journalism because it eschewed objectivity and empiricism in favour of a personal perspective and it affirmed the lives of those who had accepted the gay movement’s call to action. Two examples of the Star’s affirmative journalism follow. The first example is from a

Star editorial, published in December 1979. It addressed those readers who stepped into and out of the gay world without publicly declaring their sexuality:

With the churches clamouring for harsher penalties and organizations such as the Festival of Light gathering the forces of ignorance we cannot sit idly by, enjoying ourselves in the bars and baths and clubs, thinking that we are forever immune. The people who get together in their various social clubs in the suburbs may have even more of a responsibility in this regard. You have a more advantageous situation to overcome the ignorance and fear that most people live with. It may be time for you to ‘come out’ and support the human rights that we all so desperately need and want (Glynn, 1979, December, p. 3).

The second example of the Star’s affirmative journalism is from a full- page feature story published under the headline ‘Gay Life – Be In It!’:

I think I was very lucky when my own crisis point hit. I rang one of those homosexual counselling services, the number of which I had seen written on the wall of a train. Through this phone call I met a guy that is now a pretty special friend. He stood by me, and helped me when he could during my entire metamorphosis, even when I tried to destroy our relationship. He has been through a lot of different roles to suit my needs. He has been my surrogate father, brother, helper, lover, confidante and, finally, my friend. Without him, I would probably not have made it through at all…

Since then, I’ve been going from strength to strength, although I’m not over the battle completely (is anyone?). It took me a long time to find acceptance for what I am, and to actually accept myself as both a homosexual and an individual. I have realised that with a little courage

35 and optimism, the homosexual lifestyle is a great way of life – I wouldn’t change for anything!

If you are going through the traumas of accepting your sexuality, remember we’ve all been there and will help you as much as we can, but you’ve got to take that first step. It’s hard but believe me it’s worth it (“Gay life, be in it”, 1981).

In Narrating The Self, Elinor Ochs and Lisa Capps (1996, pp. 19 – 43) highlight some of the primary functions of narrative, particularly narratives of self, and the ways in which multiple tellings of a single story can eventually compose a life. Their conceptual analysis of the techniques involved in narratives of self can be usefully applied to the Star’s ‘coming out’ stories cited in this chapter, particularly in relation to the ordering effects of chronology, the role of interlocutors, and the cumulative effects of multiple tellings of what is essentially the same story.

The young man who shared his ‘coming out’ story in ‘Gay Life – Be In

It!’ gave Star readers a chronological account of his experience, transforming the emotional confusion and uncertainty associated with

‘coming out’ into a sequence of events that had an orderly and coherent progression. This retrospective ordering of events allows the narrator to evoke ‘shifting and enduring perspectives on experience’ (Ochs and

Capps, 1996, p. 20). The narrator, for example, could recognise that he was ‘lucky’ with the timing of his identity crisis because he’d had the foresight to earlier record the telephone number of a homosexual counselling service he’d seen scrawled on a train carriage.

The narrator’s claim to have written down a phone number scrawled on a

36 train carriage is unverifiable. What matters is that both parties in this story, the narrator and the reader, understand that the narrative represents a version of a shared experience. Details of the story may change each time a Star reader or writer comes out but this is because the act of coming out is situational, and repetitive (most homosexuals and lesbians come out repeatedly over the course of a life, whenever they meet new friends, change jobs, move house, complete legal documents, undergo medical treatment, or go on holiday). The real importance of the coming out narrative is that the repeated tellings of the story situates the narrator and the reader at what Ochs and Capps (Ochs and Capps, 1996, p. 22) identify as the nexus of a collection of past, present and possible future experiences:

Spinning out their tellings through choice of words, degree of elaboration, attribution of causality and sequentiality, and the foregrounding and backgrounding of emotions, circumstances and behaviour, narrators build novel understandings of themselves-in-the- word. In this manner, selves evolve in the time frame of a single telling as well as in the course of the many tellings that eventually compose a life.

Multiple point of views are introduced into the ‘Gay Life – Be In It! story through the narrator’s description of his friend, whom he says had several interlocutor roles: “he has been my surrogate father, brother, helper, lover, confidante and, finally, my friend.” These interlocutory roles provide a window into the narrative, allowing readers to imagine for themselves several possible responses for each interlocutory point of view. Would a father accept or reject his son’s ‘coming out’? What counsel would a brother or sister offer? Will the narrator’s emotional turmoil be calmed in his lover’s embrace? How much of my true self would I reveal to a

37 confidante? And when all is said and done, would this confidante remain my friend or turn away in disgust? These are the questions homosexuals learn to ask before coming out; and each re-telling of the coming out story is a personal contribution to a collective biography of the gay experience.

It can be argued that the Star’s intimate entanglement with its readers and writers and its expressive style of affirmative journalism amounted to uncritical and unproductive activities. Similar criticism has been levelled against other types of community media, including ethnic radio, based on a reading of community media as an enclosing discussion between community members rather than an enriching discussion between community members and ‘outsiders’. Australian academic Andrew

Jakubowicz (1989, p. 111), for example, has criticised the multicultural

SBS Radio for broadcasting programs that become “avenues for the propagation of the ‘imagined communities’ of the immigrants – strange, limited, partial expressions of their experience.” Certainly, the Star’s publication of coming out narratives was uncritical.

Equally certainly, the expressive style that I have characterised as affirmative journalism propagated an ‘imagined community’ of empowered gay and lesbian citizens. The Star’s affirmative journalism was neither objective nor agenda-free. But this does not mean the newspaper was a dead-end project. Instead, there were political outcomes implicit in the Star’s publication of stories and editorials that endorsed the act of coming out as fundamental to gay identity and as a necessary

38 precursor to joining the gay community. These stories constituted a form of consciousness-raising, the editorial equivalent of the slogan Eve

Sedgwick (1990, p. 4) noticed printed on a T-shirt at a gay rally in New

York: “I am out, therefore I am”.

I will explore the political outcomes implicit in this statement in the following chapter. I will argue that the Star’s affirmative journalism established a community of readers and writers that understood themselves not only to be out, but entitled to make claims for themselves as homosexual citizens. I will discuss the ways in which the Star’s affirmation of gay identity empowered these like-minded readers to mobilise against the state’s criminalisation of homosexual activity.

Conclusion

In this chapter, I focussed on the conditions and practices that led to the evolution of the Star’s expressive style. I have called this expressive style

‘affirmative journalism’ and I have linked the evolution of affirmative journalism to the Star’s aspirations and motivations, and the way these intersected with gay consciousness-raising, coming out, and understandings of ‘the personal is political’. I have argued in this chapter that the Star’s uncritical amplification of personal stories about coming out constituted a set of strategic counter-narratives to the outside world’s condemnation of gay and lesbian lives. So although the Star’s affirmative journalism ran counter to the conventions of mainstream reporting, it was consistent with the newspaper’s aspirations and motivations. As we will see in the next chapter, it was also politically effective.

39 Exegesis, chapter 2: Sexual citizenship and the public sphere

This chapter will discuss the ways in which the Star, once it affirmed its readers’ decision to ‘come out’ as gay or lesbian, encouraged these readers to lay claim to rights as sexual citizens in the public sphere. The newspaper did this by publishing stories that articulated readers’ demands for sexual freedom, for an end to the state’s crimimalisation of homosexuality, and for equal access to state-sponsored employment, housing and welfare services. This process had significant social and legal impact. Lesbians and gay men, together with their supporters, secured amendments to the Anti-Discrimination Act so that employers and service providers could no longer discriminate on the grounds of sexuality. Of even more significance was the 1984 decision by the NSW State

Parliament to remove homosexuality from the Crimes Act. These legislative changes were the result of an extended campaign in the public sphere by lesbian and gay men who demanded that their legal status, as homosexual citizens, should be equal to the legal status afforded their heterosexual counterparts (Kirby, 2005; Wotherspoon, 2013). These changes did not go through unopposed. Most mainstream churches mobilised against homosexual law reform, managing to secure their exemption from the Anti-Discrimination Act. Nevertheless, the broad success of the homosexual law reform campaign consolidated the gay and lesbian community’s position as a political, social, sexual, economic and spiritual entity with associated citizenship rights in the public and private spheres.

40

There are two theoretical concepts that are critical to this discussion: the public sphere and the notion of sexual citizenship. I will use Diane

Richardson (2000), Jeffrey Weeks (1998), David Evans (1993) and Ken

Plummer (1995) to articulate what is meant by sexual citizenship and how being ‘out’ as a gay or lesbian reader of the Star empowered such audiences to pursue claims to a level of citizenship previously denied to homosexuals. I will also use Craig Calhoun (1992), Nancy Fraser (1992) and Michael Warner (1992) to examine the impact of the Star in terms of its contribution to producing and maintaining a counterpublic whose inhabitants were increasingly made aware of the discursive connections among themselves, at the same time as they were made increasingly aware of the discursive connections between themselves and those who owned and occupied the public sphere.

The conceptual framework provided by sexual citizenship and the public sphere provides an opportunity to measure and assess the Star’s impact by looking at the newspaper’s mobilisation of support for homosexual law reform as well as its mobilisation of opposition to the policing of private sexual activity. The Star’s production and circulation of stories in relation to the Anti-Discrimination Act and the Crimes Act illustrate ways in which the newspaper helped transform its readers’ understanding of themselves and the implications of the public rendering of their sexuality. The discourse generated by these stories encouraged Star readers to question the utility of boundaries between the private and public spheres, as well as

41 question the exclusions that underpin citizenship. In short, the conceptual framework provided by sexual citizenship and the public sphere enables us to understand the significance of the Star’s role in publishing what

Weeks (1998) calls “new stories” about gay and lesbian lives. The significance of Weeks’ observation is this: “new stories” about ways of being in the world as out and proud gay men and lesbians had as their corollary gay and lesbian demands for social inclusion and legal equality.

Sexual citizenship

Citizenship, Richardson (2000) notes, is a contested concept. The discourse of citizenship initially focussed on three core components

(Marshall, 1950): civil or legal rights, political rights, and social rights.

Historically, the privileges attached to citizenship have belonged to white, heterosexual and able-bodied men by virtue of their status as the ‘natural’ owner/occupiers of the bourgeois public sphere. But when women argued their case for the right to vote, and later, for their right to sexual pleasure and birth control, it became possible to understand citizenship as a gendered concept. Similarly, the social and political exclusion of people based on the colour of their skin raised further questions about citizenship as a racialised concept. And when gay men and lesbians began to claim legal and social equality, it became clear that a previously un-stated condition of citizenship was heterosexuality. The realisation, therefore, that citizenship operated as a gendered, racialised and sexualised concept was a critical step towards achieving social change for women, blacks and gays.

42

Both Richardson and Weeks provide useful definitions of sexual citizenship. Richardson (2000, pp. 106 - 123) conceptualises sexual citizenship as having three sources: it arises from sexual activity or practice, from sexual identity, and from same-sex relationships. She identifies a suite of citizenship rights, or claims, that are associated with each of these categories. Age of consent legislation, for example, is a legislative response to sexual activity. So too is legislation such as

Britain’s 1967 Sexual Offences Act, which decriminalised homosexual sex between consenting adults, providing such acts took place in private.

Richardson associates rights of a different nature with publicly declared gay or lesbian sexual identities. These include the right to freedom from discrimination and the right to representation in government and community institutions. Richardson then associates a third group of rights and claims with same-sex relationships. These include rights to marriage or the legal recognition of same-sex couples.

Weeks sees the sexual citizen as someone who straddles the public/private divide. Male or female, young or old, black or white, rich or poor, straight or gay: the sexual citizen exists, Weeks says, because of the primacy given to sexual subjectivity in the contemporary world:

Even 30 years or so ago, no one would have said, for example, ‘I am gay/lesbian’ or ‘sadomasochist’, or ‘transgendered’ or ‘queer’ or anything like that as a defining characteristic of personhood… [yet ] today, at least in the metropolitan heartlands of Western societies, it is commonplace for many previously marginalised people – those belonging to sexual minorities – to define themselves both in terms of personal and collective identities, and to claim recognition, rights and respect as a consequence (Weeks, 1998, pp. 35 - 36).

43

These definitions of sexual citizenship resonate with the conceptualisations put forward by Evans (1993) and Plummer (1995).

Evans’ imagination of sexual citizenship is similar to Richardson’s in that it draws attention to the ways in which civil, political and social institutions regulate degrees of citizenship. Laws that regulate sex and sexuality, for example, have conferred either criminality or legitimacy on consenting sex between adults of the same or opposite gender. These laws, in turn, have underwritten police intervention (or lack thereof) in the private and public spheres. The values embedded in these laws are reinforced by the moral discourse circulated by church and state, as well as by mainstream media and other cultural forms, affirming the ‘rightness’ or ‘normality’ of heterosexuality. This is what Warner (2002) identifies as heterosexuality’s ‘taken-for-grantedness’, and it is this ‘taken-for- grantedness’, or heteronormativity, that underpins the sexualised notions of traditional citizenship. Because homosexual identities, homosexual activity, and homosexual relationships could be positioned as ‘immoral’ and ‘wrong’, and therefore outside the moral and legal domain of the public sphere, they could quite easily be excluded from the realm of traditional citizenship. (Evans, 1993, p. 63).

A conceptual variation on the idea of sexual citizenship is the notion of intimate citizenship. For Plummer (1995, p. 150) the idea of intimate citizenship arises from a ‘community of stories’. These stories articulate a

44 citizenship that is defined by virtue of shared emotional and physical intimacies:

Rights and responsibilities are not ‘natural’ or ‘inalienable’ but have to be invented through human activities, and built into the notions of communities, citizenship and identities. Rights and responsibilities depend upon a community of stories which make those same rights plausible and possible. They accrue to people whose identities flow out of the self-same communities. Thus it is only as lesbian and gay communities started to develop… that stories around a new kind of citizenship became more and more plausible (Plummer, 1995, p. 150).

Plummer conceptualises ‘intimate citizenship’ as emerging from a network of new personal narratives about such things as ways of living, ways of constructing families, ways of thinking about bodies and identities, and new modes of the erotic. Intimate citizenship is “a loose term which comes to designate a field of stories, an array of tellings, out of which new lives, new communities and new politics may emerge”

(Plummer, 1995, p. 152).

Public and private spheres

The conceptualisation of the sexual citizen is intimately connected with the conceptualisation of the public sphere because the former are contested inhabitants of the latter. The idea of the public sphere, according to Fraser (1992, p. 110), is a conceptual resource that designates a theatre in which political participation is enacted through the medium of talk.

Fraser extends her definition of the public sphere by describing it as a space in which citizens not only participate in politics, but also deliberate about their common affairs. This space is conceptually distinct from the state, she says, because it is a space in which discourses critical of the

45 state can be produced and circulated.

Like the traditional concept of citizenship, the public sphere was both gendered and sexualised because it distanced itself from the so-called private spheres of family, domestic life and sex. But the same pressures that transformed notions of citizenship were also brought to bear on notions of the public sphere. Men and women who refused to stay private about their sexuality did so in the knowledge that being ‘out’ as gay men and lesbians was a necessary precursor to claiming social and political rights as sexual citizens. As Richardson notes, there is a paradox at the heart of lesbian and gay politics over the past 40 years because the impetus towards ‘coming out’ and publicly declaring oneself to be gay or lesbian is less about the right to privacy than about the right not to have to be private. The paradox is that “through claiming rights to the public sphere … lesbians and gay men have sought to protect the possibilities of having private lives of their own choosing” (Richardson, 2000, p. 121).

The paradox of using the public sphere to argue for the right to a private life of one’s own choosing acknowledges the power of public discourse as a force for political and social change. Although there is insufficient space within the scope of this chapter for an extended analysis of the public sphere theories of Jurgen Habermas (1962/1991), I wish to introduce Calhoun, Fraser and Warner into this discussion because their interpretations of Habermas and the public sphere address salient issues in this exegesis: identity and belonging, and the emancipatory potential of

46 alternative public discourse as a way to create and sustain a counterpublic.

Notions of transformation and transgression, raised by Weeks, alert us not only to the flexibility of the boundaries between public and private spheres but to the increasing mobility of public and private sphere inhabitants. The fact that gay and lesbian citizens can exist as hybrid beings, to use Weeks’ terminology, enables analyses of the public sphere to acknowledge the existence of multiple publics, and multiple discourses, that may be organised around issues, categories, or persons:

There is thus a sort of feminist public sphere, or counterpublic, and we must ask not just on what thematic content it focuses but also how it is internally organised, how it maintains its boundaries … and whether its separate existence reflects merely sectional interests, some functional division of labor, or a felt need for bulwarks against the hegemony of a dominant ideology (Calhoun, 1992, p. 38).

Fraser explores the existence of multiple publics by contesting the assumption that there was a single public sphere in the first place.

Drawing on historical research by Mary Ryan (1990) into ways in which pre-suffrage women participated in American public life, Fraser makes the point that the bourgeois public sphere was never the only public sphere, and that “there arose a host of competing counterpublics, including nationalist publics, popular peasant publics, elite women’s publics, and working-class publics” (Fraser, 1992, p. 116). These counterpublics enabled the circulation of discourses that contested what

Fraser calls the exclusionary norms of the bourgeois public, “elaborating alternative styles of political behaviour, and alternative norms of public speech” (Fraser, 1992, p. 116). Bourgeois publics despised these

47 alternatives and sought to block the appearance of alternative discourse in the public sphere. The net effect is a plurality of publics in conflict.

Having established plurality and conflict as components of public sphere imaginings, Fraser cites women, lesbians and gays as examples of subordinated social groups that have repeatedly found it advantageous to constitute alternative publics (or subaltern counterpublics). These alternative publics act as discursive arenas in which members invent and circulate a counterdiscourse. The self-representation required of this process allows members of alternative publics to articulate their own interpretations of their identities, interests and needs (Fraser, 1992, p.

123).

Calhoun (1992, p. 34) identifies the transformative potential of public discourse through its “world-disclosing” activity. He also argues that the point of the public sphere lies in its potential as a mode of societal integration. Public discourse, or “communicative action”, is a possible mode of coordination of human life, just as state power and market economies are modes of coordination of human activities. Calhoun cites the intimate involvement of print media in the extension of market economies beyond local arenas as an example of discursive power

(Calhoun, 1992, pp. 8 - 35).

Calhoun’s observation about print media’s involvement in the extension of market economies, together with Fraser’s articulation of the feminist

48 counterpublic, resonates with the role Glynn’s Star played in Sydney’s gay and lesbian community. This community had its own market economy (bookstores, nightclubs and cafes), its own social and sexual spheres (suburban social clubs, bars and saunas), a political platform

(homosexual law reform, and campaigns for representation on councils as well as in parliaments) and a spiritual dimension (through support groups such as Acceptance and Dignity, which operated within mainstream religions, as well as the newly-established Metropolitan Community

Church). If we consider these spheres as what might be called ‘intimate economies’ of social, political, sexual and spiritual activity, we can understand the Star as both a producer and distributor of discursive power through its publication and circulation of intimate stories about aspects of previously hidden gay and lesbian lives. In this way, the Star was deeply involved in the extension of gay and lesbian economies because it propagated and strengthened discursive connections between readers, helped redefine the issues and identities associated with the citizenship of these readers, and encouraged and supported its readers to claim rights in the public sphere.

Homosexual law reform

From its inception in 1788, the colony of NSW, and later the State of

NSW, imposed legal penalties on homosexuality. Under sections 79, 80 and 81 of the NSW Crimes Act, a man could be sentenced to a maximum of 14 years in prison if convicted of the crime of buggery. Male citizens in

NSW also faced a 14-year prison term if convicted of the crime of

49 soliciting another man to commit with him any kind of consenting sexual activity. The law was actively policed. On average, 100 men were prosecuted in NSW each year (Watson, 1981) until the Crimes Act was repealed in 1984.

Successful police prosecutions of gay men in NSW for offences ranging from kissing in public through to ‘scandalous conduct’ and attempted sodomy placed homosexual law reform at the top of the agenda for the

Gay Rights Lobby (GRL), which was established in Sydney in the early

1980s. The GRL was not the first homosexual organisation to take up law reform as an important issue. John Ware and Christabel Poll announced the establishment of CAMP (Campaign Against Moral Persecution) in

September 1970 in part to counter negative portrayals of homosexuals and to campaign for law reform (French, 2010). But the establishment of the

GRL and its articulation of a law reform agenda in 1981 was nevertheless newsworthy for the Star. “The law must apply equally and identically to heterosexual, lesbian and male homosexual acts,” the Gay Rights Lobby declared on the front page of the Star (“Full equality, nothing less”, 1981, p.1), together with a list of reform claims that included:

1. Equal age of consent for homosexuals, lesbians and heterosexuals 2. Equal application of laws on public sexual acts 3. Equal freedom of association 4. Equal application of laws on sexual assault.

In addition to promoting the Gay Rights Lobby agenda, the Star frequently published stories on its front page, highlighting the state’s persecution of homosexuals. The newspaper published news reports of

50 absurd police prosecutions such as the one against Robert Lovett, who was arrested at a gay disco called Flo’s Palace after an off-duty police officer saw him kissing another man (“Man charged with kissing in public”, 1981); and the arrest by Darlinghurst Police of two men who were dancing together at another popular gay disco, Cappriccios (“Two men arrested at Caps”, 1982).

In many ways, the homosexual law reform campaign was Glynn’s window of opportunity, a chance not just to chronicle an unfolding story but also to position the Star as an advocate for change. Unlike the Gay

Mardi Gras, which Glynn initially opposed, the campaign for law reform received Glynn’s immediate support. The Star willingly published page after page of contributions from law reform campaigners, who spoke frequently and eloquently about ideals that Glynn himself embraced: freedom, equality, justice and pride.

In October 1982, the Star reported a small victory on the long road to law reform. The NSW Ombudsman had upheld complaints against the NSW police from two gay men who had been enjoying a drink at the Bottoms

Up Bar in Kings Cross. Police had arrested the men, invoking the

Intoxicated Persons Act to detain them ‘for their own protection’. The

Ombudsman found the action contrary to law, unreasonable and unjust

(“Unlawful Detention”, 1982). There had been other small wins, too. In

1979, police laid charges of offensive behaviour against two lesbians after

51 they were arrested for kissing in Sydney’s Hyde Park. Those charges were dismissed.

But it was Virginia Bell,3 then a young solicitor at the Redfern Legal

Centre, who pointed out a problem with the law reform campaign. Bell was one of several speakers who addressed a forum on homosexual law reform in June 1981 (Watson, 1981). The repeal of the law regarding homosexuality may be a moral victory, she warned, but not a pragmatic one because the police would continue to use other laws such as the

Offences in Public Places Act, the Intoxicated Persons Act and the

Disorderly Houses Act to control the ‘homosexual problem’.

Glynn breathed life into the reality of prosecutions under the NSW Crimes

Act by publishing in the Star his interview with a man called Paul Taylor, who was convicted and jailed for 12 months on charges of gross indecency and sodomy after he was caught having consenting sex with another adult male. Glynn’s interview with Taylor (1983, November 4) received front-page treatment in the Star, under the headline ‘Behind

Bars: 2 years in Gaol for Sex in Private’.

3 Virgina Bell marched in the first Sydney Mardi Gras, in 1978. Together with the late John Terry, she provided legal defence for the 53 people arrested that evening. She went on to protest the charges and continued police harrasment of lesbians and gay men, and Indigenous people, under the NSW Summary Offences Act. She served 10 years on the NSW Supreme Court before being appointed a High Court justice, replacing Justice Michael Kirby (Australia’s first openly gay High Court judge).

52 Parliamentary debates, political strategies and government manoeuvring on homosexual law reform received saturation coverage in the Star throughout the early ’80s. There was plenty to say. In 1981, the NSW

Member for Kembla, George Petersen, introduced a bill into the NSW

Legislative Assembly to decriminalise homosexual activity but several

Labor ministers crossed the floor to vote with the Opposition, rejecting the Petersen Bill by 67 to 28.

The Star led its coverage of the Petersen vote with the banner headline,

‘SHAME!’ (1981, April 10), accompanying a photo of Petersen addressing a rally outside Parliament House. The newspaper reported on the parliamentary session dealing with the Crimes (Sexual Assault)

Amendment Bill and the fact that Petersen had been ruled out of order when he tried to move an amendment. Glynn’s excoriating front-page editorial demanded to know:

How could this have been allowed to happen? Why did this contemptible evasion of responsibility succeed? The answer is clear. Gay apathy.

A curious anomaly existed in NSW at the time of the homosexual law reform campaign. The Wran Labor Government, in late 1982, introduced a bill to amend the state’s Anti-Discrimination Act so that it would include homosexuality. The proposed amendment was a response to the publication earlier that year of an Anti-Discrimination Board (ADB) report, Discrimination and Homosexuality. The ADB report detailed fundamental and persistent discrimination against gay men, using case studies and other information provided by Star readers, who had been

53 encouraged by the newspaper to provide the ADB with details of their own experiences (“Anti-Discrimination Board report closer”, 1982).

When Premier Wran introduced his bill to amend the Anti-Discrimination

Act to Parliament in November 1982, the Star’s front-page reported that the Premier referred to the ADB’s findings of systemic discrimination and

“drew on the arguments presented in a stream of letters to Cabinet

Ministers and MPs sent by gay organisations to support the legislation”.

According to this Star report (“Wran introduces Bill – opposing forces gather”, 1982):

The gay community can be pleased to be on the verge of a major success; the recognition of our human rights. However, the opposing forces are strong and may even yet succeed in swaying public opinion. We should all show strong support for the proposed legislation as a counter to their efforts. The rally organised by various gay organisations for 23 November at 12.30pm outside Parliament House should be strongly attended. For Further information: Barr Charles, 270 1131 or Robert French, 331 4531.

The NSW Parliament passed Wran’s amendments to the Anti-

Discrimination Act in late 1982, making it unlawful to discriminate against homosexuals in the areas of employment, public education, accommodation, registered clubs, and the provision of goods and services.

A degree of citizenship had been established for the state’s gay population, but the criminal status of homosexuals under the Crimes Act remained intact. Gay men in NSW had cause to celebrate and cause for despair: they were entitled to the state’s protection, in the public sphere, from discrimination on the grounds of their homosexuality, yet they were subject to police prosecution should they express their sexuality in private with another consenting adult. Additional complications flowed from the

54 exemptions to the Anti-Discrimination Act granted to religious organisations, private educational institutions, and businesses with less than six employees. These exemptions meant that gay men were only partially protected by the Anti-Discrimination Act; their status as sexual citizens partially confirmed within some, but not all areas of the public sphere.

In response to being considered illegal in the private sphere but entitled to limited protections in the public sphere, the Star and its readers pursued a logic of inversion (perhaps a logic of perversion), making the private performance of ‘immoral’ homosexuality a public matter so that the state’s regulation of intimacy could be witnessed in the public sphere.

This was not a new strategy. As discussed in the previous chapter of this exegesis, proponents of gay liberation and ‘coming out’ had pursued similar tactics throughout the 1970s, arguing that public declaration of homosexual intimacy was the only way to end the silence, shame and stigma that otherwise surrounded homosexual lives. This shift from the private to the public sphere was a critical development in the history of the gay movement, and it is a shift in which the Star was intimately involved, as the following example demonstrates.

The Star published a photograph on the front page of its 19 November

1982 issue that perfectly juxtaposed the public and the private spheres while simultaneously mobilising a set of discourses about the ‘natural’ and the ‘unnatural’. The photo shows two men protesting at a Festival of

55 Light4 rally outside the NSW Parliament House. The men are standing on a milk crate or a wooden box, and are head and shoulders above the crowd. They have their backs to the legislators in Parliament and are instead facing outwards, toward the public and the media. One of the protesters is a member of the Sisters of Perpetual Indulgence.5 He wears a

Roman Catholic nun’s habit. His fellow protester wears a T-shirt and jeans, and carries a placard accusing the Festival of Light leader, the

Reverend Fred Nile, of being a ‘hero of the anti-sodomy struggle’, along with [Jerry] Falwell, Stalin and Hitler. The unknown photographer captures these men kissing, mouth-to-mouth. The photo’s caption reads:

“Our men… doing what comes naturally at the Festival of Light rally.” It is a moment of absolute narrative clarity that frames, literally and metaphorically, the perpetual contest between the homosexual citizen, church and state.

The campaigning that took place in support of, and in opposition to, the proposed amendment of the Anti-Discrimination Act relied on two sets of competing discourses. Advocates for change relied on a rights-based discourse that presented homosexuals as sexual citizens; while opponents of change relied on a discourse that had sustained centuries of oppression, namely, that homosexuality was a dangerous threat to the natural, heterosexual order of the public sphere. A Festival of Light leaflet

4 The Festival of Light is a conservative religious organisation, led by the Reverend Fred Nile. It opposes legal recognition of homosexuals because of the threat this poses to Christian and family values. 5 The Sisters of Perpetual Indulgence are a ‘religious’ order established by gay men in San Francisco. The sisters’ mission is to promulgate universal joy, expiate stigmatic guilt and serve the gay community.

56 distributed to members of parliament and quoted in the Star urged legislators to protect “the 90% of the community who are heterosexual” from the “hazards of homosexuality” (“Gays a protected species?” 1982).

Members of Parliament who sympathised with this discourse, including the member for Oxley, the Honourable J.H. Brown, elaborated further on the hazards of homosexuality, advising in a letter sent to the Gay Rights

Lobby (and subsequently quoted in the Star) that he would “constantly work to ensure that this abhorrent and filthy practice does not receive legislative backing” (“Gays a protected species?” 1982).

Parliamentary records reflected a similar discourse. A “humble petition” presented to the Legislative Assembly by Messers Gabb and Gordon on 8

March 1983 advised MPs that legalisation or decriminalisation “of these so-called victimless crimes would imply community approval and acceptance of these unnatural acts, and would encourage public solicitation of adults and particularly children in leisure and recreational areas, as well as in schools and other educational institutions”. Lest

Parliament be in any doubt about the nature of homosexual sex, the petitioners reminded MPS that sodomy was “un-healthy, unnatural, abnormal and immoral” as well as “anti-Jewish” and “anti-Christian”

(Distinguished visitors – petitions, 1983).

The pro-amendment discourse, endorsed and circulated by the Star, framed the anti-discrimination campaign as the extension of democratic rights to the disenfranchised. The Star published a form letter to MPs on

57 the front page of its 5 November 1982 edition, stating simply that the proposed legislation was “one very important step to affirm the democratic rights of homosexuals” (“Anti-discrimination law likely soon”, 1982). Star readers were encouraged to put their name and address to this letter and send it to their local member of parliament. The circulation of print-mediated discourses about the threat of homosexuality versus the rights of the homosexual citizen mobilised Star readers in relation to both the Anti-Discrimination Act and the the Crimes Act. In

April 1981, an estimated 800 homosexuals and their supporters gathered outside Parliament House in support of homosexual law reform. This rally, and subsequent protests called by the Gay Rights Lobby and other activists groups such as the Homosexual Law Reform Coalition (HLRC) were well publicised by the Star.

In February 1982, the Labor MP and future NSW premier, Barrie

Unsworth, put forward a Crimes (Homosexual Behaviour) Amendment

Bill in an attempt to resolve the impasse over the Crimes Act. Unsworth sought to decriminalise sex between adult males, in private, but maintain the offence of buggery and gross indecency, with prison sentences of seven years and two years, respectively. Gay saunas and other homosexual venues were not considered private places under Unsworth’s proposal.

An extraordinarily detailed four-page ‘special report’, entitled Sodomy on the Hill and Politics in the House (Johnston, 1982) dominated the Star’s

58 26 February 1982 issue. “The confinement of homosexuals to a closet, and now to a bedroom, is the very opposite of gay liberation,” the report’s author, Craig Johnston, declared.

Johnston likened the Unsworth proposal to Britain’s Sexual Offences Act of 1967, mentioned earlier in this chapter. This Act legalised some homosexual practices in private while it increased regulation in other areas. The Unsworth Bill was understood by Johnston and presented to

Star readers as both an ‘instrument’ and a ‘symbol’ of state oppression

[Johnston’s italics]. Johnston concluded his four-page special report to

Star readers by making a claim for ‘social power’ over the authority of the state. He located this power as a collective homosexual force that could, and would, be increased as it was exercised. Johnston’s report re-stated the intimate narrative captured by the Star’s photograph of two men kissing at a Festival of Light rally. That sentiment may be summarised as

‘gay pride’, which in effect is a 1980s re-expression of gay liberation. The sentiment amounts to a refusal to internalise anti-gay discourse or accept hierarchies of citizenship:

Anti-homosexual laws can be opposed in law (though Parliament) and in politics (in our lives, in the streets). Ultimately, it’s the social power we ourselves have which will determine our freedom. Even if we haven’t got enough yet to achieve full decriminalization under this current NSW Parliament we are still on the way up. All stops must be pulled to do everything to have the Unsworth Bill defeated – in the [Legislative] Assembly, in the [Legislative] Council, in the streets. We must do this in the serious and persistent way we have worked on this issue over the past year. It’s no use abusing our friends, or our enemies. One of our strongest weapons is our dignity and pride in being gay. Because, let’s face it, we’re not the problem. They are (Johnston, 1982).

59 Conclusion

The campaign for homosexual law reform in NSW was waged in the streets, in the media and in Parliament, and it relied on the articulation of a discourse that presented homosexuals as citizens whose democratic rights were unmet. The campaign in NSW did not happen in isolation from other Australian states, but was instead part of a nation-wide push for reform that had its first success in South Australia in 1972 (Bull, Pinto

& Wilson, 1991). The Star mobilised its readers in support of this campaign. The newspaper published stories about successful prosecutions of gay men who were charged with offences under the Crimes Act, as well as letters to the editor, opinion pieces, and front-page items encouraging readers to participate in protest rallies or Anti-Discrimination Board investigations. Extended analyses such as Johnston’s special report on the

Unsworth Bill, together with front-page photographs such as the one taken of the Festival of Light protesters, amounted to a steady accretion of discourse in the Star, framing law reform as a citizenship issue. The newspaper’s readers were encouraged to see themselves as sexual citizens with civil, political and social rights. Furthermore, the Star embedded in its editorial coverage precise details of how readers could participate in the homosexual law reform campaigns. Readers were informed about where to send their financial donations, what politicians they should write to, and the whereabouts of protest rallies. Thus the Star operated not only as a site of resistance to hegemonic narratives about sex and citizenship, but also as a publisher of what James Lemert (1977) identifies as

“mobilising information”.

60

The NSW Parliament eventually reformed the Crimes Act in 1984 for several reasons, one of which is the success of the homosexual law reform movement in gaining support for change from liberal opinion-makers as well as from within gay, lesbian and mainstream communities. The governing, Catholic-dominated Labor Party did not necessarily want to endorse the concept of homosexual citizenship but it could no longer justify its refusal to grant legal recognition to its homosexual citizens, given the legal anomaly that existed between the Crimes Act and the amended Anti-Discrimination Act. Premier Neville Wran found himself under increasing pressure to reform the law, and at the very least, the success of the homosexual law reform campaign represented a defeat of conservative, orthodox and homophobic morality. It did not put an end to inequality but it advanced the legitimacy of homosexual claims to citizenship and gave Sydney’s homosexuals – and the Star – a sense of their capacity to mobilise as a community to achieve systemic change

(Johnston, 1982; 1991).

This chapter has discussed the Star and its impact on Sydney’s gay and lesbian community with reference to sexual citizenship and the public sphere. I argued in this chapter that the Star, in publishing intimate stories about the previously private lives of gay and lesbian readers, and by using a language and a style characterised in the previous chapter of this exegesis as ‘affirmative journalism’, articulated readers’ demands for equality and sexual freedom in the public sphere. The Star’s circulation

61 and amplification of these demands helped the gay and lesbian community achieve legislative reform and social change. Legal and political battles between the homosexual citizen and the state continued throughout the following decades.

Extended battles were waged on issues such as equal age of consent and the legal recognition of same-sex relationships. However, no one expected at the beginning of the homosexual law reform campaign that they would soon have to fight for their very survival. But on 3 July 1981, the Star published the first report in Australia of a new disease that would become known as AIDS (“New pneumonia linked to gay lifestyle”, 1981). From that point on, everything in the gay world changed.

62 Exegesis, chapter 3: Polymorphous perversity, sexual cultures, and AIDS

Weeks (1998) sees two characteristic elements in the history of the lesbian and gay movement: a moment of transgression and a moment of citizenship. The moment of transgression challenges social exclusion through a manifestation of difference. Contained within such manifestation of difference “is a claim to inclusion, to the acceptance of diversity, and a recognition of and respect for alternative ways of being, to a broadening of the definition of belonging. This is the moment of citizenship” (1998 p. 37). In this chapter, I will consider the Star’s response to a series of police raids on a gay sex venue called Club 80 as representative of one way in which a manifestation of difference can lead to a claim for recognition of alternative ways of being (Watson, 1983). I will then consider the ways in which narratives of sex-for-pleasure, made explicit by Club 80, supported a framework within which Sydney’s gay and lesbian community responded to the AIDS epidemic.

As the debate over removing homosexuality from the NSW Crimes Act unfolded, a related set of discourses about sexual citizenship were circulating between the Star and its audience in relation to gay sex-on- premises venues in Sydney. In early 1982, the NSW Vice Squad raided a gay sex-on-premises venue called Club 80, in Sydney’s inner city suburb of Darlinghurst. Through its coverage of these raids, the Star extended its readers’ claims to sexual citizenship by publicly defending sites and modes of erotic expression that were subject to vigourous policing and

63 intense moral disapproval. The Star’s editorial position was entirely consistent with the recent history of the gay movement. This chapter situates the Star’s coverage of the Club 80 raids within a sexual culture whose construction had been informed, in part, by gay liberation’s romance with polymorphous perversity.

The Star’s coverage of the Club 80 raid extended the sexual citizenship claims of its audience, adding an erotics-based discourse based on sex-for- pleasure to the existing rights-based discourse that had focused on homosexual law reform. In broadening readers’ understanding of their sexual citizenship rights, and by endorsing a sex-for-pleasure culture, the

Star helped create the conditions for an effective, community-based response to the AIDS epidemic when it emerged in the mid-1980s. While gay communities in New York, Los Angeles and San Francisco found themselves embroiled in arguments about whether or not to shut down their sex clubs and saunas (Rubin, 1998, p. 261), Australian gay activists and educators moved quickly to adapt the existing sex-for-pleasure narrative so that it became a widely circulated and widely accepted narrative about safe-sex. This strategy was consistent with efforts within the gay community and progressive public spheres to frame AIDS as a health crisis that could be contained by modifying sexual practices rather than a moral crisis that was the inevitable outcome of the ‘homosexual lifestyle’.

64 Sexual liberation and polymorphous perversity

An extraordinary explosion of sexual energy coursed through the gay world in the decade prior to the first reports of AIDS in 1982. Edmund

White (2009, p. 99) explains this explosion as a reaction to decades of repression:

… We’d been so deprived sexually in the fifties and sixties (because we had so few places to meet each other and were so fearful that we had become almost invisible, even to one another) that now we were glorying in all those previously missed opportunities to couple (and triple, quadruple). We thought that sexual freedom was the same thing as freedom. We were willing to contemplate the possibility of “gay politics” or “gay culture”, but only if we first secured total gay sexual liberty.

White’s vision of total gay sexual liberty of course meant different things to different people. For some of White’s peers, sexual liberty meant being free to have sex with a consenting adult of the same gender, without state intervention. Other gay liberationists such as Altman (1979, p. 16) believed systemic change could be achieved when social and sexual cultures abandoned the strict catgeories of homosexuality and heterosexuality and instead took proper account of the ‘inherent bi- sexuality of all human beings’. The gay movement’s belief in the transformative power of sexual liberation owed much to the Kinsey report

(1948, reprinted 1975), which presented exclusive heterosexuality as just one of several categories of human sexual behaviour. Kinsey’s generous conceptualisation of human sexuality made it possible to define same-sex desire as something other than aberrant. Free at last, gay liberationists embraced plentiful and guilt-free sex for its sheer pleasure as well as for its capacity to defy dominant moral codes that had imprisoned

65 homosexuals, literally and metaphorically. ‘Polymorphous perversity’, a term originally coined by Freud to describe an unfocussed and juvenile sexual energy, was back in fashion:

To put it simply, [polymorphous perversity is] the ability to take sensual pleasure and enjoyment from each others’ bodies. The ability to do more than just fuck. The ability to make love. And the ability to make love with people to whom you feel close, no matter their sex or age, not just with one person at a time, and without this necessarily leading to some sort of heavy possessive relationship (Altman, 1979, p. 16).

Altman’s contemporary, the Australian fiction writer Gary Dunne, used polymorphous perversity as a tongue-in-cheek way to suggest a previously unimagined gay sexual world. Dunne’s narrator in If Blood

Should Stain the Lino recalls a visit to a venereal disease clinic, where he is asked to complete a questionnaire about his sexual experiences.

However, the strictly defined sexual categories listed in the clinic’s questionnaire fail to reflect the range of the narrator’s sexual experiences:

“They have printed stereotypes,” Dunne’s narrator informs us. “Active or passive, they tastelessly ask. They don't know what polymorphous perverse means. Versatile sounds over-confident. Bit of both seems crude.

Check the lot sounds worse” (1983, p 83.).

Polymorphous perversity appealed to gay liberationists because it contained an erotic promise that was both unruly and multi-sexual. The concept also had political appeal. It offered gay liberationists an opportunity to challenge the negative psychiatric assessment of homosexuality and it allowed for an alternative worldview in which the binary distinctions between gender (masculine or feminine), sexuality

66 (straight or gay) and sexual practice (active or passive) no longer held sway. Despite these attractions, the gay rights movement did not universally embrace polymorphous perversity because its celebration of sex for pleasure raised questions about the representation of gay and lesbian sexual identities and the impact such representations would have on citizenship claims. Rahman (1988, p. 79) argues that the contemporary gay and lesbian rights movement’s focus on achieving legal equality within the existing political and social system relies on essentialist representations of gay and lesbian identities as being innate, stable and resolved. Such essentialism dovetails with the individualistic conception of rights that dominates Western political processes. Polymorphous perversity, in contrast, is anti-essentialist. The sexual citizens that inhabit a polymorphous perverse world are, by choice, unstable and unresolved, and the process of imagining a polymorphous perverse citizenship requires a willingness to disregard conventional sexual morality. Rahman claims that lesbians and gays cannot remedy their lack of equality through rights unless they contest the defining influence of the essentialist construction of sexuality and morality:

This means displacing heterosexuality from its institutionalised place in the normative order and replacing it with a conceptualisation of rights that recognises different values, practices and communities, and also that these differences generate their own moralities (1988, p.79).

Gay liberation’s love affair with polymorphous perversity throughout the

1970s foreshadowed the Star’s endorsement of the sex-for-pleasure discourse in subsequent decades. Glynn imagined his readers as sexually liberated, erotically adventurous and non-monogamous, and writers such

67 as activist Pat Califia were keen to discuss the political impact of such imaginings. In an essay entitled What is Gay Liberation?, first published in the US gay magazine, The Advocate, and republished in the Star,

Califia (1982) argued that decriminalisation of homosexuality should not be the end goal of gay law reform campaigns. Califia, like Virginia Bell, warned readers that the state would continue to selectively regulate homosexual and lesbian activity by using whatever laws it had at its disposal. This impulse towards selective regulation was encouraged by a widely-held belief, embedded in existing public discourse, that a moral citizenship could not simultaneously be sexually perverse. “The word is out,” Califia declared. “Lesbians and gay men are not just like everybody else, and we should stop apologising for it” (1982, p. 11).

An advertisement placed in the Star by a sex shop called The Link provides a particularly vivid imagining of the kind of polymorphous perversity enjoyed by some Star readers. The Link advertised its wares by publishing in the Star an alphabetical list of the goods it had on offer. The list is reproduced here, in full, because it is an extraordinarily detailed representation of a deliberately perverse sexual discourse. The list is as follows:

Aromas Badges Belts Blindfolds Boots Bondage Equipment Calendars Caps Cards Cockrings

68 Decal T-Shirts Dildos Drawings by Rex Ear rings Enema Equipment Gay Guides Handkerchiefs Harnesses Head Supplies Hoods Inhalers Jewelry Jock Straps Leather Jackets Levis Lubricants Magazines Paperbacks Pins Police Equipment Shirts Tit Clamps Uniforms Vibrators Western Gear Whips Send $1 for catalogues.

The Star’s publication of such particular expressions of the sex-for- pleasure discourse, alongside the newspaper’s mobilisation of a rights- based discourse in support of homosexual law reform (discussed in the previous chapter), enabled Star readers to imagine themselves as polymorphous perverse beings entitled to the private pursuit of adult sexual pleasure in the kind of space that Hubbard (2001, p. 68) describes as a “transitory site for sexual freedom and pleasure where the immoral is moral and the perverse is normal.”. This new conceptualisation emerged most clearly during the Star’s coverage of the Vice Squad raids on Club

80 in 1983.

69 The Club 80 raid

Although homosexual activity was illegal in NSW until 1984, gay saunas and sex-on-premises venues had flourished under police protection in

Sydney since the lesbian entrepreneur, Dawn O’Donnell, opened the city’s first gay sauna, the Bondi Junction Steam Baths, in 1967 (Lawson,

2007). So it came as a surprise when police raided Club 80 in late January

1983, acting on what they said was an anonymous complaint. Without a warrant, the police detained 150 Club 80 patrons for several hours.

Patrons later told a NSW Ombudsman, who was asked to investigate the raid, that the police prevented them from using a telephone to call solicitors or friends; some said the police assaulted them and confiscated their possessions for the purpose of ‘drug analysis’ (“Club 80 raid”,

1983).

Had the police entered Club 80 like any other punter, in plain clothes and in search of sex with like-minded men, they would have stumbled into scenes of sexual abandon of the kind Dunne (1983, pp.19 - 24) describes.

Dunne’s snapshot of a sex club that may well be Club 80 describes a large anteroom with wooden floors and neon lighting. Men in leather jackets lean against the wall, ‘entrants in a Marlon Brando look-alike competition’, biding their time:

Mick led the way into the first room. Pitch black. Noises. Whispers and groans. David stood in the doorway and lit a cigarette. Lines on his face, shadowed by match light. And a fresco against the opposite wall.

Erotic confusion. Legs, arms, bodies, all intertwined. Moving. On the floor, dust and clothing. Two faces looked over. And in a split second, the match was out. Darkness.

70 On the night of the police raid, 30 men were hauled out of Club 80 and taken back to the Darlinghurst Police Station. After being detained, unlawfully, for several hours, all but six of these men were released without charge. The police used the anti-homosexual provisions of the

Crimes Act as the basis for charges against four of the men, and the

Offences in Public Places Act as the basis for charges against a fifth man.

A young person was also charged under the Community Welfare Act. Club

80’s owner, Jeff Arnold, was subsequently charged with aiding and abetting a criminal activity, and hotelier Barry Cecchini from The

Beresford Hotel was charged with causing serious alarm and affront.

Reaction to the Club 80 raid was swift. The Star reported that several hundred protesters attended a public rally the day after the raid to “show how seriously the gay community views the issue.” A second public rally, held the following weekend, drew over 1000 protesters to the Sydney

Town Hall to protest against the police action. The Star was unequivocal in its condemnation of the police action, and it urged readers who were at

Club 80 on the night of the raid to come forward and lodge a complaint about the police behaviour. “We must take every opportunity to show the police that we will not tolerate being treated like dirt,” the newspaper declared (“Club 80 raid”, 1983).

The Star could have pursued a different narrative to the one that it circulated as the Club 80 saga unfolded. It might have called for the closure of sex clubs such as Club 80 as a way to make gays ‘respectable’,

71 legitimising their claims for reform of the Crimes Act. Instead, the Star developed its Club 80 coverage as a narrative about sexual and social freedom, and this editorial position was consistent with a widely accepted way of thinking about the right to sexual freedom that had taken root among gay men over the previous decade. The newspaper gave space to angry letter writers, who saw the police action as an unacceptable attempt to curtail their sexual freedom, and to extended commentary by the likes of activist Lex Watson, who was a founding member of the Gay Rights

Lobby and an honorary secretary of the Council for Civil Liberties.

Watson declared in the Star (“Club 80 raid”, 1983) that the police action

“raises questions which ultimately go to the heart of the administration of law and justice, and of freedom in the democratic society.” He called for the suspension of those police involved in the raid, pending the outcome of an investigation; the dropping of all charges, on the grounds that they were obtained by search without a warrant; and the destruction of names and addresses collected on the night. The Star and its readers understood the Club 80 raids to be unlawful, invasive and proof of the precariousness of gay life in Sydney. Ultimately, the police action was understood by the newspaper as an institutional attack on the community’s cultural and sexual identity, “a bold challenge on the part of the police to the growing assertiveness of the gay community in Sydney” (“Club 80 raid”, 1983).

The Club 80 raid played out in the courts and in the media along lines consistent with Weeks’ notion of moments of transgression and moments of citizenship. Club 80’s representation of unfettered gay sex and the

72 state’s attempt to police such manifestation of difference contained within

it a claim to acceptance of diversity and a broadening of the definition of

belonging that ultimately helped to protect gay sexualities that were later

threatened by AIDS. This moment of transgression and citizenship had

mixed results for participants. Most of these charges laid against Club 80

patrons were eventually dismissed, while the NSW Ombudsman

responsible for investigating the circumstances of the raid found four of

the police officers involved to be guilty of misconduct. Club 80, however,

was shut down under the Disorderly Houses Act (“Club 80 Declared

Disorderly House”, 1983).

Surviving AIDS

The first report in any Australian media of a mysterious new illness

attacking gay men appeared in the Star on 3 July 1981 (“‘New pneumonia

linked to gay lifestyle”, 1981). This page-three news item refers to a

report6 from the Centre for Diseases Control, in Atlanta, Georgia, about

the appearance of an illness caused by a rare parasite called Pneumocystis

carnii, or PCP. Two of the five American men found to be infected with

this parasite were dead. All of the men were gay.

Two years later, in 1983, the Star published a report on Australia’s first

AIDS case. Sydney’s gay world changed irrevocably:

Rumours of AIDS patients here in Australia have been largely just that – rumours – until this month. According to the Environmental Health Branch of the Federal Department of Health the first Australian case of

6 The Star does not specify whether it sourced this news direct from the Centre for Disease Control or from an American newspaper.

73 AIDS has been confirmed in a male homosexual. From other sources the Star has confirmed that the man was being treated at St Vincent’s Hospital in Sydney. Again the rumour mill has it that there is a second case but there is no confirmation of this at this stage (“AIDS confirmed”, 1983).

At first, very little was known about AIDS. It was thought that transmission was most likely to occur through contact with bodily secretions, especially blood and semen, but there was no effective treatment for this extraordinarily lethal disease. Fear took hold. The safety of the nation’s blood supplies was unknown; some dentists refused to treat gay men; and the hospital at the centre of Sydney’s emerging AIDS epidemic, St Vincent’s Hospital in Darlinghurst, asked its AIDS patients to use disposable crockery. In mid-1983, the Sydney Gay Centre hosted a public meeting to discuss the crisis (“A Public Meeting on AIDS, 1983).

The Gay Rights Lobby, the Gay Solidarity Group, the Gay Union of

Tertiary Staff, the Homosexual Law Reform Coalition, the Sydney

University Lesbian and Gay Collective, the Star, and 18 other gay and lesbian community groups gathered to discuss strategies for working with government and the medical profession. The meeting resolved to establish a core group of people to speak to the media on behalf of the gay community, and Glynn was one of the nominated spokesmen, along with

Lex Watson, John Cozijn, Terry Goulden and David Hare. Several other working groups were established: one group was given the task of studying and understanding the academic literature on AIDS; another was to liaise with health bodies and government on policy development; a third group was to provide support for people with AIDS; and a fourth group was to focus on campaigning for adequate research funds.

74

Concurrent with this decisive, community response, the Star published detailed advice obtained from the American Association of Physicians for

Human Rights about the symptoms of AIDS and the recommended changes to sexual behaviour that would reduce the risk of infection. Star readers were advised to call the Gay Counselling Service and ask for details of a gay doctor rather than rush off to see their local GP because the level of AIDS awareness within the medical community was inconsistent (“American Association of Physicians for Human Rights”,

1983).

In the years that followed, the Star documented the AIDS epidemic and played a critical role in educating its audience about HIV transmission.

While fear and panic dominated many mainstream news reports about

AIDS in the early 1980s, the Star focussed its energies on contextualising the sex-for-pleasure discourse, endorsing and promoting ‘safe sex’ as a way for readers to maintain their sexual identity and a degree of sexual pleasure whilst modifying their sexual practices to reduce or eliminate the risk of HIV transmission. The provision of detailed information about sexual practices and HIV risk reduction was the Star’s immediate and practical response to the emerging AIDS epidemic. On a conceptual level, the Star made an equally important and equally swift contribution to the gay community response to AIDS by publishing and circulating a series of counter narratives to mainstream condemnations of gay men as agents of infection. Glynn encouraged his readers to remain positive and guilt-free

75 about their sexuality, and selective about their media consumption. In an editorial published in June 1983, he wrote:

In the midst of the current hysteria concerning AIDS don’t reassume the guilt. Be free and stay free with your sexuality. Be gay and be proud. Don’t believe everything you read in the non-gay press. Since when have they had our interests, safety and care at heart! (Upfront, 1983, p. 1).

The Star’s retention of a guilt-free sex-for-pleasure discourse, despite the extraordinary circumstances of AIDS, dovetailed with the community- wide and largely successful implementation of the safe sex narrative. Safe sex took account of the available medical advice regarding HIV transmission whilst recognising the fundamentals of contemporary gay culture, gay identity and sexual liberty (Dowsett, 1996). Safe sex also recognised the impossibility of relying on abstinence as a model of risk management, given the low success rate attributed to abstinence in other health settings. Instead, gay men educated each other about HIV transmission and safe sex practices. Community organisations such as the

AIDS Council of NSW developed a new language to promote condom use and the Star was an essential conduit for this safe sex message.

Conclusion

Weeks’ conceptualisation of moments of transgression and moments of citizenship provided the framework for this chapter’s discussion of two critical moments in the history of Sydney’s gay and lesbian movement: the police raids on Club 80 and the arrival of AIDS. Both of these events acted as points of convergence in the Star for narratives about sexual citizenship, polymorphous perversity, and community mobilisation.

76

The Star’s endorsement of sex-for-pleasure associated the newspaper and its readers with gay liberation’s promotion of polymorphous perversity.

These sexual narratives encouraged readers to claim their rights as homosexual citizens and to resist attempts to regulate private sexual activity in the public sphere. The Star expressed direct and symbolic opposition to the state’s regulation of sex and sexuality by urging readers to attend street rallies protesting the Club 80 raids, by encouraging these readers to step forward to complain about police behaviour, and by providing a platform for gay activists such as Watson to articulate the

Club 80 raid as an infringement of civil liberties.

The Star’s imagining of its readers as polymorphous perverse homosexual citizens, and its demonstration that these homosexual citizens had the capacity to successfully challenge dominant moralities and discourses, enhanced the community’s capacity to survive AIDS. This is because the

Star’s construction and projection of its readers as guilt-free and sexually liberated citizens, and the newspaper’s defence of sex venues such as

Club 80, sustained a sexual discourse that could be adapted to accommodate a newly developed safe sex discourse. The Star was part of an early and unambiguous peer-to-peer intervention in homosexual lives, re-configuring sexual practices in order to reduce HIV transmission while simultaneously supporting homosexual identities and sexual citizenship in the face of religious censure and mainstream media hysteria about AIDS.

77 Exegesis, chapter 4: Conclusion

In The Kingdom and the Power, journalist Gay Talese characterises the

New York Times as a medieval modern kingdom with its own private laws and values: “The Times was the bible, emerging each morning with a view of life that thousands of readers accepted as reality” (Talese, 1969, p. 7).

Although there are very significant differences in scale between the New

York Times and a small, alternative newspaper such as the Star, and although there are very significant differences in the degree of political and cultural capital associated with each masthead, the conclusion I draw from this exegesis is that the Star’s impact on its readers is conceptually similar to the impact the New York Times had on its audience. That is to say, the Star, like the New York Times, delivered to its readers a print- mediated discourse that helped define and sustain a particular view of life that thousands of readers accepted as reality, or a version thereof.

In this exegesis, I have presented the Star as an intimate and collective autobiographical print media project that enabled its writers and readers to describe and inhabit an alternative world in which gay men and lesbians could exist without fear of being censured, silenced or otherwise marginalised because of their sexuality. I have argued that Michael

Glynn’s production and distribution of a fortnightly newspaper for

Sydney’s gay (and eventually, its lesbian) community was important because it amounts to a world-making project that had a profound impact on the cultural and political development of Sydney’s GLBT

78 communities. The Star’s significance flows from the fact that it is a form of cultural intervention. Its impact can be measured through its articulation of a dissident sexuality and its indexation of an alternative, gay and lesbian world with its own economy, its own social spaces, its own sexual practices, its own literature, art and culture, its own sporting groups and churches, its own political candidates, and its own particular form of sexual citizenship. The Star helped concretise what Warner

(2002) conceptualises as a counter-public. In doing so, the newspaper encouraged many thousands of readers to come out as gay or lesbian, to embrace gay consciousness, and to participate in and celebrate the changes that the gay movement brought to society at large.

This exegesis measures the significance of the Star by considering the newspaper’s contribution to the evolution, expansion, and survival of

Sydney’s GLBT communities from 1979 onwards. It responds to the challenge inherent in the silence and scepticism that often shapes our understandings of alternative, small-scale newspapers by paying attention to the ways in which the Star activated subtle processes of fracture in the social, cultural and power spheres of everyday life (Rodriguez, 2001). In publishing content written by, and for, a counter-public readership that was socially and politically oppressed, the Star was intimately involved in activating subtle processes of fracture in the heteronormative assumptions embedded in social and political spheres. This subtle process of fracture altered the shape and substance of public sphere discourse about core issues such as love and morality, sex and sexuality, privacy and the

79 family. It also had political outcomes, marked by the direct election of gay representatives to decision-making bodies and by specific legislative reform in areas such as discrimination and the state’s regulation of homosexuality.

Heteronormativity is more than ideology or prejudice or phobia against gays and lesbians, notes Warner. It is an assumption about the ‘rightness’ and ‘normalcy’ of heterosexuality that is embedded in the way we think of, and construct, nations, states, and the law; commerce and medicine; education and culture. “It is hard to see these fields as heteronormative,”

Warner claims, “because the sexual culture straight people inhabit is so diffuse” (Warner, 2002, p. 194). But the effect is to create a world that differentiates between those who belong because of their heterosexuality, and those who don’t.

This utopia of social belonging is also supported and extended by acts less commonly recognised as part of sexual culture: paying taxes, being disgusted, philandering, bequeathing, celebrating a holiday, investing for the future, teaching, disposing a corpse, carrying wallet photos, buying economy size, being nepotistic, running for president, divorcing, or owning anything “His” and “Hers”… we are describing a constellation of practices that everywhere disperses heterosexual privilege as a tacit but central organising index of social membership. Exposing it inevitably produces what we have elsewhere called a wrenching sense of recontextualisation as its subjects, even its gay and lesbian subjects, begin to piece together how it is that social and economic discourses, institutions and practices that don’t feel especially sexual of familial collaborate to produce as a social norm and ideal an extremely narrow context for living (Warner, 2002, pp.194-195).

Herein lies the essence of the Star’s import. Its constant and unruly representation of gay and lesbian lives fractures the constellation of institutions and practices that assume heterosexuality as the central,

80 organising index. The Star recontextualises its writers and readers lives. It enables its subjects to conceive, enact, and represent ways of being that are not predicated on heterosexual norms. In this way, the Star’s impact on its readers mirrors the impact identified by Rodriguez during her work on alternative media projects. The impact is more than simply challenging the mainstream media. It implies being able to recodify one’s own identity and reconstruct the self-portrait of one’s own community and culture, “it implies taking one’s own languages out of their usual hiding places and throwing them out there, into the public sphere, and seeing how they do, how they defeat other languages, or how they are defeated by other languages” (Rodriguez, 2001, p. 3).

In Evolution and Affirmation (Exegesis, chapter one), I discussed consciousness-raising as a social and political influence on the Star’s journalism style. I provided a historical context for consciousness-raising as a political strategy, noting its use by feminists in the 1960s and by communist-trained gay rights activists such as Harry Hay in the 1950s.

With Glynn as editor, the Star defined itself as a newspaper dedicated to raising gay consciousness. This dedication, Glynn said, was his contribution to the gay movement and the building of Sydney’s gay community. Glynn positioned himself as if he were facilitating a gay consciousness-raising group. Each fortnight, Glynn published an edited collection of intimate narratives about homosexuals who had left the closet and who had embraced a new life as ‘out and proud’ gay men.

81 Importantly, these narratives, variously expressed as letters to the editor, news, features, profile pieces, reviews, and social or ‘scene’ photos, were situated against a wider social and political horizon, which is to say they were presented as contextualised stories relevant to readers who shared an affiliation, rather than as isolated narratives that happened to un-related individuals. The Star’s editorial content was primarily a collection of shared autobiographical or semi-autobiographical narratives that raised readers’ consciousness about gay oppression and liberation, and about opportunities to pursue their claims as sexual citizens. In this way, the

Star met its aspirations, transforming individual readers into a community of politicised and mobile citizens. I characterized the Star’s expressive style as a hybrid of personal and movement journalism. I have called this

‘affirmative journalism’ because it eschewed objectivity and empiricism in favour of a personal perspective that affirmed the lives of those who had accepted the gay movement’s call to ‘come out’ and occupy the public sphere as self-identified homosexuals.

In Sexual citizenship and the public sphere (Exegesis, chapter two), I examined the political outcomes of the Star’s objectives and its expressive style. The newspaper’s representation of gay men and lesbians as sexual citizens with legitimate but as yet unrealised citizenship claims helped mobilise widespread community support for an end to the criminalisation of homosexuality in New South Wales. The significance of the Star’s participation in the ultimately successful campaign to remove homosexuality from the Crimes Act is practical and symbolic. By

82 publishing narratives that framed homosexual law reform as a citizenship issue, the Star encouraged readers to support law reform by donating to campaign fundraisers, attending street rallies and lobbying their political representatives. In symbolic terms, the Star’s helped to bring previously private matters into the public sphere, challenging the dominant discourse about the public relevance of homosexuality and bringing to public attention the possibilities and responsibilities associated with new individuals, new intimacies and new citizenships (Warner, 2002, p. 62).

In Polymorphous perversity, sexual cultures, and AIDS (Exegesis, chapter three), I cited the Star’s coverage of police raids on Club 80 as a moment of transgression and as a moment of citizenship. I linked the Star’s publication of a sex-for-pleasure discourse to the gay movement’s late-

1970s flirtation with polymorphous perversity, noting that the newspaper’s mobilisation of a rights-based discourse in support of homosexual law reform enabled Star readers to also imagine themselves as polymorphous perverse beings entitled to the private pursuit of adult sexual pleasure at sites such as Club 80, “where the immoral is moral and the perverse is normal” (Hubbard, 2001, p. 68).

The Star’s construction and projection of its readers as guilt-free and sexually liberated citizens sustained a sexual discourse that was subsequently adapted to respond to the AIDS epidemic. When AIDS arrived, the Star participated in an early and unambiguous peer-to-peer intervention in homosexual lives, re-configuring sexual discourse and

83 practice in order to reduce the risk of HIV transmission while simultaneously supporting gay identities and sexual citizenship in the face of religious censure and mainstream media hysteria.

In his consideration of radical media, Downing wonders how small-scale radical media can have any impact worth having. It is a rhetorical question, one that Downing answers by asserting that small-scale, radical media have multiple impacts on different levels (2001, p vi). I conclude this exegesis with a similar assertion, which is that the Star had multiple impacts on different levels. It was a small-scale newspaper that played a critical role in the evolution, consolidation and survival of the Sydney gay and lesbian community through its affirmation of the ‘coming out’ narrative, through its articulation and promotion of sexual citizenship, and through its intervention in the homosexual law reform campaign and the fight against AIDS.

84 Narrative, chapter 1: Mr Leather 1980

Real stories are untidy. They're almost always fragmentary. It’s how you make people understand the fragments that can have coherence. - Edmund de Waal (Barrowclough, 2012, p 4).

Michael Glynn as Master of Ceremonies at Mr Leather, 1980. Photo: the Sydney Star.

Picture, if you will, a nightclub called Stranded, in the basement of

Sydney’s elegant Strand Arcade. This former corset salon morphed in the late 1970s into a nightclub that was popular with boys who liked wearing

David Bowie make-up and girls like the so-called Baskerville sisters, who were post-punk New Romantics. But tonight, those kids are elsewhere.

Instead, over one hundred homosexuals cram the room, drinking and laughing loudly. Gilt-framed mirrors and heavy chandeliers, left behind by the venue’s former corset sellers, reflect the room’s eagerness.

85

Mr Leather competitions first surfaced in Chicago some years earlier.

They are a beauty contest of sorts, but not for the young and the conventionally beautiful. In fact, the rules specify that physical appearance matters less than the convincing projection of a look.

Contestants are given a score out of 100, based on three criteria: their leather image (a maximum of 40 points), their presentation skills (a maximum of 40 points), and their physical appearance (a maximum of 20 points).

The contestants for the 1980 Australian Mr Leather Contest are men aged from their late 20s through to early 40s. Backstage, Patrick Brookes and

Frank Black share a joke while they make last-minute adjustments to their gear. Frank wears black leather briefs and boots, nothing else; Patrick is in full leather regalia: military boots, biker cap, leather pants and biker jacket. A leather harness is pulled tight across his torso, nicely emphasising his pectorals.

The man holding the microphone, centre-stage, is the self-appointed

Master of Ceremonies, none other than Michael Glynn. This lanky

American expatriate with the handlebar moustache is barely one year into his gig as founding publisher and editor of the Sydney Star. In that short time he’s positioned himself and his newspaper as champions of leather and the sworn enemy of Sydney’s prevailing homosexual style.

86 “You don’t have to adopt the limp wristed fairy image,” Glynn would say.

“You can look like a clone, you can look more like yourself. You can take what you wear at work and go straight into the scene and still look good.

You don’t have to put rouge on, dress up and all that stuff.”

Tonight is a special occasion. Glynn is wearing a dinner suit with a red carnation in his lapel, his bow tie is black leather. Glynn reminds his audience of the business at hand, which is to find an Australian leather man to send to Chicago for the 1980 International Mr Leather event. He introduces each contestant, his deep, strong voice filling the room with an unexpectedly Bostonian polish. His years of teaching English and drama at private boys schools had taught Glynn the art of projection. His father, a hypnotist, had taught him the art of showmanship.

Each Mr Leather contestant has his exit and his entrance, strutting his time on the stage. But it is Brookes who steals the show. He comes on bulging in all the right places, hairy-chested and broad shouldered, as compelling as a young Marlon Brando. Brookes, an architect from Newtown, not only wins the title as Australia’s Mr Leather, 1980 but goes on to win the

International Mr Leather contest in Chicago the following month. No

Australian has ever repeated that success.

It would be attractive to portray that night in Stranded as a seminal moment in gay Sydney’s cultural history. Certainly, Glynn’s discovery of home-grown talent as momentous as Patrick Brookes was proof that

87 leather was a viable – some would say compelling – alternative to gay

Sydney’s long-running love affair with camp. But leather was not entirely new to the scene. William and John, an Australian gay magazine that pre- dated Glynn and the Star, had given leather some national editorial coverage; while in Sydney, in the early 1970s, leather had found a home and a gang of followers at an Abe Saffron-owned bar called the Barrel Inn in Kings Cross.

Glynn’s star was on the ascendant that night in Stranded. He and the newly-minted Australian Mr Leather 1980, Patrick Brookes, belonged to the same brotherhood. But it turned out that Glynn was devoted to the leather lifestyle in a very different way to Brookes. Years later, when

Brookes was asked about his time as Australia’s Mr Leather, he responded: “I don’t really understand people who say their lifestyle is

‘being a leatherman’. Do they live and go to work in leather? To me, it’s just an image of a particular fantasy. I just happened to be in the right place at the right time, with the right image. When people ask ‘what’s a leatherman?’ I say, ‘well, what’s it to you?’ There are thousands of images: cowboys and Indians, Marlon Brando, people in uniforms and even construction workers. It’s a fantasy, it’s not what defines you, it’s maybe just one of your characteristics — like being left-handed or redheaded. It’s not the whole you.”

Brookes’ quote points us towards that fascinating place where fantasy weakens reality’s grip. A nightclub called Stranded, on this occasion,

88 provided Glynn and Brookes and their audience with a space within which they could abandon the everyday. But Brookes saw boundaries where

Glynn saw none. Brookes was a visitor to the world of leather; Michael

Glynn lived there. By triumphantly publishing photos in the Star of that night at Stranded, Glynn consciously blurred the distinctions between private and public. He wanted to publicise a homosexual fetish for leather because he believed leather and all it represented disrupted the straight world’s stereotypes of gay men, as well as gay men’s’ expectations of themselves. Said Glynn: “Before leather bars, the gay scene was more or less ruled by the drag scene. But with the leather bars came the idea that you could be both man and gay. The fluff image was traded for the macho image.”

While the 1980 Mr Leather competition may not necessarily mark a turning point in gay Sydney’s cultural history, it nevertheless is a significant moment in Glynn’s personal narrative for two reasons: it showed leather as a triumphant gay style, and it placed Glynn centre-stage at that moment of triumph, as neither a judge nor a contestant, but as

Master of Ceremonies. The event coincided with a seismic shift in

Sydney’s gay style. As writer Gary Dunne put it, gay men were cutting their hair and sending their silks and satins to St Vinnies; they were discovering their nipples and the consequences of overdoing amyl on the dance floor.

89 A photo of Brookes accepting his Mr Leather trophy graced the front cover of the next Star (18 April 1980). Glynn published yet more photos of the event in the following edition of his newspaper, a fortnight later.

There was a photo of Frank Black in his leather briefs, a photo of the hunky Patrick Brookes in harness, and a photo of Glynn as he wished to be seen: in control and centre-stage; owning the microphone and his audience, surrounded by images of this new gay masculinity, hairy- chested, moustached and sexually charged.

Glynn presents himself as a master, if not of the universe, then at least of this particular world.

90 Narrative, chapter 2: The Harlem Hideaway

Terrence Michael Glynn was born on 7 April 1948 in Chicago, Illinois and spent most of his childhood in Newark, New Jersey. “My early life,”

Glynn recalled, “was upset by the breakdown of our family unit when my father broke court orders, grabbed my three older sisters and disappeared.

Leaving my mother and I to our own devices. I was very young at the time and have no recollection of these events.”

Glynn’s mother, Evaleen, later re-married and raised her son with her new husband, Martin Snyder, and his two children, Barbara and Kevin. Terry, as Glynn was known then, was a musical kid with a gift for words. He became editor of the school newspaper at the Newark School of Fine &

Industrial Arts and captain of the school debating team. He was so proud of these achievements that he listed them on the resume he prepared after he left the Star, alongside his high school music major, specialising in chorus, band and orchestra.

Glynn didn’t see his father again until 1970. By that time, Glynn was a good-looking, six-foot-two psychology student at Boston University who made ends meet by working odd jobs as a kitchen hand. Glynn’s father, meanwhile, had become a ‘world-famous hypnotist’ and showman who travelled the US. Shawn Masters, as Glynn’s father called himself, was in

Boston to perform a couple of shows in the nearby Tufts University auditorium. A reviewer from the Harvard Crimson, Garrelt Epps, later

91 wrote about Masters’ performance, noting that the hypnotist was “fleshy and self-assured” in his royal blue dinner jacket, black cummerbund and tie, and dazzling white shirt. “He had something of the same air that a photogenic politician or male movie star has when seen in person: the slightly artificial, larger-than-life appearance of a man who has been weathered by thousands of eyes.”

The Harvard Crimson liked Masters’ show. It would start off with

Masters hypnotising volunteers from the audience and telling them they were kids in a sandpit. The volunteers would act accordingly, generating some laughs in the audience. Then Masters would tell his volunteers they were monsters. The hypnotised recruits would pull gruesome faces and act menacingly, drawing even more laughs from the audience. But the loudest laughs came when Masters told his recruits that they were homosexual monsters. The sight of these college students on stage, acting as if they were gay monsters was so funny, the Harvard Crimson reported, that it almost brought the house down. Glynn junior was not out at the time and we can only imagine what he must have felt as he watched his father perform.

While they were in Boston together, Glynn and his father agreed they should travel and work together. “Shawn told me he was going to

Australia and maybe I would consider becoming his business manager,”

Glynn wrote in a letter to his stepbrother, Kevin. “I wasn’t too happy with living in the US because of the draft and the Vietnam War. I didn’t like

92 what I imagined the country was doing to itself. So I made the decision to immigrate to a country that I knew little about.”

Glynn’s new job title was “personal agent and business manager for Dr. S.

Masters”. On arrival in Sydney, in mid-1970, father and son booked the

Harlem Hideaway in Coogee for their first Australian gig. The venue would have seen better days, by then, and has since been converted into a low-rise apartment block with views over the Pacific Ocean, but the

Glynns – in true showbiz tradition – were optimistic. Their advertisement in the Sydney Morning Herald advised readers to book early for the

Harlem Hideaway show because Doctor Shawn Masters was ‘the greatest entertainer in the science of hypnosis’ and had just finished an unprecedented two-year run in the United States, breaking all show business records.

“As Shawn’s business manager, I had to try and break into the club scene, which was like a cross between Las Vegas and Bingo Church Halls,”

Glynn boasted in his letter to his stepbrother. “Suddenly I was thrust into the world of nightclubs and entertainment, driving a big black Cadillac, which people constantly stared at, and dealing with managers, meeting entertainers, slipping the maitre’d a few bucks to get a table upfront. I did manage to get Shawn a gig at one of the bigger clubs but he screwed the deal with one of the directors. Shawn was very pig-headed and opinionated. He couldn’t keep his mouth shut when maybe he should have. Like me, except that I have mellowed recently.

93

“My karma for that time ended with Shawn and I having a falling out. I moved out and started teaching high school and invited Shawn over for coffee and cake. Well the cake was too spacey [sic] for him and he got very angry and stormed out. I have not seen or heard from him since. My flatmate at the time, another New Yorker, Ron Resnick7 and I just laughed our heads off at Shawn’s reaction.

“I believe Shawn to be dead by now. I do not know. It’s a curious thing to have no family. People dying, I understand. But a deliberate forsaking and rejecting of flesh and blood I found very curious and sad. Blood is not thicker than water.”

7 Resnick later imported the pro-marijuana lifestyle magazine, High Times, into Australia.

94 Narrative, chapter 3: A Star is born

Unemployed, Glynn enrolled himself in a drug education program offered to student teachers by the New South Wales Department of Health. That gave him enough leverage to secure a teaching job at Marist Brothers

North Shore High School in North Sydney, where he worked for a while.

He then moved north to Brisbane, where he taught at the Church of

England Grammar School. A few years later, Glynn was back in Sydney, teaching English and drama at Barker College in Hornsby.

None of these jobs lasted for long. Glynn could build a strong rapport with some of his students but he failed to get along with many of his peers or fit into the schools’ administrative hierarchies. That much was made clear by the convoluted job reference the head of Barker’s English department gave Glynn on his departure: “Michael Glynn is clearly an independent thinker who has nevertheless shown himself to be willing to attempt to work within fairly restrictive policy guidelines,” Mr R. E.

Kefford wrote. “His opinions and attitudes were always forcefully expressed in staff meetings, and I have valued the contributions he has made in this area too, inasmuch as a more radical view than that which one would choose to adopt now often ‘marshal’st [sic] one the way that one was going’. I wish him well in his new sphere.”

Angus Reid, a student at Barker College during the 1970s, remembers

Glynn well. “He was a loud forthright American with a big

95 moustache! He was very different from the conservative teachers we had in other subjects. I don't think we really knew what to make of him. And then he was suddenly gone. There was speculation that he’d gone under a cloud but I seem to remember it being explained to us that he had a back problem.

“My biggest memory is the Whitlam dismissal [11 November 1975]. We were in class with him when it was announced. Being all good conservative kids, we cheered Gough being thrown out. Michael Glynn was furious and shouted us down. He said we were idiots and didn't know what we were on about. He said it was a disaster and that everyone needed to take care as there would be rioting in the streets.”

Unemployed again, Glynn returned to the USA. He travelled for a while, visited his mother, and ended up in Los Angeles working as a cook at the

Friars Club in Beverly Hills. They were wild times. It was the height of the disco era, and Glynn immersed himself in all that was on offer.

“Donna Summer would walk into Studio One and everybody would stop dancing with each other and we’d all dance with her. I was just a party animal. There was a drug dealer who had two refrigerators in his apartment. When you called him up you never had to ask what he had.

You would just arrive there, and you could have anything in the world. I partied myself to the point where I realised I had to come back to

Australia for a rest.”

96 Glynn returned to Australia in 1979, in time to witness phenomenal growth in Sydney’s gay sub-culture as large numbers of homosexuals moved away from the suburbs and rural towns to meet up with each other in the city. In the late 1960s, Sydney’s homosexuals had few venues to choose from: the stalwarts were Ivy’s Birdcage at Taylor Square, and

Capriccio’s, on Oxford Street. But from the early 1970s onwards, a flood of new gay clubs and bars opened on the strip of Oxford Street that became known as the Golden Mile. Historian Gary Wotherspoon recorded this extraordinary growth: Patchs was first in 1972, followed by Flo’s

Palace, The Tropicana (which became the Midnight Shift) the Ox, Pete’s

Bar, Palms (later Scooters), Syd’s (in Crown Street just off Oxford),

Buck’s, Saddletramps (in the Exchange Hotel), The Old Bank, and Four

AM. Ruby Red’s, a lesbian bar, also opened nearby, in Crown Street.

Many of these bars were short-lived, wrote Wotherspoon. Some, like

Capriccio’s, were burnt out. Literally. Others still flourish today.

Glynn’s idea to start a newspaper for this emerging gay community came from a friend, also recently returned from America. The friend brought home with him a copy of a gay business and entertainment guide from

Texas. “I looked at it and I thought this would work here because we’ve got nothing,” Glynn said. “There were no free papers going, just

Campaign [a monthly gay lifestyle publication] and that was it.”

97 Despite the extraordinary growth in Sydney’s commercial gay scene,

Glynn wanted more. “Having a look around town at the various venues, it was pretty poor pickings. There was Patchs, Caps, The Barrel Inn,

Bottoms Up, The Beresford … if you were going out, it was drinks and drag shows and that was it. I gathered that if we put all this in print, or the lack of it, that people would wake up and say, ‘we can do better than this’.”

Glynn printed a couple of hundred copies of his first Sydney Star, dated

16 July 1979, and he hand delivered the publication on Friday night to

Oxford Street’s gay venues. “On the Monday morning, I went around to all the businesses, picked up the cheques and cash for all the ads and went and paid the printer. That was the first issue.”

There were 16 pages in that first issue of the Star. There were plenty of naked male bodies on display, advertising gay venues such King Steam and The Kensington Karate Klub. There was also an astrology column, a review of The China Syndrome, and a page of entertainment and business listings that promoted local cafes and gyms as well as a gay psychologist in East Sydney, a solicitor in Double Bay, and a clothes shop called Louis

French Casuals, in Darlinghurst Road Kings Cross. Several community service announcements were included in this mix, inviting readers to join a gay soccer team or a suburban social group.

98 Glynn took the opportunity to write an editorial for his first issue, introducing a set of themes he would return to often:

G’day. You are reading The Sydney Star: a Gay Business and Entertainment Guide, published fortnightly and distributed free of charge to Gay businesses throughout Sydney. You may thank our advertisers who brought us to you.

We hope that we can serve you, the advertised who own’s/manages his/her own business; the resident who lives, works and plays in Sydney; and the visitor who comes from the country, interstate or overseas.

We are one week old today and, as in all new births, we need to grow and understand. We need your help for that. If you have any special events, or juicy bits of gossip let us know. We need sources for local news concerning gay life in Sydney. Gay consciousness does not come but once a year. We also want to support Gay Businessmen. Let us know who you are.

Finally, I will continue to be humbled by the magnitude of the conflicts that seem to be the foundations of life. These conflicts may sometimes overwhelm us, as they did to a lady who lived, worked and played in this city. She wasn’t “Gay” and she didn’t really understand what it meant to be “Gay”. But she did believe in standing up and expressing her self, her rights, her feelings.

Some of us have just finished celebrating Gay Solidarity Week, when we tried to express ourselves through various ways. If we had a strong sense of community, a real feeling of support from friends and others, then we might be able to face the conflicts that rage about us. We could live in unity and strength and love. The whole process is called “getting your act together”. We can do it. You can do it. Reggae Lady – this is for you.

The obscure references Glynn included in his first editorial to “Reggae

Lady” were not explained until much later. Before launching the Star,

Glynn had become friends with a retired Olympic skier, Christine Smith.

Theirs was a brief friendship, cut short when the 32-year-old Smith ended her life in May 1979 by swallowing paracetamol and salicylic acid in a

Crows Nest motel.

99 Smith’s death, and the way it was reported, informed Glynn’s subsequent decisions about his new venture. “The bank was giving her [Christine

Smith] a bad time and I was helping her out trying to get things going,”

Glynn recalled. “The bank manager was treating her very harshly, I thought. The pressure got too much so she drove off one weekend, checked into a motel and suicided. I think I still have the newspaper with the headline. She made the front page of The Telegraph. They used the exact words ‘The Sydney Star’ and that’s where the name came from. It was a tribute to her, a straight woman.”

100 Narrative, chapter 4: Mardi Gras madness

The huddle of abandoned corrugated iron sheds that stood on City Road, opposite the University of Sydney, belonged to the CSIRO before they were taken over in the late 1960s by a group of academics who declared they were establishing an ‘experimental art workshop’.

There was nothing charming about the Tin Sheds, as they were known.

They were cold in winter and unbearably hot in summer, and the red and white checked curtains installed in the small studio space that Lloyd Rees occupied were often believed to be an ironic nod to domesticity, given the otherwise shabby surrounds. But the Tin Sheds’ lack of charm was no deterrent to young student radicals who wanted to push artistic boundaries. Throughout the ’70s, the Tin Sheds provided a physical and an intellectual home for artists, collectivists, anarchists, feminists and the otherwise unconventional.

The sheds housed unexpected riches. In 1972, two Federal policemen injudiciously arrested the anti-conscription campaigner and anarchist,

Michael Matteson, on the Sydney University campus. Matteson had been handcuffed and detained on the University’s front lawn but he was quickly surrounded by 100 students or more, all of them pressing in so close that it was impossible for Matteson, the arresting police, or anyone else, for that matter, to move. Someone sent for the bolt-cutters that sculptor Bert Flugelman was known to keep in his Tin Sheds studio. The

101 cutters were smuggled back through the crowd and before anyone was the wiser, Matteson was cut free. He disappeared into the crowd, leaving the police red-faced and empty-handed.

Art and political activity went hand-in-hand at the Tin Sheds. When

Liberal Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser embarked on a series of savage budget cuts, arguing that life wasn’t meant to be easy, artists at the Tin

Sheds stepped up their late-night screen-printing sessions, producing street posters lampooning Fraser and his austerity measures. And as the anti-uranium movement gathered pace, the Tin Sheds presses rolled, delivering posters that proclaimed: ‘mutate now, avoid the rush’.

Not surprisingly, a young, self-described Trotskyist by the name of Ken

Davis felt right at home in the Tin Sheds. So did his homosexual comrades, fellow members of the Gay Liberation Group, who began to use the Tin Sheds as a meeting place to plan their political activities. At the time, Davis was a 22-year-old university student, fully committed to the emerging gay rights movement.

On Saturday 24 June 1978, Davis joined 500 other activists as they marched through central Sydney, from Town Hall to Martin Place, commemorating the 1969 Stonewall riots in New York. It was a peaceful event, the largest gay march Sydney had ever seen. But there was more to come. Davis and his friends re-grouped in the evening for a 10pm march down Oxford Street. While the day-time march was intended to raise

102 public awareness of gay rights, the evening parade – which came to be know as Sydney’s first Gay Mardi Gras – was a way for liberationists, straight and gay, to get their message across to the large numbers of homosexuals who drank at the gay bars along Oxford Street but were otherwise disengaged from the gay movement.

“Out of the bars and into the streets,” the marchers chanted as they walked down from Taylor Square towards Hyde Park, following the sound truck that had been hired to add a carnival air. Things were going swimmingly until the parade reached Hyde Park. Then trouble broke out. Although the organisers of this first Mardi Gras had secured a permit, the police seized the sound truck and the marchers took off, swinging into William Street on their way to Kings Cross. By now, 2,000 or so people had joined the parade, and tempers were fraying. The mood turned ugly as police waded in, dragging 53 marchers kicking and screaming into the waiting paddy vans. There were beatings, and some marchers were seriously hurt.

Next morning, a crowd gathered outside the police station in Darlinghurst, calling for the release of those who were arrested the previous evening.

There were more protests over the following days: an estimated 300 people gathered outside the Liverpool Street courts when charges against the Mardi Gras marchers were first heard. Incredibly, the Sydney Morning

Herald published the names, addresses, and jobs of those arrested on 26

June 1978. Large-scale protests continued throughout the rest of the year, with police making a further 73 arrests at a ‘drop the charges’ rally at

103 Taylor Square in late August. Again the Sydney Morning Herald published the names and other personal details of the people arrested, a decision that justifiably rankled many.

Ken Davis and many other gay liberationists understood the enormous political capital that was inherent in Mardi Gras and its aftermath. By mobilising large numbers of lesbians and homosexuals in unprecedented ways, for Mardi Gras and for the subsequent ‘drop the charges’ rallies, activists had not only raised homosexual visibility but also directly challenged state sanctions against same-sex desire. But the unpredictability of the first Mardi Gras ensured that the planning for the second Mardi Gras in 1979 was fraught with tension. Opinions were divided over whether or not Mardi Gras was giving the public the wrong impression about homosexuals; gay businesses, particularly the bars and clubs that operated in breach of the liquor licence laws and the laws against homosexual sex, were concerned about the fall-out that would come from antagonising the police; and some members of the suburban gay clubs worried their neighbours would react badly to TV images of police arresting screaming gay and lesbian activists.

Nevertheless, young liberationists and left-wingers such as Ken Davis had control of the Mardi Gras agenda, at least for the time being. The Tin

Sheds at Sydney University became Mardi Gras’ de-facto headquarters, and it was here that members of the Gay Liberation Group met to discuss logistics and strategies. As Davis remembers it, up to 100 people crowded

104 into the Tin Sheds for these meetings. Smaller groups of volunteers dedicated themselves to specialised tasks such as screen-printing the

Mardi Gras posters and other material. Into this hot house stepped the unknown gay American, Michael Glynn.

Glynn was well into planning his new gay newspaper by the time he turned up at the Tin Sheds, ostensibly looking for an interview with a

Mardi Gras organiser. Davis very clearly remembers the encounter:

An American guy came along to one of these collective meetings and

said he was running a new paper that was going to come out. He

wanted to do an interview.

So I went off to talk to Michael but it wasn’t really an interview. He

went into a tirade. He wasn’t asking me anything, he was just yelling at

me. He was saying we were all incompetent, that we hated the police,

and that what we were doing was the wrong way to go forward. He

said if we didn’t stop the Mardi Gras he would make sure we all got

arrested.

It was an extraordinary outburst. Here was a man who said he was publishing a newspaper ‘to raise gay consciousness’ and who claimed to have witnessed, ten years earlier, the Stonewall riots in New York’s

Greenwich Village, triggered by one too many police raids on a Mafia- owned gay bar called the Stonewall Inn. No other single event in the

105 1960s had done more to raise ‘gay consciousness’ in the American psyche, yet Glynn was denouncing Sydney’s version of Stonewall, threatening to urge police action against the Mardi Gras organisers if they didn’t desist. It made no sense, politically, for the editor of a new gay newspaper to so vehemently oppose an event that had galvanised thousands upon thousands of Glynn’s target audience.

Nor did Glynn’s position make sense from an editorial point of view. Like it or not, Mardi Gras offered unlimited editorial opportunities. It was an opportunity to profile Sydney’s emerging gay community and its associations with a global social movement that profoundly troubled accepted social structures, gender roles, and conventional religions. In short, here was the biggest story of the year for a fledgling gay newspaper publisher. But the opportunities went untouched. When the very first edition of Glynn’s Star hit Sydney’s streets on 6 July 1979 - just six days after the second Mardi Gras had attracted around 5,000 participants - there was not one photo from the parade or one word about the event.

Production deadlines may have been offered as an excuse and amends made at the next opportunity. But Glynn’s next edition of the Star, published a fortnight later, carried nothing but a perfunctory two-sentence mention of Mardi Gras, buried on page four. Here’s what it said:

Over 2,000 men and women participated in the Mardi Gras down

Oxford Street. Many in the peaceful crowd were dressed in a festive

106 manner and danced in the streets to the beat of Disco music.

According to author Gary Dunne, Glynn ignored Mardi Gras because he detested the left wing, campus-style radicalism that activists like Davis embodied. Says Dunne:

On the far left you had the longhaired, pro-feminist, gay liberationists

who wanted to overthrow the patriarchy and Yankee imperialism. On

the far right you had the American, Michael Glynn, who wanted to

build a gay economic enclave in Darlinghurst. In the middle you had

the moderates: organisations like Camp Inc that wanted law reform

and middle class acceptance.

The first Mardi Gras’ were organised by left-wing ratbags, Sydney Uni

types, so I can imagine Michael not wanting to promote them. Many

people opposed the idea of confronting police and demanding rights

and reforms. It only made the cops nastier by night. I know he was in

favour of law reform later, so his disinterest could have been as simple

as the fact that he wasn't running the thing, that he hadn't even been

consulted.

By his own account, Glynn admits he feared fringe elements taking control of the parade and provoking confrontation with police. Contrary to what might have been expected from a young homosexual American who opposed the Vietnam War, Glynn favoured order over confrontation. He

107 later explained himself in a December 1995 interview with the former

Star editor, Larry Galbraith:

What I understood to be the circumstances surrounding the ’78 Mardi

Gras was that everyone, all the authorities and everybody, were happy

to have the Mardi Gras proceed down Oxford Street and camp down at

Hyde Park. My understanding is somebody then got a bit wild and

suggested that they all move on up to Kings Cross, which was not in

everybody’s plans to begin with. To me that’s just not orderly. If you

tell people that you’re going to go and do something, especially when

you’re disrupting traffic in the city, you try to have a bit of

responsibility about that.

I expressed the feeling [at the Tin Sheds meeting] that that kind of

disorderly conduct should not occur, that we should be able to do this

thing without confronting the police.

I suspect that what happened at the ’78 Mardi Gras was that the

organisers lost control of the crowd. That was my concern. If we’re

going to go out on the streets and do this stuff then we ought to have

our act together. If we do break the law, fine, if that’s in the plan and

we all agree on it. But for some fringe elements to gain control of the

people… No, I was against that.

108 Glynn’s attitude to Mardi Gras changed very quickly. Although the ’79

Mardi Gras rated nothing but a two-sentence mention in the Star, the 1980

Mardi Gras saw Glynn gleefully participating, entering his own float in the parade. In 1981, Glynn took the next step and joined Mardi Gras’ organising committee. By this time the people Glynn thought of as fringe elements were outnumbered. Mardi Gras’ new guard focussed on moving the event from mid-winter to late summer, a change that severed Mardi

Gras’ direct connection to Stonewall but promised a better return on investment. Better weather would bring more people, more people meant more business, and more business meant more power.

To this day, Ken Davis can’t think of Michael Glynn without remembering the Tin Sheds and the lecture Glynn delivered against Mardi

Gras and its organisers. It coloured the way Davis viewed Glynn forever after. And Davis’ take on the outburst? “I figured Michael was either operating on behalf of the police or he was aligned with Dawn O’Donnell,

Abe Saffron and the Syndicate.”

The two possibilities were not mutually exclusive.

109

Narrative, chapter 5: The Syndicate rules

The car bomb that killed Joe Borg in 1967 presented a former professional ice-skater by the name of Dawn O’Donnell with an opportunity too good to miss.

Borg was a brothel owner whose assets included a set of terrace houses in

Sydney’s working class suburb of Ultimo. O’Donnell was a 40-year-old

Rose Bay butcher with ambition; a fearless woman whom the Sydney

Morning Herald had unwisely described as a crusty old lesbian.

O’Donnell sued the Herald for defamation and settled out of court, terms undisclosed.

While the rest of the city worried about who would be killed next in the battle for control of Sydney’s underworld, O’Donnell made her move. She snapped up Borg’s terraces in Ultimo, adding them to an expanding property portfolio that included a car park near Central Railway Station and the butcher’s shop in Sydney’s Eastern Suburbs. Soon after the Borg acquisitions, O’Donnell moved again. Seeing the opportunities presented by Sydney’s emerging gay economy, O’Donnell opened her first gay bar, in 1968. It was on City Road, just a few metres away from the Tin Sheds.

The Trolley Bar, as O’Donnell’s City Road venture was known, was the first of many gay and lesbian venues the entrepreneur would own and

110 operate over the coming decades. She ran some of these venues; others she established in partnership with underworld boss Abe Saffron, whom

O’Donnell first met at her Central Station parking lot. O’Donnell also went into business with another man, a former chef by the name of Roger

Claude Teyssedre.

O’Donnell was a working class kid who grew up in Paddington, selling firewood out of a wheelbarrow to help her family survive. At 18, she won the Australian women's speed-skating championship; soon after, she appeared in the Puss-in-Boots ice show at the Empress Hall in London.

That was 1953 and O’Donnell’s life as a professional ice skater was a world away from the mean streets of Paddington. But the dream wasn’t to last. A skating accident put an end to it all and O’Donnell returned to

Sydney in the mid-1950s, marrying a policeman, Neville Irwin. By 1958 the marriage was over and O’Donnell had found a new partner, Julia

Farmer. Together they helped establish a social group called the

Chameleons, staging shows at a Salvation Army Hall in Glebe Point

Road, Glebe and later, in a Masonic Hall in Petersham. The Trolley Bar, when it opened in 1968, was but a small step in the O’Donnell trajectory.

O’Donnell’s business partner, Roger Claude Teyssedre, was the sort of man the tabloid newspapers called ‘flamboyant’. He was a French chef and restaurant owner who realised, like O’Donnell, that there was money to be made from Sydney’s homosexuals. In 1974, he opened King Steam,

111 a wildly successful gay sauna, and used the King Steam profits to buy into a string of other gay ventures.

Journalist Tony Stephens reports that Teyssedre first met O’Donnell in her Eastern Suburbs butcher’s shop. “You've got the best pair of legs I've ever seen. You must be a lesbian,” Teyssedre allegedly told O’Donnell.

The two hit it off instantly and decided to go into business together. They took over a failed gentlemen’s club on Crown Street and opened Jools

Theatre Restaurant with much fanfare. Such was the strength of their connections that the NSW Premier, Robert Askin, opened the bordello- themed nightclub on the pair’s behalf. Never mind that the club would later be destroyed by fire; an insurance pay out would more than compensate the owners for their loss.

Abe Saffron completed this Darlinghurst triumvirate. Saffron, otherwise known as Mr Sin, ran the Pink Pussycat and other strip clubs in Kings

Cross. He was the head of a powerful organised crime network known as

The Syndicate, and he had key members of the NSW Police Force and much of the local Kings Cross and Darlinghurst constabulary on his payroll. Many believed Saffron’s influence extended all the way to the

NSW Premier, Robert Askin. As Abe’s son, Alan Saffron, would later write in his biography, Gentle Satan: My Father, Abe Saffron: “Dad's reputation for discretion, silence and integrity spread quickly amongst high-ranking police and government officials and before long, he became the ‘go to’ man for vice, liquor and corruption.”

112

O’Donnell and Saffron enjoyed a mutually beneficial relationship.

O’Donnell fronted businesses that Saffron could not own directly because of restrictions on the number of hotel licenses that could be owned by one person. O’Donnell put her most trusted employees forward as licensees, and her businesses benefited from the blind eye that police turned her way when it came to complying with a venue’s licence conditions. It was a cosy arrangement that allowed O’Donnell, Teyssedre and Saffron to monopolise Darlinghurst’s gay venues. After Jools came the nightclubs

Patchs and Flo’s Palace, followed by the Exchange Hotel and Ruby Reds.

O’Donnell also owned the Tool Shed sex shops on Oxford Street, and later, two Newtown gay hotels, the Imperial and the Newtown. “Against such a backdrop of sex and drugs and disco,” wrote Sandra Harvey in The

Ghost of Ludwig Gertsch, “Roger-Claude, Dawn and Abe [Saffron] began a slow tango of entanglement.”

Glynn knew what he was getting into when he started the Star. He’d become aware of the Sydney underworld business model when he worked as a chef at Maxy’s, a late-night café and restaurant on George Street, opposite the cinema strip. According to Glynn, the police station around the corner from Maxy’s supplied a steady stream of uniformed officers who would come in to Maxy’s to collect pay-offs from the manager. The experience, he said, made him realise that one of the first things he should do when he started the Star was to find out as much as he could about the people with whom he would be doing business:

113

So I went down and spent some time at Corporate Affairs, or what was

then known as Corporate Affairs, and I cross-referenced companies

and directors. And yes, you could find a trail. Of course, when you’re

having conversations with the people who run the backroom bars, and

they’re talking about ‘Abe this’ and ‘Abe that’, then sure, you become

aware of these connections. People wanted to ignore all that. And

they’ve done a good job of it over the years. I guess it’s part of our

history that we’re not proud of and we don’t really want it recognised.

But it’s there.

People who encountered Glynn in those early days of the Star, people such as the Mardi Gras activist Ken Davis and the journalist, Richard

Turner, figured Glynn had to be involved in some way or another with

Dawn O’Donnell. Her gay business interests were so extensive that it would be impossible for Glynn to avoid her. Certainly, O’Donnell’s position as a power broker within Sydney’s commercial gay scene could not be overstated. If Glynn secured O’Donnell’s blessing, he would gain access to a valuable advertising stream as well as secure the Syndicate’s tacit protection.

Davis assumed Glynn was aligned with O’Donnell and the Syndicate because that was the only way to make sense of Glynn’s outburst against the fledgling Mardi Gras. O’Donnell would have opposed a street parade like Mardi Gras because its initial focus was not on the commercial gay

114 scene. Instead, Mardi Gras organisers wanted to get punters out of the

Syndicate’s bars and clubs and put them on the streets. A potential loss of revenue was not something O’Donnell and her associates would ever endorse. From the Syndicate’s point of view, the other problem with

Mardi Gras was that it invited unwelcome attention from outsiders to

Oxford Street’s illegal business dealings.

Turner, who worked as a reporter for the Star, says Glynn “very definitely had a relationship” with O’Donnell. Glynn, however, consistently rejected any suggestion that his newspaper was beholden to interests associated with the Syndicate. But that’s not to deny that underworld interests applied pressure on Glynn and the Star, sometimes subtly, sometimes brutally. It all came to a head in 1984 as the campaign to reform the NSW laws against homosexuality gathered pace. This is because Saffron’s underworld network flourished wherever illegal or semi-legal activities took place in NSW: prostitution and gambling, out-of-hours alcohol sales, stripper clubs and gay bars all contributed to the Saffron coffers.

Protection rackets and pay-offs were part and parcel of these business dealings. So if homosexuals succeeded in removing themselves from the

Crimes Act, they would also likely succeed in excising the gay economy from this criminal milieu. Gay bars would be less inclined to pay for police protection; gay entrepreneurs would be less reliant on underworld finance to set up shop; and spheres of influence would realign. Ultimately, homosexual law reform was about power. If the gays on Oxford Street won some power for themselves and their businesses, somebody else

115 would have to give it up. Saffron, O’Donnell and Teyssedre knew that

‘somebody else’ was them.

Glynn told Galbraith about a meeting he had with O’Donnell and

Teyssedre, during which threats were issued, and later, made good:

Dawn O’Donnell and Roger Teyssedre sat me down at the Koala

Oxford Hotel and said ‘we don’t like this law reform business, we

want you to stop it’. And then they threatened me with pulling out their

advertising.

Basically I walked away from there, telling them to take a flying fuck

at the moon. They did pull their advertising and we struggled on. But it

was a severe blow in terms of cash coming in because all we had to

rely on [for advertising revenue] were the venues.

The Star’s business model was always precarious. Being a free newspaper meant that advertising revenue was critical. Without advertising dollars the newspaper would not exist. The Star also needed to quickly build a reputation for readability and secure unfettered access to primary distribution points in the bars and clubs throughout the newspaper’s heartland. This meant staying onside with the Syndicate-owned gay bars and clubs in Darlinghurst as well as the new, independently owned gay pubs such as The Beresford and The Flinders that were opening off

Oxford Street.

116

Fault lines in this business model became evident as soon as the Star reported on events that threatened Oxford Street’s status quo. At first, interests associated with the Syndicate wondered out loud about whether the Star risked damaging Oxford Street’s relationship with the NSW police by reporting incidents of police harassment of gays. Of even more concern, to some, was the way the newspaper reported on a fire that gutted the Midnight Shift nightclub at 85 Oxford Street, Darlinghurst.

Glynn was faced with a choice: should he report with his constituency’s interests in mind, or protect the Syndicate’s interests? He chose the former.

Fires were unusually common in Darlinghurst’s gay nightclubs in the ’70s and early ’80s, especially in those nightclubs owned by the Syndicate.

Jools Theatre Restaurant was gutted by fire in 1977, and a lesbian bar called the Peak, in Bondi Junction, also burst into flames as the 1980 financial year came to an end. Three months later, another gay bar called the Pits also went up in smoke. These fires were understood to be

‘Syndicate stock-takes’. Such stock-takes allowed nightclub owners to close or re-vamp their businesses with the help of a nice insurance payout.

When a fire ripped through the much-loved Capriccio’s nightclub on

Oxford Street, patrons figured the Syndicate was at it again. But the

Midnight Shift fire was different.

117 The Shift, as it was known, was a men-only venue. It was one of a handful of new, independently owned Darlinghurst gay venues whose success threatened the Syndicate’s dominance of Sydney’s commercial gay scene.

Like the Beresford Hotel and the Flinders Hotel, The Shift was proving to be enormously popular with gay men who identified with the denim and leather ‘clone’ look recently arrived from San Francisco and New York.

You can’t have one clone. You have thousands, wrote Craig Johnston in a

1981 essay, Clones and the question of liberation:

If you know what to look for you can recognise each other in the street.

You don’t have to exchange furtive glances at the traffic light any

more to check whether he’s one of us. His clothes tell you a hundred

meters away. To be a clone is to be as openly homosexual (at least to

other gays) as a participant in a gay rights march. Right down to the T-

shirts which read ‘clone’.

The Shift was a loud and smoky bar with a ‘masculine’ dress code. Men danced there for hours on end, high on amyl and the smell of each other’s sweat. The Shift’s dress code meant drag queens such as Trixie Lamonte were refused entry because showgirls, at that time, never wore leather. Or denim. Trixie was furious. She was an Oxford Street institution in her own right, a seasoned performer who trod the boards at many a Syndicate- owned venue. She threatened to call in the Anti-Discrimination Board if the Shift continued to knock her back. Patrons were only half-joking when they said the Shift wouldn’t last.

118

Thankfully, no one was hurt when a firebomb exploded in the Shift’s main bar in the early hours of Tuesday 21 October 1980. The venue was closed at the time. But the fire caused extensive damage, estimated at around $100,000, and it sent the clones into shock. How far would the

Syndicate go to intimidate its opposition and retain control of Sydney’s lucrative gay scene?

Volunteers helped clear the rubble and put the bar back into some kind of working order. Leaflets were handed out, advertising a party in the bar’s burnt-out shell on Sunday 2 November at 10pm. Pubs such as the Flinders advertised the fundraiser over their PA system. “Hundreds of men packed the bar,” recalled Craig Johnston in Gay Community News. “The atmosphere was jubilant and cruisy, a huge banner proclaimed the new ideology of hedonism and upfront male sexuality made possible by the sexual radicalism of the ’70s: ‘Give us your sweat’.”

Johnston saw the fire at The Shift marked a turning point for gay Sydney.

He knew the way Shift patrons and supporters mobilised after the fire was an act of solidarity among the newly identified clones and a direct challenge to the Syndicate. According to Johnston, the Shift fire also forced the hand of Sydney’s gay media and Sydney’s gay activists:

119 The attitude of the establishment gay media has been equivocal. While

deploring the burning, Libertine and Sydney Cruiser came out with the

line that rumours were unsubstantiated and divisive.

The independent Sydney Star, on the other hand, took a strong

position, reflecting its social base among clones and leather queens,

and courageously so, given that Syndicate bars advertise in it. The

Sydney Star’s stand, which must give it credibility in the gay

subculture, was in contrast with the silence of the gay activists.

In a situation where there was a unique opportunity to make an expose

of the role of the Syndicate in the subculture, to forge an alliance with

independent gay small business against monopolisation, and to

establish the principle of democratic control of the gay community

through the holding of a broadly-sponsored, open general meeting on

the issue, the left did nothing.

The Shift was no shrinking violet. It announced it was back in business by setting up a searchlight on Oxford Street when it re-opened on November

7, 1980. The searchlight soared into the sky and bounced off the clouds, says Johnston. “Queens lined up for 100 metres to get in. The Shift was back.”

120

Narrative, chapter 6: Getting elected

Harvey Milk’s 1977 campaign for election to the San Francisco Board of

Supervisors provided a template for aspiring gay politicians in Australia.

Milk was not the first openly gay man or lesbian to win political office in the US. That honour belonged to Allan Spear, Kathy Kozachencko and

Elaine Noble, who were respectively elected to the Minnesota State

Senate, the Michigan City Council, and the Massachusetts State Assembly in 1974. But Milk’s victory was unique because it demonstrated that a gay candidate could mobilise gay voters in predominantly gay neighbourhoods in order to win office. No one had ever done that before.

Gay activists in Sydney took note of Milk’s success. So did Glynn, who was inspired by Milk’s ability to bring small business owners together to form the Castro Valley Association. If the gay clubs, bars and bookstores in San Francisco’s gay heartland could unite in support of gay economic and political interests, then Glynn figured that Sydney’s gay businesses could do the same. Milk’s small business agenda resonated with Glynn’s own entrepreneurial bent, and in the early ’80s, Glynn established the Gay

Business Association along similar lines to its Castro Valley counterpart.

Milk’s focus on small business was an astute political move. It enabled

Milk to successfully and simultaneously position himself as a champion

121 of gay rights, small business, and the economically marginalised. It was a winning combination. But on 27 November 1978, a former police officer and City Hall politician called Dan White assassinated Milk and San

Francisco’s mayor, George Moscone.

White later received an eight-year prison sentence for the double murder.

His attorney successfully argued that White could not be held accountable for his crimes because he had eaten too much junk food on the day they were committed. The outcry that followed White’s sentencing quickly turned violent. Milk supporters marched on City Hall, smashed windows and torched police cars. The San Francisco police retaliated by donning riot gear and raiding several Castro Street bars, where they assaulted patrons at random.

Milk’s election, and murder, reverberated through gay communities around the world. It established once and for all that the ‘gay vote’ was no longer a figment of gay activists’ imagination. It proved that gay businesses and gay voters could see themselves as an economic as well as a political entity. And it reminded gay men and lesbians everywhere that a vicious backlash could be unleashed at any time.

David Widdup first introduced the Australian electorate to the idea of an openly gay political candidate in 1972. Widdup worked for the Teachers’

Federation and was a member of the homosexual rights group, CAMP

(Campaign Against Moral Persecution). He set his sights on the Liberal

122 Prime Minister William (Billy) McMahon’s electorate of Lowe, in suburban Sydney, and he campaigned under the memorable slogan, ‘I’ve got my eyes on Billy’s seat’. Widdup’s numbers were no match for

McMahon’s, but his campaign nevertheless drew media and public attention to homosexual issues. Which of course was the point of the exercise.

In June 1978, Peter Blazey threw his hat in the ring as the Gay Liberation candidate for the seat of Earlwood. Blazey, who was a former press secretary to a Liberal minister, Andrew Peacock, stood for election using the catchy slogan ‘Put a Poofter in Parliament’.

“In those days it was easy to stand for a by-election,” Blazey later recalled. “One simply left a deposit of one hundred dollars cash with the returning officer, plus a nomination form signed by six local voters, and one was declared a candidate. When the list was published I found to my delight that the Labor candidate, Ken Gabb, was an unmarried man living with his mother and the Liberal candidate was Alan Jones, the right-wing media commentator who subsequently became the subject of an incident outside a London bog.”

Blazey had a snowflake’s chance in hell of getting elected. But he campaigned in a conservative, suburban electorate soon after Sydney’s first gay Mardi Gras ended in brutal police arrests because he knew he would get media coverage for gay rights.

123

“In my luckiest TV appearance, Mike Willesee’s crew followed me while

I was soliciting votes in the main street. There were diverse opinions expressed, but one little old lady dazzled the audience when she said she would vote for a gay candidate and that she approved of homosexuals.

‘We’ve got two of them living in our apartment block. They’re much nicer than men,’ she said. Strangely, I was unable to persuade the two major candidates to debate gay rights. They avoided me like poison.”

The momentum to put a poof in parliament gathered pace at the same time as Glynn’s newspaper consolidated its position in the Sydney gay community. But those who were serious about getting elected – as distinct from drawing media attention to gay issues – paid attention to Harvey

Milk’s template and focussed their attention on councils in and around inner Sydney where gay businesses and gay residents were most heavily concentrated.

In November 1983, the Star announced it would publish a regular column from Brian McGahen, a gay man and Communist Party member who was closely associated with the Sydney Mardi Gras organising committee.

McGahen had decided to run as an independent candidate for election to the Sydney City Council, and he knew the Star would be critical to the success of his campaign. Glynn gave McGahen unfettered access to Star readers by offering him a regular column, which he called, simply,

Getting Elected.

124

“Brian McGahen has announced that he will be an Independent candidate at the coming City Council elections,” the Star declared. “Brian’s supporters hope to make him the first representative of the Gay

Community of the City Council. Between now and the election next April,

Brian has agreed to write a regular column in the Star about his election campaign and his thoughts about gays and public office.”

McGahen won a seat in the 1984 Sydney City Council election, thanks in no small part the Star’s support. Inner-city voters sent two other openly gay candidates to join McGahen on the Sydney council: Bill Hunt (who was elected as a member of the South Sydney Resident Action Group) and Craig Johnston, who successfully campaigned as a gay representative of the Australian Labor Party (ALP).

From the early 1980s onwards, the Star found itself at the centre of intense debates about gay political representation. Large numbers of letters to the editor argued the pros and cons of electing independent gay candidates such as McGahen, and a similarly large numbers of letters to the editor urged readers to support gay or lesbian ALP candidates such as

Johnston, and later, Susan Harben. The gist of the debate was this: should gay voters stick with the ALP, despite the glacial progress of homosexual law reform, because it was the party most likely to deliver social reform; or should gay and lesbian voters abandon the Catholic-dominated Labor

Party on principle, and give the independents a go?

125

The debate crystallised most spectacularly every time voters in the electoral district of Bligh went to the polls. Bligh was a swinging seat that encompassed the working class suburbs of Woolloomooloo, Redfern and

Chippendale, the newly gentrified suburbs of Paddington and Surry Hills, and the wealthy enclaves of Elizabeth Bay, Edgecliff, and Darling Point.

The seat had also become a gay stronghold. The only one of its kind in

Australia.

Throughout most of the ’80s, Bligh sampled every kind of politics on offer. The seat started the decade in Liberal hands, but it went Labor in

1981, thanks in part to the pro-gay stance of the ALP candidate, Fred

Miller. Four years later, however, Bligh swung back to the Liberal Party, by just a few hundred votes. It was never clear whether the gays in Bligh were part of the anti-Labor swing, or helped staunch Miller’s loss. Either way, the Liberal’s Michael Yabsley owned the seat for the next four-year term, only to then lose Bligh to the unstoppable, gay friendly independent,

Clover Moore.

Moore was a veteran of local politics. In the late 1970s, at about the time that Glynn started the Star, Moore formed a residents’ action group called

Redfern Community Concern as a grassroots response to local issues that she believed were being ignored by the neighbourhood’s ALP representatives. In 1980, Moore successfully campaigned as an independent for election to South Sydney Council, and in the following

126 year, she was elected an independent to the Sydney City Council. Moore was a consistent performer with an expanding inner-city power base. She worked hard for her constituency from the beginning, unequivocally supporting her electorate’s ethnic and Indigenous minorities as well as its lesbians and gay residents.

Bligh’s gay and lesbian voters remained loyal Moore supporters across three decades and throughout several elections. Their vote helped Moore retain Bligh until the seat was abolished in 2007 and replaced by the electoral district of Sydney (which Moore also won). Every one of these battles for Bligh left its mark on the Star. Advertisements, news items, opinion pieces, editorials, and letters to the editor spruiked the gay or gay- friendly credentials of Miller, Yabsley and Moore. If ever there was doubt about the existence of the gay vote, here was irrefutable proof that it existed, and mattered.

Glynn’s political allegiances were a source of constant frustration for some of his colleagues. Glynn campaigned against the ALP’s Fred Miller in the 1981 Bligh campaign, and in the same year, he campaigned against the ALP’s Robert Tickner in a by-election for the local seat of Wentworth.

According to Star’s Richard Turner, Glynn and a fellow American expatriate, Gary Beauchamp (who published the gay magazine,

Campaign) decided to support the Liberal candidate for Wentworth, Peter

Coleman, because they believed that was the best way to challenge the

ALP’s belief that the gay vote was rusted on.

127

“That was just ridiculous. It was an impossible call. And it drove the Gay

Rights Lobby people completely offside,” Turner said.

Turner could never quite understand Glynn’s political conservatism. “I would always come up against this impossible juxtaposition in Michael.

He was an activist and he was openly gay but had this incredibly conservative political viewpoint.”

128 Narrative, chapter 7: Clones and community

American porn star Al Parker was famous among those who valued what he had to offer. He was bearded and moustached, lean and well defined, and he starred in over a dozen gay porn films with titles such as Heavy

Equipment (shot in 3D), All Tied Up, and Inches. The synopsis for

Parker’s Turned On is typical of the genre. By the end of the film, we’re told, “Parker has mouthed eleven men, humped five butts, and taken several men over the edge to orgasm.”

Parker, like Glynn, embodied a particular kind of late-20th century, pre-

AIDS gay sexuality. Such men were known, proudly, as clones. Parker was the clones’ apotheosis; Glynn was a devotee. Clones shared a uniform and a sexual code: tight blue jeans, t-shirt, checked-shirts, boots and leather jacket; short hair and moustache. They were supposed to be emotionally detached, hedonistic and sexually charged. “The clone speaks in monosyllables,” wrote David Feinberg in his novel, Eighty-Sixed. “He dances alone in the discotheque, pinching his own nipples. The clone is self-sufficient. The clone is hot sex. He never stays over for the night.”

Clones were the beneficiaries of the 1960s sexual revolution and the

1970s gay liberation movement, although some questioned just how liberated these men really were. The clones eschewed the previous generation’s camp styles for a consciously masculine projection of an identity that was understood by some to be a reaction against the

129 stigmitisation of homosexuals as sissies. The clones first emerged on the streets of the Castro gay ghetto in San Francisco in the late 1970s and soon became a social and cultural force in the gay ghettoes of New York,

Washington, London, Sydney and elsewhere. For Australian academic,

Dennis Altman, the clone was the logical starting point for his study of the emergence of homosexuals as a new minority within Western culture. In

The Homosexualisation of America, the Americanisation of the

Homosexual, Altman wrote:

By the beginning of the eighties a new type of homosexual man had

become visible in most large American cities and could also be found,

to a somewhat lesser extent, in most other Western urban centres. No

longer characterised by an effeminate style, the new homosexual

displayed his sexuality by a theatrically masculine appearance: denim,

leather, and the ubiquitous key rings dangling from the belt. The long-

haired androgynous look of the early seventies was now found among

straights, and the super-macho image of the Village People disco group

seemed to typify the new style perfectly…

The Star espoused this new gay style. Before 1979, Sydney’s gays were considered to be either longhaired counter-culturalists in silks and satins, or drag-loving opera queens. But the Star replaced these old stereotypes with a brand new set of images. The newspaper favoured cover photos or illustrations of hairy-chested clones and leather-clad bikers. Inside the

Star there was more of the same: homoerotic illustrations in the style of

130 Tom of Finland. Bulging biceps, biker caps and chaps were the order of the day, and the new ethos was supported by many of the Star’s advertisers. “We’re not all washed-up ‘show’ girls or disco queens,” declared an advertisement placed by Folkways Music in Paddington.

“Folkways offers a wide range of REAL MUSIC IN THIS SEA OF SHIT

… No Opera!”

There was a fair amount of crossover between the clones and the gay leather scene, and Glynn’s personal interest in these expressions of gay sexuality permeated his newspaper. As Glynn proudly proclaimed in a

1980 editorial:

To many people, the Sydney Star is heavily into Leather and a macho

male sexist image. To some extent this is true. One of the main reasons

for this is the growing awareness amongst the people in the ‘leather

scene’. As a group they can be just as narrow-minded, sometimes, as

other gays. But there are many individuals who are actively exploring

their sexuality and their lifestyles. They are not static in terms of their

personal awareness. After 20 (or more) years of camp/drag/queen

domination of gay life, it’s OK to be a man and be gay.

If the Star was the clones’ newspaper, the Beresford Hotel was their home. When it opened off Oxford Street in late 1980, it immediately struck a chord with the same audience the Star appealed to. The

Beresford’s new licensee, Barry Cecchini, was a former Qantas staffer

131 who lived in the increasingly gay neighbourhood of Surry Hills. Cecchini took over a former working class pub and created a new style of gay venue, suitable for the new style of gay man. As a street-level pub, the

Beresford was a world away from the Syndicate-owned nightclubs on

Oxford Street’s Golden Mile. The Beresford proudly advertised itself in the Star as the first hotel in Sydney owned and operated by gays, for gays.

The fact that the Star and the Beresford shared a common demographic is significant. It meant that this new-style pub, and others that followed, were perfect distribution points for Glynn’s newspaper, and Glynn would adapt his newspaper accordingly. Beresford drinkers were clones. They gladly collected their copy of the Star from a pile that sat on top of the pub’s cigarette vending machine, which was strategically placed near the entrance. It was prime real estate and Glynn knew it. So much so that he changed the format of the Star from A4-folded to A3 flat so that the newspapers sat squarely on top of the cigarette machine.

There had been a couple of attempts to establish a free gay press in

Sydney prior to the Star, but none had solved the problem of effective distribution. Galbraith, who edited the Star some years after Glynn’s departure, recalls:

When I arrived in Sydney in ’78 there was a thing called The

Advocate, which lasted two or three issues. I think one of the reasons

for The Advocate’s short life is that people were leaving the gay

132 venues at two or three in the morning and the last thing they were

likely to do was take a magazine home with them. They were hardly

likely to want to read at that time of night, in that frame of mind.

The thing about gay pubs, particularly The Beresford, is that they were

a place where people could go to on Saturday afternoon or in the early

evening after work, and have a drink. They could pick up the Star off

the cigarette machine, they could read it at the bar while they were

waiting for their mate, or they could quite naturally take it home.

So what you had with the opening of The Beresford and other pubs

such as The Flinders [opened a few months after The Beresford] was a

distribution network. Leases and freehold purchases were cheap at the

time, in that area, and the pubs all had cigarette machines. You had a

ready-made readership and you had an advertising base. And these

things coalesced at the same time that a gay sub-culture was starting to

form.

Not everyone wanted to drink at The Beresford and embrace clonedom.

Drag queens, camp gay men, opera queens, non-scene queens, and many other kinds of homosexuals populated the territories beyond clonedom, and when a satirical newspaper called The Sydney Fart made its brief appearance on Oxford Street, lampooning the clone monoculture of the

Sydney Star, gay liberationists applauded the satire as a timely riposte.

133 Community organisations such as the Gay Counselling Service and the

Gay Rights Lobby, together with events such as the Sydney Gay Mardi

Gras (which changed to the Sydney Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras) played a critical role in bringing the tribes together. Inevitably, questions surfaced at such times when significant numbers of clones, lesbians, leather queens, disco bunnies and drag queens, bar flies, opera queens, gay liberationists and student activists coalesced. Did this sub-culture constitute a community? If so, what did it stand for, and who was eligible to join?

“I can’t stand all these clones together,” hissed Dennis Altman’s friend,

David, while the two men were at a Gay Pride Day in Washington. D.C. in 1980. “‘Look at that one’, said David, pointing at a man who wore a miniature roller-skate suspended from a ring pierced through his nipple –

‘would you go home with him?’”

The pierced nipple, wrote Altman, “seemed out of place in a gathering whose motto proclaimed ‘We Are Family’. The crowd was good- humoured and ready to applaud anyone who made them feel good, as befitted a family outing; the speakers, whose speeches were duly translated into sign language, stressed a sense of community among lesbians and gay men. We need to encourage and develop our own culture, our own businesses, exhorted emcee Robin Tyler, and the crowd cheered.” As Altman observed, the crucial question arising from such manifestations of gay culture is whether they prove the existence of a gay

134 community, “one held together not just by external hostility and commercial venues, but by self-created institutions and images”.

Despite its predilection for all things clone and leather, Glynn’s Star was a self-created institution that published self-created images of gay men. As such, it was deeply entangled in the conversation gay men and lesbians were having at the time about whether or not they constituted a community. From the outset, Glynn’s newspaper championed ‘gay consciousness’ and gay economic power. Glynn frequently published the phrase ‘think gay, buy gay’ in the Star. It was his mantra, a phrase that reinforced the identity shared by those who socialised in the city’s gay bars, cafes, gyms and saunas. In every edition of the Star, Glynn published a declaration. The Star, he said, was published as “a contribution to the building of the gay movement and the growth of gay consciousness ”. Towards the end of his first year publishing the Star,

Glynn added the words “Gay Community News” to his masthead, by way of reinforcing the publication’s position as a community newspaper.

Community-mindedness was never off Glynn’s agenda. In an editorial in the Star’s second edition, Glynn wrote:

One of the main reasons for starting up this publication was to try to

provide information to the Gay Community in Sydney. In the course of

our discussions about the magazine we often came up against the fact

that there seems to be no feeling of community at all in this city. Very

often we are confronted by a certain bitchiness that tries to attack and

135 pull down. Whether or not this has any relation to the national pastime

of knocking all things Australian, I don’t know. What I do know from

talking with many people around town is that many of us are tired of

this vile habit. What has been most often expressed in the course of

putting this magazine together is the desire for the Gay Community to

pull its socks up and get its act together.

When asked more than a decade later to reflect on the question of whether or not Sydney had such a thing as a gay community in the early 80s,

Glynn was adamant:

I was going out every weekend. I was seeing that community. I have

documentary evidence, photos of that community. For people to stand

up and state that we don’t have a community, or to state ‘what is this

gay community bullshit?’, these people have their heads so far up their

arse they can’t see daylight. The final proof of that, for me, was [that]

identifiable people [were] popping up again and again at various

places. To me, this spoke of community.

136

Narrative, chapter 8: Lesbian inclusion

Lesbian representation in the Star, or more accurately, the lack thereof, is a perennial issue for the newspaper. The Star’s focus on gay male sexuality, under Glynn’s editorship and under most subsequent editors, was the newspaper’s strength and its weakness. It meant the newspaper had a clearly defined readership but it also alienated a significant proportion of Sydney’s GLBTQ community, many of whom argued that the Star was not a genuine community newspaper but was instead a boys’ own journal.

The Star was not the only gay organisation in Sydney that grappled with the issue of lesbian representation throughout the 1980s. The Sydney Gay

Mardi Gras and the Gay Rights Lobby were also embroiled in intense debates about lesbian inclusion. Eventually both institutions changed their names to better reflect lesbian and gay interests: Mardi Gras became the

Sydney Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras, and the Rights Lobby became the

Gay and Lesbian Rights Lobby.

At times, the argument was clear-cut. By definition, a community based on the acknowledgement of same-sex love and desire could only properly exist if it fully celebrated the lives of its lesbian and gay members, despite their differences. Everybody stood to benefit from such a coalition: the community’s texture and character could only be enriched by

137 strengthening the level of lesbian inclusion, and a true coalition of gay and lesbian citizens would have greater political clout than a community divided along gender lines. Yet things were rarely so simple. Gay men and lesbians had their issues, often based on conflicting attitudes to pornography and sex, feminism and sexism, patriarchy and separatism, commercialism, leather and drag, and political activism.

The Star struggled to engage with a lesbian readership from the beginning. “There has been a constant effort over the past eleven months to have some contribution from the lesbians in this city,” Glynn declared in a May 1980 editorial.

“At this point, that effort has proven fruitless. And yet, there have been sexist charges made against this publication (which I admit to under the circumstances). I would challenge those lesbians who constantly complain about the attitudes of men to contribute in a positive way to a publication that is available to them.”

Glynn’s challenge to ‘those lesbians who constantly complain about the attitudes of men’ appears in an edition of the Star that is, like most other editions, overwhelmingly gay. The cover image Glynn selected for his

May 1980 edition was an illustration of a man raising his singlet and undoing his fly. The social photos that Glynn published inside that particular edition of the Star featured large numbers of leather men enjoying the 1980 Australian Mr Leather Awards. Many of the

138 advertisements in the same edition of the Star, particularly those placed by gay sex clubs such as 253 Baths and Signal, featured images of naked men. The one and only image of a woman that appeared in the Star that fortnight was an image of the singer, Judi Connelli. She is pictured in an advertisement for her 17 May performance at Coronation Hall in Botany

Road, Mascot, organised by the Capricorn Social Club.

Gary Dunne recalls an incident at a gay and lesbian community meeting in Sydney in the late ’70s that was considered indicative of Glynn’s position on the question of lesbian inclusion.

“Michael made his famous comment to some dyke who wanted the Star to publish more lesbian content: ‘You tell me what you want, and if it makes sense, I'll maybe give it to you,’ he said, or words to that effect. He was universally loathed by the Left, especially by the dykes, who saw him as a sad victim of the patriarchy because he was sexually attracted to the worst aspects of masculinity. That was the whole clone thing he was into.

“The dykes preferred witty fembot pooves like Ian MacNeill and I who could quote Virginia Woolf back at them. Then they went seppo [lesbian separatist] and butch themselves. Go figure. Maybe power corrupts.”

Two episodes reported in the Star in the early 1980s illustrate the ebb and flow of tensions between gay men and lesbians at the time. Tempers flared at the Eighth National Homosexual Conference in October 1982

139 when lesbian separatists hijacked the plenary session to protest about drag as a negative portrayal of women. Writing in the Star, conference participant Robert Johnston described the protesters “as some sort of new

Calvinists … whose attitude denies any self-mockery… and the knowledge that farce lies at the centre of existence”.

Johnston’s comments suggested a conceptual, if not existential, difference existed between gay men and lesbians. Yet a month later, in November

1982, the Star published a news report about efforts being made to foster a coalitionist approach to lesbian and gay politics. A conference would be held in Sydney in the week prior to the 1983 Gay Mardi Gras, the Star reported. The conference title, Our Lives/Our Selves, a Festival for

Lesbians and Gay Men, made it clear the event was intended to foster a gay and lesbian coalition, and Star readers were told that individuals or groups could organise their own activities and workshops. Doing so would allow the event’s coordinating committee to concentrate on arranging a few central activities and meeting places to give a focus to the festival. “Under this plan,” the Star noted, “it is believed that both lesbians and gay men will feel the freedom and room to create their own activities and events without the intimidations or pressures they might otherwise feel from a strong central committee that could be seen to represent one section of the community.”

The Star was almost two-years-old by the time it featured lesbians on its front cover. Frances Rand shared that honour with Susan Harben. The two

140 friends were photographed at the launch of the Sydney Gay Guide, which had been produced as a fundraiser for the Gay Counselling Service. They made history when their image appeared on the front page of the Star on 8

May 1981. Rand went on to co-publish the magazine Lesbians on the

Loose; Harben would later become president of the Sydney Gay and

Lesbian Mardi Gras and an unsuccessful ALP candidate for the seat of

Bligh.

In August 1983, the Star published a report on the opening of the Belmore

Park Hotel, billed as Sydney’s ‘first gay hotel for women’. “This reporter couldn’t stop smiling all night, totally caught up in the high energy and excitement of a bar that was absolutely bursting at the seams with women,” readers were told. There were no photos to accompany this news report. However, the same edition of the Star did find space for a double- page photo-spread of the 1983 International Mr Leather Chicago competition, replete with shirtless men in chaps, harnesses and spiky codpieces.

The Star’s coverage of lesbian news and social events remained sporadic.

But as 1983 unfolded and more people felt the impact of AIDS, it became apparent that Sydney’s gay and lesbian coalition would become even more important. An organisation known then as the International Gay

Association (and later re-named the International Lesbian and Gay

Association) issued a statement that year calling on gay men to learn from the experience of lesbians in challenging the health care system.

141

The Star reprinted the IGA statement, in August 1983. It read, in part:

“We shall need to deal with problems experienced by lovers, relatives, friends, and those who are anxious about the possibility of contracting

AIDS, as well as to provide support for people with AIDS. We recognise that the AIDS problem has been used to excuse attacks on lesbians as well as gay males. We believe that mutual support between gay males and lesbians is necessary to combat these attacks. We urge gay males to welcome women into AIDS work on an equal basis with males and to deal with their sexism in working together. We encourage gay males to learn from the experience of lesbians and other feminist women in challenging the health care system.”

It wasn’t until 1991 that the Star began publishing a regular lesbian column, Catwoman. A year later, the newspaper appointed Barbara

Farrelly as its first lesbian staff journalist, and in June 1993, Farrelly became the Star’s first lesbian editor. By then the Star was a confident and assertive 14-year-old, ready, at last, to fully embrace a lesbian perspective.

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Narrative, chapter 9: A walk on the violent side

Figure 1: From the First National Homosexual Conference Papers, 1975, artist unknown.

(Accessed 1 August 2011, www.pridehistorygroup.org.au)

In December 1982, the Star reported a major rise in the number of anti- gay bashings in Sydney’s Eastern Suburbs and advised readers how they could minimise the risk of attack:

For our own safety, it is important that we all be aware of the dangers

and of the simple precautionary efforts we can take to protect

ourselves. When out on foot always attempt to be with at least one

other person. Always attempt to stay in well-lit areas. Above all, if

attacked, never lie down and do all in your power to prevent being

143 knocked down. It is far more difficult to cause serious damage to a

person on their feet…

We also have to work towards preventing the attacks happening. It is

essential, therefore, to involve the police no matter how you feel about

them. We all know how disappointing the police have been in

following up reports of attacks. This will continue unless pressure is

put on them … if you stand up to the police, they will be polite.

Remember we can all protect ourselves and maybe stop and reverse the

rising number of gay related bashings if we take these actions. If we do

not, we may face the same horrifying situation that gays in major US

cities face. Don’t let violence get that far out of control.

Glynn and Turner were themselves targeted. The two men were walking through Green Park, opposite St Vincent’s Hospital in Darlinghurst, when they were threatened by a group of young men. It was a ‘fight or flight’ moment. As Turner recalls, Glynn fled, while Turner fought back:

It was mainly verbal violence but one of them attacked me physically.

I respond to violence with violence. But most people, especially gay

men, don't. They lie down or run. So I didn't blame Michael [for

running]. But he was very embarrassed afterwards.

144 A public meeting to discuss the rise in gay bashings was announced in the

1982 Christmas edition of the Star:

An alarming increase in gay-related attacks in the Oxford Street area

has caused considerable concern to all members of the community. If

you have been attacked and suffered physical violence you should

attend this meeting. If you know anyone who has been bashed, you

should come. If you’re concerned about violence you should be there.

Tuesday 21 December at 7.30pm Sydney Gay Centre 51 Holt Street

Surry Hills.

Despite such advocacy, it took a long time for the Darlinghurst and Surry

Hills police to properly record and respond to the violent assaults that were (and remain) a feature of gay life in Sydney. In the late ’70s and early ’80s, the police were part of the problem. Robert Lovett’s experience at the hands of the Darlinghurst police in July 1981 was not unique. Lovett was detained overnight in the Darlinghurst cells after being arrested and charged for kissing another man at a gay disco. When

Lovett’s father came to lodge bail the next morning, he found his son with a swollen face, cut lip and badly bruised chest. The Star reported Lovett’s treatment by the police, but unbelievably, when Lovett’s case came to court, he was convicted of scandalous conduct under the Offences in

Public Places Act. Lovett’s conviction was later over-turned but no charges were laid against the police who bashed him.

145 Just a few months before Lovett’s bashing, police officers from the Kings

Cross station had hauled a gay man out of the Fountain Hotel in Kings

Cross at 11pm and held him in a cell until 5am the next morning. No charges were laid against the man, nor was he informed of his rights. The man later completed a statutory declaration detailing the incident, but this made news nowhere other than page five of the Star.

But it was the Star’s report in January 1982 of two men being dragged off the dance floor at Caps nightclub on Oxford Street by two police officers from the Darlinghurst police station that provoked the most vigourous reaction. The police had detained the men overnight and charged them the next day with two counts each of hindering police, resisting police, and assaulting police. The men, however, provided a sworn statement about their ordeal at the hands of uniformed officers. They alleged the police had strip searched them and then bashed them, leaving one of the victims with severe damage to his eye. Glynn reported the incident on the front page of the Star and took it up as an editorial issue of profound significance for the gay and lesbian community. He wrote an accompanying editorial that declared:

Over the last year we have received numerous reports from gay women

and men about the attitudes and actions of certain members of the

police force. The situation is abhorrent, akin to the treatment of Jews in

Germany under the rule of the Nazi overlords … all of us everywhere

should be filled with anger and outrage. All of us should take some

146 kind of action to ensure our safety – not only from the “poofter

bashers” on the streets but also from those who are paid to “protect

us”.

What we must do is say NO! No more! We must demand it with all our

strength. We must fight the battle for our freedom ... each and every

one of us.

Street attacks on gays and lesbians were not the worst of it. Since publishing its first edition in 1979, the Star recorded the murders of dozens of gay men in Sydney. Some of these men were murdered in their home, some at beats in Rushcutters Bay, Alexandria and Narrabeen, and some died in mysterious ‘accidents’ that resulted in fatal falls off

Sydney’s seaside cliffs.

Constantine Giannaris, a Greek consul-general, was murdered in his home in Darling Point in November 1981. He would have struggled more than most to take his dying breath because he had a gag in his mouth, a knife in his back and a serious head-wound. Work colleagues discovered the consul-general’s body on Monday 16 November 1981. Giannaris had missed a Saturday night cocktail reception and had failed to appear at work on Monday morning, so a couple of staff members went to the man’s Darling Point home to check that everything was OK. Once inside, they found Giannaris’ body, face down and fully clothed, in a pool of blood.

147

The police were called, neighbours and staff were questioned, and the surrounding streets were sealed off until evidence was gathered. It didn’t look like a failed robbery; the only things missing were a home stereo system and Giannaris’ car.

“He was a very quiet man, I don't think politics was involved,” said a friend, George Tscidanis, editor of the Greek-language newspaper

Hellenic Herald, in response to questions from an Associated Press reporter.

A few weeks earlier, on 17 October 1981, Gerald Leslie Cuthbert was found dead in his Paddington flat. He had been stabbed more than 60 times and had his throat cut. Three days later, a schoolteacher, Peter

Parkes, met a similarly gruesome end. He too was found bound and gagged and stabbed to death in his apartment in Potts Point.

Two young men were eventually found guilty of the murders of Cuthbert and Giannaris. But there were other young people willing to perpetuate horrifyingly brutal assaults against gay men, often in the belief that police complacency in investigating anti-gay violence, together with existing legal sanctions against homosexuals and continuing religious pronouncements against gay men, legitimised or at least lessened their crimes. In November 1983, the Star ran the following news item:

148 A 47-year-old gay man was stabbed to death last Thursday (27th

October). Paul Edmond Hoson, retired, was found in his Elizabeth Bay

unit by police. He had been stabbed 11 times, suffering massive

injuries to his chest.

Hoson was last seen alive on Thursday night just before 8.30pm in the

Bottom’s Up Bar at the Rex Hotel. A few minutes later he was seen

walking across Fitzroy Gardens with a dark complexioned man. Police

understand they had met in the bar.

NB. Paul Hoson was a good friend of Kevin Costa who died recently

from a fall off the cliff at Dover Heights.

In 2002, more than two decades after Giannaris died with a gag in his mouth and a knife in his back, the Australian Institute of Criminology

(AIC) released a report into the deaths of more than 70 men who had been murdered in NSW in the past 20 years because of their homosexuality.

The AIC report found what many Star readers knew from first-hand experience: that anti-gay violence is often exceptionally brutal and that the teenagers or young adults who attack lesbians and gay men often do so in the belief that society approves of their actions.

Former Star journalist Ruth Pollard, writing about the AIC report in the

Sydney Morning Herald, noted that the weapons used to kill gay men in

NSW included a claw hammer, a saw, a fire extinguisher, a spade, a car

149 wheel brace, and a crossbow and arrow. Most of the murdered men were in their 30s and 40s. The perpetrators of these crimes were primarily teenagers (43 per cent) or young men in their 20s (38 per cent).

Stephen Dempsey’s murder was also included in the AIC report. The 34- year-old had been shot with a crossbow and arrow at a beat in Narrabeen, on Sydney’s northern beaches. Dempsey’s head, arms, and legs were cut off and stored in garbage bags; his torso was later found washed ashore at a beach in Pittwater. It was wrapped in wire mesh. A 22-year-old man and his 19-year old girlfriend were later committed for trial for Dempsey’s murder. The couple said they had met at a church fellowship group at the

Mona Vale Christian Life Centre.

150 Narrative, chapter 10: Religion, spirituality and universal joy

Michael Glynn (second row, centre) with Metropolitan Community Church members and friends. Photo courtesy of the Star.

In his fictional series, Tales of the City, author Armistead Maupin created an unforgettable first encounter between the Sisters of Perpetual

Indulgence and the worried out-of-town parents of Maupin’s lead character, Michael Tolliver.

Michael’s parents, Herb and Alice, had come to San Francisco hoping to glean some details about their son’s life. Herb, Alice and Michael were on

151 a street near Union Square, walking towards their car, when Michael felt the urge to reassure his parents all was well:

‘It’s an amazing city, Mama’.

Almost on cue, the nuns appeared.

‘Herb, look!’

‘Goddammit, Alice! Don’t point!’

‘Herb … they’re on roller skates!’

‘Goddamn if they aren’t! Mike, what the hell …?’

Before their son could answer, the six white-coiffed figures had

rounded the corner as a unit, rocketing in the direction of the revelry

on Polk Street.

One of them bellowed at Michael.

‘Hey, Tolliver!’

Michael waved half-heartedly.

The nun gave a high sign, blew a kiss, then shouted: ‘Loved your

jockey shorts!’

The Sisters of Perpetual Indulgence first appeared in Castro Street, San

Francisco, in the late 1970s. These gay men with an irreverent sense of humour and dressed as nuns, satirised intolerance among the gay scene’s muscled clones as well as within mainstream Christianity. They also raised much-needed funds for AIDS care and other good causes, hosting amateur strip competitions in the Castro Street bars, blessing street parades and protest marches, and doing the honours at housewarmings or

152 other significant events. The Sisters’ mission - to promulgate universal joy, expiate stigmatic guilt and serve the community - resonated with many gay men whose experience of religion had been joyless and guilt inducing. As the AIDS crisis deepened, and as many mainstream churches further distanced themselves from gay men and lesbians, the Sisters of

Perpetual Indulgence provided practical and spiritual support for the many thousands of gay men who were bereaved, or dying, or both.

In November 1982, the Star published a lengthy interview with Sydney members of the Order. The interview ran over six pages, in two consecutive editions of the newspaper. It was an unprecedented allocation of space for such a topic, and interviewer Craig Johnston made the most of the opportunity to illuminate the substance beneath the satire.

Asked Johnston: ‘Is the Order an anti-religious group or is it true, as is sometimes claimed, that you are a genuine religious order?’

Sister Mary, Third Secret of Fatima, replied: ‘We’re as genuine as any.’

Sister Mary Tyler Moore: ‘We’ve had our visions.’

Third Secret of Fatima: ‘And our saints – some of them are still alive.’

Johnston then asked: ‘Why do you think religion is an important personal/political priority?’ Sister Mary, Third Secret of Fatima, replied:

“The religious aspect of the ‘gay struggle’ has got more important over the last couple of years. I guess I underestimated that. But when we say

153 things like ‘no more guilt’, which in a sense is a religious statement, people relate heavily to that.”

Not every gay man could relate to the Sisters of Perpetual Indulgence, or even thought them funny. A Star reader and Blue Mountains resident complained, in a letter to the editor, that he felt disgust and anger when he saw a story about the Sisters gathering in Katoomba, west of Sydney:

Such activities may be funny at a private party… but to incite the ill

will of so many people by cavorting around in a religious uniform in

such a sacrilegious manner is sheer lunacy. If they must expose

themselves and us to community ridicule then it behoves them to

parade in their own front yards and soil their own nests. To travel to

country areas, where understanding and enlightenment are hard-earned

and slower to arrive, with the intention of angering and confusing

people, is to sabotage the hard work so many of us have put in over the

years, creating an image of normality and trustworthiness. Country

hospitality is legendary, but one visit from the Sisters of Perpetual

Indulgence has well and truly worn out their welcome.

- Richard Bickhoff, Co-ordinator, Country Network.

14 January 1983.

Religion and spirituality often featured in the Star’s news pages as well as in the newspaper’s letters to the editor. In October 1982, in a front-page report headlined ‘Positive Catholic Report on Gays’, Star readers were

154 told about a Catholic initiative in San Francisco, where a task force that included priests and social workers urged the Archdiocese to recognise gays and lesbians as full members of the Catholic community. Underneath the headline was the following editorial statement: “We hope that the

Catholic Church in Australia takes notice.”

Glynn was always sympathetic to requests from gay religious groups for editorial space. In late August 1983, the Star devoted half a page to a story supplied by the gay Catholic group, Acceptance. The group had recently celebrated its 10th anniversary by staging a gala dinner at the Gay

Centre in Holt Street, Surry Hills, and the occasion presented an opportunity for Acceptance to publicise its existence to Star readers. “At first, Acceptance had to fly in a priest from Canberra to say Mass once a month … but soon there was a well-attended Mass every Friday and this is now a regular part of the Sydney gay scene,” readers learnt.

In early 1983, Glynn published in the Star an interview he conducted with a fellow American, the Reverend Jim Dykes, who had recently arrived in

Sydney from San Francisco to take care of the Sydney chapter of the

Metropolitan Community Church (MCC). The story presented both men with an opportunity to consider the magnitude of the coming AIDS disaster, and its likely intersections with mainstream churches and spirituality. The Reverend Dykes gave Star readers an unflinching assessment of the trouble ahead:

155 It [AIDS] is going to be in Australia. When I found out I was going to

be the pastor of this church [in Sydney] I was more attuned to

Australians visiting San Francisco and I ran into, over a three month

period before I left, at least 10 men from Sydney, Melbourne and

Adelaide who were in San Francisco.

They were there on a holiday and they were there enjoying everything

that we fought for in our community as far as gay liberation and human

sexuality was concerned. So there’s no doubt that the chances are

pretty good, from the American tourists that come to Sydney, that the

disease is going to be rampant here as it is there.

Reverend Dykes urged the gay community to be prepared to look after its own physical and spiritual needs, as it had always done:

Number one, AIDS is not a moral issue. That it’s spread by sexual

contact has nothing to do with morality. This is a disease issue and I

want the church to be prepared to offer their support, in the sense of

being with people who are going through the disease, especially for

couples, because it will strike one person in a couple but not the other

person; and just the paranoia and the fear that we face.

Who’s going to deliver food and give our support to those AIDS

victims as they go through the turmoil? Are we just going to turn them

over to the St Vincent’s Hospital (which can be good, I know they are

156 supportive and caring, and do their best to understand what we are

about as gay persons). We have to learn to take care of our own. What

they want to do is… make us worship a God that is not our God.

Most gay men and lesbians experience hostility in their encounters with organised religion, which is why a former Baptist minister, the Reverend

Troy Perry, established the MCC in Los Angeles in 1968. Rev. Perry had himself been rejected by the Baptists because of his homosexuality, and his new church specifically attended to the spiritual needs of gay men and lesbians. The MCC very quickly found a receptive audience throughout the USA as well as in Australia. ‘Jesus did not create you in order to hate you,’ MCC ministers declared, to which thousands of gay men and lesbians replied: ‘amen’.

The MCC and the Sisters of Perpetual Indulgence, together with gay

Christian groups such as Acceptance, provided proof, if any were needed, that gay sexual liberation and spirituality could co-exist. Unusual juxtapositions sometimes surfaced as a result of this fact, best illustrated by the Star’s 1983 “Giant 32-page Xmas Issue” which featured a

Christmas cover photo of Glynn with his boyfriend, Steven Cribb, and four other Star staffers posing outside the mens’ toilet in Green Park,

Darlinghurst. How much do we read into Glynn’s choice of location, which was a gay beat of some repute, a site of fleeting joys as well as site of violence for more than three [un]wise men?

157 Glynn’s editorial, however, leaves us in no doubt about what this particular teacher/evangelist/editor wants for Christmas:

Certainly, it may be difficult in our own lives to offer peace and

goodwill to others. There may even be cause for ‘righteous

indignation’ because of the attitudes and actions of others. Somewhere

along the line, though, we must at least offer the hand of friendship and

brotherhood. If it is rejected, the offer scorned, then we may look

elsewhere for the hope and promise of relationships that we can trust

and believe in.

As a community, we have this year forged a fragile and growing bond

that could enable us to achieve the unity that we so desperately need.

In the coming year, we must lay down our knives and begin to grow in

peace and love for one another. We must not allow the forces of hatred

and violence to overcome us. We must, each of us, stand in the light of

day and fight for our right to live and for our right to love who we

please.

The Christmas message is simple. It is a light to all who would listen

and take heed. Let us, as individuals and as a community, work

towards the spirit of unity and peace among all. From each and all of

us at The Star we extend our best wishes for the season, the hope of

joy and happiness in the coming year.

158

Narrative, chapter 11: When push comes to shove

News of Michael Glynn’s departure from the Star spread quickly. Some people on the Golden Mile felt relieved. With Glynn gone, there might be a little less media interest in the shady deals that kept Oxford Street afloat.

Most people, though, were surprised.

The talk among the Beresford regulars was that Glynn had been pushed.

That was the only way to make sense of it, really, because wild horses wouldn’t have dragged him away from his newspaper. He’d lived and breathed the Star since he started publishing it in 1979, first out of a tiny office at 8/43 Phillip Street in the city, near the Wentworth Hotel, and then, as the newspaper grew, out of the front room of his home, a rented terrace house at 93 Crown Street, Darlinghurst. The Star was his baby. He said it was his contribution to the gay community.

As it turned out, Glynn was despatched by a handful of men he considered friends. They were men with whom he’d shared a particular intimacy as co-founders of a private S/M sex club. The Club, as they imaginatively called it, held invitation-only get-togethers at hired venues around

Sydney. Sometimes they met at a sauna in Kensington, other times at venues in the centre of Sydney. Who could forget one of The Club’s most memorable events, a Christmas party held underneath the State Theatre, at the American Health Silhouette Spa and Gym. “We called it ‘Christmas

159 Hang-Ups’,” Glynn recalled. “Geoff White did a beautiful poster for it: a guy hanging upside down with a candle burning out of his arse.”

Sydney was awash with opportunities for gay sex. There were leather and denim bars, discos and dance clubs, pubs, backrooms and saunas. But

Glynn loved leather and S/M sex with a passion. His obsession drove him and other like-minded men such as John Gellatly to establish The Club so they could pursue their special interests with fellow travellers, without censure. But it would prove to be Glynn’s undoing. “Michael wasn’t very good at separating his finances,” according to Richard Turner, Glynn’s former friend and workmate. “He’d started to use Club funds as his own personal funds. I’m not sure how much he owed them, but I think it was quite substantial.”

Gellatly pulled Glynn aside in May 1984 and demanded he repay The

Club’s missing money. Glynn couldn’t. He’d always run the Star on a shoestring budget and the only other assets he had were his looks and his reputation. Since The Club placed no monetary value on Glynn’s reputation or his sex appeal there was only one gut-wrenching thing left to do. Glynn agreed to sell the Star to a consortium of friends and co- workers led by Paul Smith, Turner, advertising man Tony Cooper and writer Bob Hay. Together, these men set up a company called Seruse Pty

Ltd and bought the Star from Glynn for a fortnightly license fee of $250.

160 Smith was appointed the new Star’s new editor and he used his first editorial to make the transition as smooth as possible. “Michael has decided that he must devote his energies to other tasks and he has, after much soul-searching, sold the Star to new owners,” Smith wrote in June

1984. The Seruse buy-out coincided with The Star’s fifth anniversary, an event that gave the new owners an opportunity to print suitably commemorative tributes to Glynn. Smith’s editorial was fulsome in its praise of Glynn’s legacy:

Michael Glynn, the Star’s founder and until recently, editor, can testify

to the fact that there are much easier ways of making one’s fortune

than in gay publishing. Michael had the vision to forsee that a paper

like the Star would be vital to the growth of a gay community. At first

alone, then later with the help of his lover Steven Cribb and two staff,

he produced the Star every fortnight for five years. In all that time he

had barely more than a couple of weeks’ holiday. The growth and

continued success of this newspaper is due almost solely to Michael’s

vision of a gay community and his single-minded dedication to that

vision. Michael’s vision and the Star have been almost without doubt

among the greatest influences on the growth of our community.

The Star’s capacity to pay Glynn a license fee was always a doubtful proposition. The newspaper’s survival was due in no small part to Glynn’s ability to minimise production costs by looking after most, if not all, of

161 the publishing duties. He answered the phones, he wrote content and he sourced advertisements from gay businesses around town. In the early days, he also distributed the paper, loading the latest edition into his backpack and hand-delivering it to venues along Oxford Street.

But the deal Seruse offered was good enough to get The Club off Glynn’s back. And it bought time for Glynn and his boyfriend, Steven Cribb, to reassess their lives. They packed their belongings, moved out of their

Crown Street terrace, and did what many Sydney gays do when they want to try a quieter and cheaper life. They moved to the Blue Mountains, two hours west of Sydney, where an annual fancy dress ball and an irregular dinner party circuit provide a good-enough alternative to the bar scene.

Things didn’t work out the way they should have. Seruse folded just ten months after the Star buy-out.

“We couldn’t afford the licence fee,” said Turner. “It was partly because of AIDS but we were also in the middle of an economic crisis and the venues were being crunched. Half the town had stopped advertising with us. Danny Vadasz [who published a Melbourne magazine called Gay

Community News] stepped in. I don’t quite remember whether we approached him or he approached us, but we were both receptive to the concept of forming an alliance that would give Gay Community News a

Sydney base and give the Star some financial resources.”

162 Vadasz and the Star struck a deal. The Seruse directors handed ownership of the paper over to Vadasz and his partners, the Star became the Sydney

Star Observer, and most of the existing editorial and advertising staff kept their jobs. Glynn, however, was left out in the cold. No Seruse, no license fee.

“Michael and I never spoke after that,” said Turner.

“He thought I had stolen the Star from him. I remember seeing Michael at the Star’s 10th birthday celebrations. There was a party, and everyone who had been involved with the Star was invited. Michael was there and he just cut me dead. As far as he was concerned, Richard Turner stole the paper from him. He was never going to forgive me for that.”

163 Narrative, chapter 12: ‘We need to learn from the dead’

A small gay community has existed in the bohemian upper reaches of the

Blue Mountains for many decades. Its members stage a fancy dress ball in

Leura every Queen’s Birthday weekend in June, and hold other social events throughout the year: picnics, tennis days and bushwalks, gentle past-times for those who have had their fill of Sydney’s gay scene or who were never interested in it to begin with. Glynn and Cribb made the most of their new life in the mountains. They found a house with plenty of room for themselves and their dogs, grew vegetables, and befriended some of the locals. But it was a brief interlude.

Within a year of leaving Sydney, Glynn’s deal with Seruse Pty Ltd to publish the Star under license was rendered worthless and the small income stream that Glynn had negotiated with Seruse evaporated. Seruse ceased publishing the Star on 25 April 1985, citing an inability to discharge its debts. A week later, the re-named Sydney Star Observer hit the streets, written and produced by Glynn’s former workmates but owned by the Melbourne-based Gay Publications Cooperative. Glynn was infuriated by this turn of events. He felt abandoned and betrayed, and his health took a turn for the worse. A friend of Glynn’s, Don Johnston, was so concerned about Glynn’s affairs that he wrote a letter to the Star:

On a recent visit to the Blue Mountains I was able to renew an old

friendship with Michael Glynn, who helped me many years ago when I

164 was coming out. It may be of some interest to your readers to know

that Michael has been ill for almost a year with a serious spinal

condition that has confined him to bed for most of that time.

Because of his inability to return to work he has had to rely on the

public hospital system, which has caused long delays in treatment. I

am moving back to Queensland very soon and am concerned that

someone who worked so hard for the community has been forgotten so

soon by so many. I hope that you can publish this letter so that others

may remember (Johnston, 1985).

Cribb’s health was failing, as well. At the end of 1985, the young DJ was diagnosed with HIV and in April the following year, Cribb contracted an unusual form of tuberculosis. His was an infection so rare “that four years ago,

Australian doctors only knew it from footnotes in textbooks,” wrote journalist

Ben Hills in the Sydney Morning Herald.

There was little point in Glynn and Cribb staying in the Blue Mountains because the specialist care Cribb needed was at St Vincent’s Hospital, in

Sydney. Glynn found a place for them to rent in the city. Trips to the hospital became considerably easier but there were other problems associated with their return. Glynn and Cribbs’ new neighbours in Campsie discovered the men were gay and that Cribbs had AIDS. Compassion was in short supply.

Instead, said Glynn, the neighbours threw rocks onto their roof, daubed their front fence with the word “poofters”, and would shout “why don't you die?”

165

Not much was known about AIDS treatments in 1986 and a refusal by

Sydney’s mortuary technicians at the time to conduct post-mortems on the bodies of people who had died with AIDS, for fear of infection, made it difficult for AIDS researchers to establish the way in which rare, AIDS-related infections worked. Cribb was adamant that his impending death should, in some way, contribute to existing knowledge about AIDS. He named Glynn as his executor and he asked that medical researchers be allowed to use his body to gain information that might help other AIDS patients. “There seems to be a lot of experimentation going on with AIDS patients,” Glynn said at the time.

“They try one drug to see if it works, but once the patient dies, they never know what they actually died from.”

Glynn wanted to make public the impact of the mortuary technicians’ ban on

AIDS-related post mortems. Before Cribb died, Glynn spoke to the Sydney

Morning Herald’s medical reporter, Chris Thomas, who in turn spoke to prominent AIDS researchers Dr David Cooper from St Vincent’s Hospital and

Professor John Dwyer from the Prince of Wales and Prince Henry Hospitals.

“We will need to have a post-mortem examination to know what kills him,”

Glynn told the Herald. “It will answer questions like whether the treatment doctors gave him was working. Steve only recently decided if he got well, he would start nursing, so he could help other people. To have a post-mortem examination is the last thing we can do for him. This makes me very angry and very sad.”

166

Cooper and Dwyer agreed that Cribbs’ last wish should be fulfilled. “Forty per cent of AIDS patients die from a complication that is not diagnosed before death,” Professor Dwyer said. “In order to help the living, we need to learn from the dead.”

In late November 1986, within a year of being diagnosed with HIV, Steven

Cribb moved into the St John of God Hospice, in Burwood, to spend his last days.

“They were pumping 600 millilitres of morphine into him towards the end, but he was still in agony,” Glynn recalled. “His last words were that he was fighting to stay alive and prove ‘that bitch’ wrong. ‘That bitch’ was his doctor who told him he wouldn't make it to Christmas.”

On 25 November 1986, Cribb slid into a coma and died. He was 28 years old.

“When Steven and I were together I felt I could do anything and I damn near did. My visions become real. Steven empowered me. His unconditional love, our love, was the strength of our accomplishments,”

Glynn wrote in his diary.

“In coming together, Steven and I broke through barriers and we gave to our tribe, the gay men of Sydney.

167 “Steven’s genius was in selling an evening of music as a journey. He definitely intended to take you somewhere, not merely move your feet.

Matching beat for beat, he could tell a story about our tribe: our feelings and our thoughts, our attitude, our pride.

“With Steven I experienced pure expressions of joy, on a dance floor as well as in those moments when it was just the two of us in our castle, when I didn’t have to share him with 500 – 5,000 other gay men.

“I wish we had spent more time together. I wish that our work hadn’t occupied us so much, that we had gone away together more, gone out to dinner together more, had more time.

“When I wake I miss him. In the night, I miss him. I am alone. Hopeless.

Desolate. Forsaken.”

168 Narrative, chapter 13: The last chapter

Armistead Maupin drew a sizeable crowd to the Sydney Opera House in

March 2011. He was in town to promote his new novel, Mary Ann in

Autumn, which revives many of the characters from Maupin’s phenomenally successful Tales of the City series. Maupin read some passages from his new novel and then participated in a Q&A session about his life and work. The conversation inevitably addressed the subjects at the heart of Maupin’s work: gay life, love, sex and ageing. At one point in the conversation, Maupin confessed that he had stopped writing in the 1990s because he didn’t want to perpetuate the dominant gay narrative. Too many gay men were dying around him, he said, and he couldn’t see a way to write about gay lives without following a narrative trajectory that ended with AIDS and death.

As I listened to Maupin I wondered how I could possibly write about

Glynn without following the same narrative trajectory. Could I find a suitable ending that wasn’t about AIDS? Could I play around with the chronology of Glynn’s story and write about his death as one of many significant, but not necessarily sequential, episodes?

I tried ending Glynn’s story on a high. An earlier version of this narrative finished with Glynn standing centre stage, microphone in hand, as Master of Ceremonies at the 1980 Mr. Leather Competition. Here was a picture of Glynn as he wanted to be seen: centre stage and in control, surrounded by leather-men and immersed in a world largely of his own making. But

169 that ending didn’t quite work because too much happened after that moment in 1980 to make it a meaningful end point.

Glynn’s fight with HIV inevitably shaped the trajectory of his last decade.

After Cribb died, Glynn turned to the mainstream media again to continue his campaign to end a ban on AIDS-related autopsies. “In my grief I cry out to all

Australians to stop the bias and prejudice before it is too late,” he wrote in a letter to the editor of the Sydney Morning Herald. “We need increased funds for education, research, hospice care, hospital beds and all the rest. None of this, however, will do any good if we do not know why people are dying. We need autopsies now.”

Herald journalists would have been glad to have Glynn in their contact book. Glynn was one of the few people at the time willing to talk on the record about having HIV. He was also vocal in his concerns about conventional medical responses to AIDS. Glynn refused HIV treatment drugs, citing their toxic side effects. He told the Herald that he instead preferred to rely on what he called his fighting spirit. “So many people I know who have gotten sick think: ‘This is it. This is the end of me. I'm going to die.’ They listen to the doctors and the social workers who give you the message about getting ready to die. They point the bone at you.”

Glynn was struck by AIDS-related meningitis in the early 1990s. He moved into a Housing Commission terrace in Glebe and continued to campaign on the two issues that remained close to his heart: HIV and street violence against gays. Ever the optimist, Glynn started up another newspaper, the Harbour City

170 Times partly because, he said, the Star had refused to publish a story he had written about long-term HIV survivors.

Glynn published Harbour City Times as a monthly newspaper with a $2 cover price, half of which was to be donated to the AIDS charity, the Bobby

Goldsmith Foundation. “We want to promote intelligent discussion about issues which have been treated with relentless negativity elsewhere,” Glynn said. “We are not about discussing the latest records, disco crazes or designer drugs. AIDS doesn't mean death, and we're trying to change the equation by looking at ways to manage it.”

Harbour City Times ceased publication in April 1992, after a six-month stint. It lacked advertising support and was perceived as being too AIDS- political. Around the same time, Glynn got involved with Street Patrol, an ill-fated response to anti-gay street violence. Street Patrol volunteers, including Glynn, wore a dark uniform with a pink triangle insignia. They carried whistles and patrolled the Darlinghurst streets in a quasi-military operation.

“There was a time,” Glynn wrote in his diary, “when I thought I had all the time in the world, that the eternity of youth would always be mine. I now realise that my time available in this life may soon be over.

171 “Sounds morbid, huh? Well, let me get straight to the point: I have AIDS.

And according to the so-called ‘experts’, it’s just a matter of time. My task is to keep pushing the clock back, to grab more time, more life.

“I am in the midst of my 5th meningitis attack in the past four years,” he writes. “Meningitis attacks the brain stem and spinal cord. The resultant inflammation plays havoc with pain centres, memory, motor function, breathing, and heart rate. The list, I assume, covers the entire body.

“So this particular virus, meningitis, and the HIV infection, will together try to destroy my brain and my body? For the past four years I have lived with this. I have been sick and recovered. I believe I can live with this.

Sure I’ll get sick – maybe – but I can recover.”

Glynn had recently made contact with his mother in America, asking if he could come home to visit.

“I am sorry,” she responded, “but it just can’t be. Barb [Glynn’s sister] and the two boys are here all the time and we all of us just don’t feel it would be safe. I know they say it (ARC)8 [sic] or whatever is not contagious through contact but I don’t believe they are 100% sure and we could not take that chance. I know this is going to make you angry, and I am truly sorry. Barb has said if you did come here, she and the boys

8 ARC was an alternative acronym to describe the cluster of AIDS- defining illnesses experienced by people with advanced HIV infection. It stood for AIDS Related Complex.

172 would not come here again, and I could not do that. We really do love you and hope you keep in touch. Love, Mom.”

The gay brotherhood that Glynn sought was as ephemeral as it was idealistic, built on crazy foundations of sexual freedom, drugs, music, sweat and semen. Glynn found what he was looking for with Cribb, and occasionally, in the gay clubs. Later in life, he found another version of gay brotherhood with a man called Philip Ritchie, who would become the executor of Glynn’s estate and whom Glynn referred to as his blood brother.

“When Phil folds his great beautiful arms around me I feel strong and comforted. I can face anything (I think) with his love and presence. Even the horrible monster. I fear being alone. I fear the long lonely night. I fear waking to no one. I feel cut-off from the family of community. I am alone in the tribe.

“I tried to deal in good faith with the community and individuals and then felt knives in my back. We all have something to contribute. Why does the political infighting and intrigue continue? Can’t we reach common ground on all questions and work with a common purpose towards the goal of slowing down the dying – even stopping it?”

Glynn’s sexual identity and his experiences of family impelled him to look for sustaining narratives about sex, love and belonging. Gay

173 consciousness and gay community were concepts that enabled Glynn to locate and name his place in the world, and his fascination with S/M sex and leather were part of that process of personal world-making.

When the Al Pacino film Cruising was released in Sydney, in June 1980, the Sydney Morning Herald went looking for comment from the local gay community. The Herald knew that gay activists in San Francisco and New

York had picketed Cruising because of its sensational portrayal of gay men and S/M leather sex, and the newspaper wanted to know if

Sydneysiders could expect similarly angry protests. The Herald found

Glynn, who refused to be outraged. Instead, he reassured Herald readers that people into leather and S/M sex were well adjusted, pursuing consensual sexual fantasies.

“People into leather were more adjusted to themselves and their sexuality,” he said. “Everyone has sex fantasies but a lot of people have tension because society places such a taboo on these fantasies. Those in the leather scene get a chance to work out their fantasies, even if it is simply dressing in leather because they like the feel of it.”

Glynn spoke openly about his involvement in S/M sex because he wanted to challenge stereotypes about acceptable sexual identities. For this reason, it made absolute sense for him to publish in the Star Pat Califia’s call to arms, What is Gay Liberation? “Lesbians and gays are not just like everybody else,” Califia wrote, “and we should stop apologising for it.”

174

On 10 July 1996, Michael Glynn died from AIDS. His obituary, written by Gary Dunne, ran in the Star the following week. It appears here, in full, because it achieves something I thought couldn’t be done. It connects

Glynn’s ending to a community’s beginning.

“A lanky American with no shortage of attitude and chutzpah, Glynn played a significant role in the history of the Sydney gay community from

1979 onwards.

“He published the first issue of the Sydney Star on 6 July 1979. It was a

16-page pamphlet. By 1984, when he stepped down as editor and publisher, the paper (renamed The Star) had grown to its current tabloid size. The paper later changed its name to the Star Observer then the

Sydney Star Observer.

“Glynn was closely involved in the homosexual law reform campaign, battles over the nature and timing of Mardi Gras, the establishment of both the first Gay Business Association and the Mr. Leather competition.

He was behind the push to send a team (which included Bobby

Goldsmith, who won 17 medals) to the first Gay Olympics in 1982.

“Glynn passionately believed in the notion of a gay community based around a common lifestyle and identity. He regularly published local political, cultural and social news. In 1981 he printed the first reference in any Australian newspaper to what later became known as HIV/AIDS.

175 “By his own reckoning, Glynn had probably been living with HIV since the late ’70s. In 1986, following the AIDS-related death of his lover,

Steve Cribb, he went public about his own positive HIV status. For the past ten years Glynn had been involved in campaigning for Street Patrol, the publishing of Harbour City Times, the push to give AIDS-related poverty a higher profile, and the promotion of the notion of managing

HIV infection with the right combination of meditation, diet, nutrition and exercise.

“A feisty, long-term survivor, Glynn made both friends and enemies easily. Over the past week, those friends and enemies have joined in paying tribute to Michael Glynn as a founding parent of both this paper and this community.”

Ends

176 Epilogue

If you had to fit your most valued possessions into a shoebox, what would you include? Photos and jewellery? Legal documents and passport?

Perhaps a letter or birthday card with sentimental value?

People who live in high-risk bushfire areas or other potential disaster zones are familiar with such questions. They would have heard, if not necessarily heeded, advice from authorities to prepare a survival kit: spare batteries, a torch, and emergency contact numbers. Important documents, valuables and photos, we’re told, should be kept in a waterproof bag.

When you stop and think about it, the act of selecting the bits and pieces of our lives that we want to keep safe forces us to recognise that many of the things we value – our emotional connections, our material security, our spiritual selves – are either too unwieldy to cram into a shoebox or can be preserved as memories if we keep just one small reminder of the whole.

The idea of a survival kit matters, though, because it preserves some of the things we wish to hand on to our beneficiaries. Grandfather’s gold watch, perhaps, or an original birth certificate. A letter or story. The survival kit enables our presence to continue beyond death. It continues the conversation. It says, ‘I was here’.

177 Michael Glynn was acutely aware of this, as are many others who confront their mortality because they live in the natural disaster zones defined by terminal illness or old age. In his final years, Glynn began a diary so that he could tell his story in his own words. He knew he had probably waited too long to get this project underway, and he confessed to being horrified by the impact that meningitis was having on his sentence construction and grammar, but he pressed on regardless: “I’ve held onto this NEED [sic] to tell my story for far too long,” his first diary entry records.

In December 2011, just one year out from the expected completion date of my thesis on Glynn and the Star, I received an extraordinary gift: Michael

Glynn’s survival kit. It was, literally, a dark blue shoebox, no more than

34cm long and 13cm deep. Glynn’s final diary was inside this shoebox, together with a collection of letters from significant friends and family, photos, postcards, chapters from an unfinished novel, Glynn’s last will and testament, and most endearingly, a farewell note to Philip Ritchie, his

‘blood brother’.

“Goodbye. God bless. I love you,” Glynn wrote to Ritchie. “P.S. Dance on my grave!”

For a biographer, this shoebox was pure gold. I had heard of its existence during conversations with Glynn’s friends, and it became something of a holy grail. I initially thought it was mythical, or at least long lost. I didn’t

178 fancy my chances of tracking it down, let alone being given unrestricted access to its contents. But after making further enquiries, I established that

Glynn’s executor and blood brother, Philip Ritchie, had the shoebox in safe keeping. By coincidence, Ritchie and I had met each other more than

20 years earlier through a mutual friend. I had no knowledge then of

Ritchie’s relationship with Glynn, nor any inkling that I would one day ask to be entrusted with such intimate treasure. But I am forever grateful to Michael Glynn and Philip Ritchie and to the gods of good fortune for ensuring that the tenuous threads of connection finally entwined.

The only problem was, now that I had Glynn’s survival kit, what the hell would I do with it? I had spent the past three years trawling through the

Star archives and interviewing Glynn’s peers to construct a version of

Glynn’s life story that I felt was consistent with the available records. My academic supervisors had approved my methodology and the university had certified the ethics of my fieldwork. In other words, I had met the academic requirements of doctoral research and written a version of

Glynn’s life that worked perfectly well within the acceptable research parameters.

But what if Glynn’s shoebox told a different story to the one deemed academically acceptable? One possible solution was to put the shoebox aside. I could return to this source material at another time, and write a more intimate version of Glynn’s life for a different audience.

179 That idea sounded attractive but I knew instinctively that Glynn and

Ritchie’s gift was intended to further the telling of Glynn’s story.

Otherwise, why put the survival kit together in the first place, and why give it to a journalist such as myself with no commitments asked for or granted? I also knew, instinctively, that this new material had to be incorporated into my thesis, no matter what. Episodes could be re-written.

Conclusions altered. Story lines could go in entirely new directions, if needs be. Given that I wanted to tell Glynn’s story as best I could, it would be remiss to do anything but make good use of this gift.

Nevertheless, the discovery of Glynn’s shoebox draws our attention to core questions about the construction of life stories. It reminds us of how the sources of biographical information materially shape the telling of a life story; how serendipity and coincidence play their part; and how multiple points of view make it impossible to assign a single and reliable meaning to shared memories and events.

And if we can consider the shoebox as a kind of curated text, we might also consider what’s not included. The semiotician Karin Wahl-Jorgensen

(2006, p. 201) alerts us to the silences and exclusions that inevitably exist with something like Glynn’s shoebox, because once we open the lid and look inside we are accessing traces of activity rather than absences. “This is a methodological problem, but also a normative one,” Wahl-Jorgensen notes. “We cannot see who is excluded and how and why such exclusion occurs.”

180

Caveats aside, much of the material Glynn chose to store brings to mind not so much absences within the box, but the silences in Glynn’s public narrative about his private life. Glynn spoke rarely about his biological family. And when he did, it was less than truthful. For example, Glynn gave Richard Turner to believe that his father was in the army, and this might have served as a convenient explanation for the silence between father and son.

“One of the things Michael and I had in common was that we were military brats,” Turner said in an interview I conducted with him, before the shoebox surfaced. “I got the impression that Michael came to

Australia as a draft dodger, and that his father was very harsh and very disappointed that Michael was gay. In fact maybe he even disowned

Michael.”

I took Turner’s comments in the same good faith in which they were offered. In the absence of any different information, they took on the trappings of fact and I mistakenly presented them as such in an earlier version of this narrative. I had figured that in 1971, Glynn was the right age to be drafted into America’s war in Vietnam, and then assumed that

Glynn must have done what I would have done had I been saddled with a military father who expected me to fight the Vietcong. I would have bolted to the other side of the world. This is the way we bring our own fears and experiences into play, allowing them to colour the story.

181

What to make, then, of the black and white photo in Glynn’s shoebox of someone called Shawn Masters, billed as the “World’s Most Fantastic

Hypnotist”? The photo, and the extraordinary claim to fame, was printed on a small, cream-coloured brochure that advertised the Shawn Masters

Show, Sunday thru Thursday, $1.50, at the Villa Marina Restaurant overlooking Beautiful Balboa Bay.

I put that question aside for a moment and lingered instead over Glynn’s

American passport, issued in May 1970. It confirmed Glynn’s age (22 years old), height (6 feet 2 inches), hair colour (brown) and eyes (hazel).

The passport photo showed a handsome young man with long side-burns and a puppy-fat face. Weirdly, though, the construction of Glynn’s face and the look in his eye seemed remarkably similar to the man in the

Shawn Masters brochure. But no, that can’t be ...

Then I started reading a letter from Glynn to his half brother, and it became apparent that the pseudonymous Shawn Masters was none other than Glynn’s father, no more a military man than Glynn was. He was a showman. What’s more, father and son travelled together to Australia in

1971 to perform the Shawn Masters Show in a long-gone nightclub in

Coogee. Theirs was a brief reunion that promised so much but ended badly, for reasons Glynn refused to discuss.

182 Soon after he left the Star, Glynn tried his hand at writing a novel. It’s not especially good, and only one unfinished chapter survives him, but it nevertheless confirms the fact that Glynn viewed his life as a story worth telling.

“I began the beguine, the dance of life, on a cold windswept morning in

April 1948,” he wrote in this unfinished novel. “Getting born is easy.

Staying alive is the trick. Somehow my mother and I made it to New York

City the year after I was born. Why New York and not California, I’ll never know. I often wonder whether I would be as deranged as I am, or more so, if I had grown-up in sun-drenched California. The narrow canyons of metropolis never did suit me, and years later, when I became of age to test my own wings, I flew north to a very proper Boston which became jumping off place for the long journey to the land Down Under.

But I’m getting ahead of myself.”

Most of the people I interviewed during my research for this thesis described Glynn as an angry man. But they were unable to pinpoint the source of this anger, or understand why Glynn was so volatile. Glynn was short-tempered and often self-righteous. His editorials in the Star feel as they were written by a preacher and delivered as sermons from the mount.

So it was unsurprising to discover that Glynn’s father, the hypnotist showman Shawn Masters, had become a self-styled minister of religion in his later years.

183 Unquestionably, Glynn’s adult life was shaped by his commitment to the

Star, his love for Steven Cribb and later, for Philip Ritchie, his passion for leather, and his search for a gay brotherhood. As I sifted through the shoebox and became aware of the intimate details of Glynn’s life, I imagined I now understood some of the anger that coursed through this man. As one of Glynn’s peers theorised, Glynn’s life was an “oedipal explosion” triggered by his father’s abandonment and his mother’s rejection. That may well be so. The shoebox is a collection of fragments that invite interpretation and suggest possible meanings.

Throughout this thesis, I have used Warner’s theory of counterpublics to help articulate the significance of the world Glynn helped create. I also drew on Lawson’s conceptualisation of the Bulletin as a work of intimate entanglement between its editor and readers. So I turn once more to

Warner and Lawson to help me articulate a connection between theory and practice that lies at the heart of this thesis.

Warner’s view of the kind of public display of sex and sexuality that

Glynn embraced so avidly through the Star, and in his personal life, points us towards the idea of transformation. “It is often thought,” Warner writes, “especially by outsiders, that the public display of private matters is a debased narcissism, a collapse of decorum, expressivity gone amok, the erosion of any distinction between public and private. But in a counterpublic setting, such display often has the aim of transformation”

(Warner, 2002, p. 62). In The Archibald Paradox, Lawson also points us

184 towards the idea of transformation by using a circus analogy to describe the Bulletin’s editorial style. “The Bulletin,” she writes, “was a parade of expressive tricks and marvels, a whole print circus” … and its editor was

“a circus master” (1987, p. xviii).

I think of Glynn as a circus master. He gathered together a colourful parade of narratives about gay life and sex, death and spirituality, community and rights, political power and street violence, love, family, morality and privacy. He published and circulated these narratives, articulating the swirl and colour, the noise and magic and smell of the

Sydney gay scene. His newspaper was like a circus big top that covered a world in creation. It was transformative. Individuals became community members; homosexual outsiders became sexual citizens with civil rights and responsibilities, political goals and spiritual dimensions. As ringleader, preacher and Master of Ceremonies, Michael Glynn stood at the centre of this world-making project.

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197 Acknowledgements

I wish to thank the following for their generous support and their invaluable contribution:

Dr Fiona Giles, Dr Megan Le Mesurier, Dr Graham Willett, Dr Jeremy

Fisher, Malcolm Harding, Sue Elliot, Philip Ritchie, Christian Peeters,

Alan Goodchild, Dominic La Rosa, Gary Dunne, Craig Johnston, C.

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198