THOMAS BURKE’S DARK CHINOISERIE In Memory of Jessica Ward Thomas Burke’s Dark Chinoiserie Limehouse Nights and the Queer Spell of Chinatown
ANNE VERONICA WITCHARD University of Westminster, UK First published 2009 by Ashgate Publishing
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British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Witchard, Anne Veronica Thomas Burke’s Dark Chinoiserie: Limehouse Nights and the Queer Spell of Chinatown 1. Burke, Thomas, 1887–1945. Limehouse nights 2. Chinese in literature 3. Chinese – England – London – Public opinion – History 4. Chinatowns – England – London – History 5. Public opinion – Great Britain – History – 19th century 6. Public opinion – Great Britain – History – 20th century 7. Limehouse (London, England) – In literature I. Title 823.9’12
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Witchard, Anne Veronica. Thomas Burke’s Dark Chinoiserie: Limehouse Nights and the Queer Spell of Chinatown / Anne Veronica Witchard. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 9780754658641 (hbk) 1. Burke, Thomas, 1887–1945 Limehouse nights. 2. Burke, Thomas, 1887–1945— Criticism and interpretation. 3. Chinese in literature. 4. Literature and society—England— History—20th century. I. Title.
PR6003.U55L538 2009 823’.912—dc22 2008045785
,6%1 KEN Contents
List of Illustrations vii Acknowledgements viii Disclaimer x
Introduction: Thomas Burke’s Limehouse Nights: Tales of Chinatown 1
Part 1 Chinoiserie
1 Enchantment 11 Disenchantment 16 Chineseries 17
Part 2 ‘The Lamp of Young Aladdin’: English Chineseness, 1780–1900
2 ‘Ritchenesse and Plentiffullnesse’ 23 3 The Chineseness of Ala-’u-’d-Din 31 ‘The Lamp of Young Aladdin’ 37 4 Magical Palaces: Chineseries in London 41 5 The Pains of Opium, 1839–1858 53 Thomas De Quincey’s Vile Burlesques 61 6 The Fall of Far Cathay, 1859 65 Gas and Glitter: Grand Pantomime 68 7 Finale: From Limelight to Limehouse 77
Part 3 Inventing Chinatown
8 ‘A threepenny omnibus ticket from Ludgate Circus to Limey-housey-Causey-way’ 91 Darkest London 92 England’s Yellow Peril: The Chinese in London after 1900 94 9 Cockney John Chinaman 105 10 Thomas Burke: Nights in Town: A London Autobiography (1915) 117 The Chinoiserie Slum 123
Part 4 The Laureate of Limehouse
11 Un monde artificiel des paysages d’opéra-comique 147 Limehouse Nights: ‘The Father of Yoto’ 150 vi Thomas Burke’s Dark Chinoiserie
12 Locating Burke’s Bohemia 159 Romancing the Abyss 162 Modernism and China 167 Quong Lee 172
Part 5 Nympholepsy
13 ‘A Fool And His Folly’ 179 14 Erotic Fairylands of the Fin-de-Siècle 189 ‘wine and dress, and sweeties’ 191 15 ‘which is the reality, and which the pantomime?’ 201 The Girl on the Chinatown Stage 209 16 Juvenile Delinquents in Chinatown 219 Broken Blossoms 228 ‘A Child Is Being Beaten’ 233 Conclusion: Go, Lovely Rose: Reading Burke after Lolita 241 A Phantasm 251
Bibliography 255 Index 277 List of Illustrations
4.1 Dunn’s Chinese Pavilion, Hyde Park, erected 1841. 135 4.2 Cover of Henry Sutherland Edward’s satirical pamphlet, An Authentic Account of the Chinese Commission (London: H. Vizitelly, 1850). 135 4.3 The Chinese Pagoda and Crystal Dancing Platform, Cremorne Gardens, 1857. 136 5.1 Lewis Carroll’s (pseudonym Charles Dodgson) ‘Xie Kitchin as Chinese Merchant, Off Duty’. Gersheim Collection, Harry Ransome Humanities Research Center, The University of Texas at Austin. 137 5.2 ‘A Chanson for Canton’ Punch, 10 April 1858. 137 5.3 Illustration from E.L. Blanchard’s ‘Aladdin: The Book of the Words’, Drury Lane (1885–6). 138 7.1 Miss Gabrielle Ray as So-Hie in See See (1906). 138 9.1 Limehouse opium den scene from Broken Blossoms (1918). 139 10.1 Dustwrapper illustration, Out and About (1919). 139 10.2 Postcard of Paul Chabas’ Au Crépuscule (c 1905). 140 10.3 Mahlon Blaine’s illustration for ‘The Chink and the Child’, Limehouse Nights (New York: Thomas McBride, 1926). 140 13.1 Miss Elise Craven as Queen of the Fairies in Pinkie and the Fairies, The Tatler (30 December 1908). 141 13.2 Colleen Moore in a still from Twinkletoes (1926). 141 15.1 Chinatown children (1927), Getty Images. 142 16.1 Dustwrapper illustration, US edition of Limehouse Nights (1917). 142 C.1 Limehouse Causeway (1925), Getty Images. 143 C.2 Quong Yuen Sing Chinese grocery shop on the corner of Pennyfields and Turner’s Buildings (1925), Getty Images. 143 C.3 Scene from Twinkletoes (1926). 144 C.4 Quong Yuen Sing Chinese grocery shop (1930), Getty Images. 144 Acknowledgements
This book began as a dissertation: it owes a tremendous amount to my supervisor, Roger Luckhurst, I shall always be grateful for his guidance and enthusiasm. Its development benefits greatly from the comments and encouragement of Robert Bickers and John Stokes as well as from the astute suggestions of two anonymous reader’s reports. Alexandra Warwick read and cleverly edited my manuscript and I owe its completion to her support generally. I am indebted to Ann Donohue and the staff at Ashgate. Others who have helped include Mary Sue Presnell at the Manuscripts Department of The Lilly Library, University of Indiana; Jon Wilson at Birkbeck College’s photographic department; Brian Lake and Janet Nassau at Jarndyce Antiquarian Booksellers, Bloomsbury, who kindly allowed me access to their collection of Thomas Burke manuscripts and ephemera; John Randall, Thomas Burke collector and archivist and Nigel Burke, a descendent, both of whom generously shared their findings with me. Also, staff at the Museum of London Library, the Local History Archive of Tower Hamlets Central Library, the School of Oriental and African Studies Library, the Theatre Museum Library, Covent Garden, the University of London Library, Senate House, the British Library, St. Pancras, and the Newspaper Library, Colindale. I should like also to thank my parents, Bernadette and Barrie Witchard, and my friends who have contributed in countless ways to the finishing of this book, most especially Tom McNeill. Despite not having read any of it, Màire Fahey, Siobhan Fahey, Nic Egan, Jane Lovatt and Chris Clunn have an unwonted familiarity with Thomas Burke and old Limehouse, as do my son, Joseph, and my daughter, Ellie Mae, and I thank them for their patience over the years. Angelique Antonio, Ingrid Coelho and Warren Clarke were among my first students and have been rewarding me with their enthusiasm ever since. I would like to thank Sherry Lamden for sartorial sustenance as ever, my colleague Monica Germana for helping me proofread as much as she had time for (any mistakes will not be hers) and Jo Phillips and Rob Ryan, each of whose perseverance of creative vision has been an inspiration to me. The following published essays represent versions of parts of this work and I thank all the editors, including Robert Langenfeld, Benjamin Colbert and Glyn Hambrook, for their careful reading and constructive feedback as well as permission to reprint material.
‘Aspects of Literary Limehouse: Thomas Burke and the “Glamorous Shame” of Chinatown’, Literary London: Interdisciplinary Studies in the Representation of London, 2/2 (September 2004): 1–9. Acknowledgements ix
‘Thomas Burke, the “Laureate of Limehouse” : A New Biographical Outline,’ English Literature in Transition (1880–1920), 48/2 (January 2005): 164–87.
‘A Threepenny Omnibus Ticket to ‘Limey-housey-Causey-way’: Fictional Sojourns in Chinatown, Comparative Critical Studies, 4/2 (October 2007): 225–40.
‘Thomas Burke: Son of London’ in Lawrence Phillips (ed.), A Mighty Mass of Brick and Smoke: Victorian and Edwardian Representations of London (Amsterdam: Rodopi Press, 2007).
‘Bloomsbury, Limehouse and Piccadilly: A Chinese Sojourn in London’, Pallavi Rastogi and Jocelyn Stitt (eds.), Before Windrush: Recovering a Black and Asian Literary Heritage within Britain, 1786–1938 (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Press, 2008).
‘Chinoiserie Wonderlands of the Fin-de-Siècle: Twinkletoes in Chinatown’ in Cris Hollingsworth (ed.), Alice beyond Wonderland: Essays for the Twenty-first Century (Iowa: University of Iowa Press, 2009). Disclaimer
During the period encompassed by this study, the terms ‘Chinaman’ and ‘Chinamen’ were used when speaking about the Chinese. Today both words are offensive to Chinese people and those of Chinese descent. They carry the derogatory connotations arising from this era of anti-Chinese prejudice when references to ‘John Chinaman’ implied that Chinese were all alike and had no individuality. Maxine Hong Kingston reclaimed the word in the title of her novel, China Men (1981). Unfortunately, many people still use these terms without realising their racist implications. If used at all, the words ‘Chinaman’ or ‘Chinamen’ should always have quotes around them, or be contained within a phrase that is itself a direct quotation. My own usage is contextualised within the framework of this book. Introduction Thomas Burke’s Limehouse Nights: Tales of Chinatown
The whole English-reading world knew every dark and dangerous alley of Limehouse as well as they knew the way to the corner grocery. Karl Brown, Adventures With D.W. Griffith1
An iridescent metal dragon glints on the traffic island opposite the Limehouse exit of the Docklands Light Railway. It is there to commemorate what was once Chinese Limehouse, now all but erased from the physical site of Limehouse Causeway and Pennyfields in London’s regenerated Docklands. The idea of Limehouse, however, remains charged with significance and the most intriguing evocation of this vanished district is the Limehouse fiction of Thomas Burke (1886–1945). This study takes as its focus Burke’s celebrated collection of Chinatown stories, Limehouse Nights (1916) in order to investigate a fascination that by the 1920s had become a veritable cult of Chinatown. Chinese Limehouse retains its hold on the popular imagination today as the shadowy London lair of Sax Rohmer’s evil genius, Dr Fu Manchu.2 That Rohmer’s unequivocally racist Fu Manchu series is still in print owes something no doubt to the sinophobia that remains close to the surface of the Western psyche. The relative obsolescence of Thomas Burke’s Chinatown fiction raises questions that point to particularities of socio-historical location. A much admired and popular author in his day, Burke’s Chinatown writing seems remarkable now for the complex and contradictory ways in which he upset social orthodoxies. Far more than Rohmer, Burke’s writing was formative in establishing the ‘queer spell’ that the very mention of Limehouse came to exert on the public imagination during the inter-war years.3 Limehouse Nights was published in 1916 to instant notoriety. The book was banned for immorality by the circulating libraries and its author condemned as
1 Karl Brown, Adventures With D.W. Griffith (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1973), p. 224. Brown was cameraman on Broken Blossoms (1918), Griffith’s film adaptation of the Limehouse Nights story, ‘The Chink And The Child’. 2 Sax Rohmer (pseudonym of Arthur Ward). The earliest Fu Manchu stories were printed as magazine serials in 1911 and 1912, the first novel in the series was The Mystery of Dr. Fu-Manchu (London: Methuen, 1913), published in the US as The Insidious Dr. Fu- Manchu (New York: McBride, 1913). 3 The expression ‘queer spell’ is used by Rohmer in his article ‘How Fu Manchu Was Born’, This Week, 29 September 1957, http://www.njedge.net/~knapp/howfu.htm [accessed 18 June 2008]. 2 Thomas Burke’s Dark Chinoiserie a ‘blatant agitator’ by The Times for his evocative portrayal of a hybrid East End: ‘In place of the steady, equalised light which he should have thrown on that pestiferous spot off the West India Dock Road, he has been content … with flashes of limelight and fireworks.’4 At the same time Burke received letters of support and encouragement from an array of literary luminaries, amongst them H.G. Wells, Ford Madox Ford, Eden Philpotts and Arnold Bennett.5 Some 30 years later, in his preface to the posthumous publication of Burke’s Best Stories, John Gawsworth remembered that:
the accouchement of Limehouse Nights – surely some occasion in modern literary history? – was attended by acute anxiety both for the author and the publisher, that “Arnold Bennett told Burke that the possibility of securing a conviction was being seriously discussed at headquarters, and that he himself feared the worst.” But so it was. For feeling still ran high at that time against frankness in fiction.6
So what was it, muses Gawsworth, that had ‘occasioned the pother?’
The sadistic motif underlying so many of his themes? No I do not think so: but would suggest, rather, that it was the novel, and to most unsavoury, implication that Yellow Man cohabited with White Girl in that East End of an Empire’s capital surrounding Limehouse Causeway.7
In 1916, the fact of relations between Chinese men and white women was fast becoming an issue of critical national concern. The form of yellow perilism that circulated in Britain during the early twentieth century was a demonology of race and vice, bound up with anxiety about degenerative metropolitan blight and imperial and racial decline. The Chinese who lived in the Limehouse docks area were the scapegoats of Edwardian social ambivalence. Because of their cultural isolation they represented the breakdown of social order, while as a largely bachelor community they posed a sexual and racial threat.8 In the face of war the very existence of foreign quarters threatened the idea of a nation ‘wish[ing] to believe itself socially and ethnically homogenous.’9 The fact of co-habitation in Chinatown undermined utterly the imperial status quo which was maintained by a hierarchical
4 The Times Literary Supplement, 28 September 1916, p. 464. Unattributed book review. 5 These letters are in the file Burke Mss., The Lilly Library, Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana. 6 The Best Stories of Thomas Burke, selected with a foreword by John Gawsworth, (London: Phoenix House, 1950), pp. 8–9. 7 Ibid. 8 In 1911, the sex ratio of ‘China-born Aliens’ in London was 220 males to 27 females. See Ng Kwee Choo, The Chinese in London (London: Oxford University Press, 1968). 9 Kohn, Marek, Dope Girls; the birth of the British drug underground (London: Granta, 2001(Lawrence & Wishart, 1992)), p. 30. Introduction 3 structure of race and grounded in racial purity.10 Rohmer reinforced the ideology of separating ‘us’ from ‘them’ with his unremittingly evil Chinamen whose interest in English women is part of their fiendish Yellow plot to destroy the West. Thomas Burke on the other hand caused outrage by his misappropriation of the underworld of establishment concern. In Limehouse Nights, the most English of institutions are undermined. Young Cockney girls eat Chow Mein with chopsticks in the local caffs, blithely gamble their house-keeping money at Fan Tan and Puck-a-Pu, scent their bedrooms with aromatic joss sticks and prepare opium pipes in the corner pub. The book’s blend of shocking realism with lyrical romance flew in the face of consensual thought and social taboo and it played a significant part in the national hysteria which peaked in the late 1920s with press appeals to the Home Office to ‘do something’ about ‘unhappy white girls fascinated by the yellow man.’11 In the light of its day, and in contrast with Rohmer’s Fu Manchu thrillers, Limehouse Nights displays what seems an unusual racial tolerance to say the least. The absence of moral censure regarding miscegenation, or what Wells characteristically referred to as ‘rather horrible … “sexual circulation,”’12 contributed towards the book’s enormous impact in the United States where ‘you were utterly behind the times if you were not intimately acquainted with Burke’s stories of Limehouse.’13 American interest was whipped up by racy reviews: ‘Amid erotomaniacs, satyrs and sadists – and if the full meaning of these terms escapes you, be thankful – he seizes scraps of splendid courage, beauty and pathos … do not miss Limehouse Nights’ urged the Boston Transcript.14 At the prompting of Mary Pickford, D.W. Griffith paid 1,000 pounds for the film rights to Limehouse Nights.15 The fog-bound dockside streets of Burke’s stories, the frowsy opium dens and illegal gambling parlours, haunts of his displaced Chinamen and ringletted Cockney waifs, are vividly realised in Griffith’s adaptation, Broken Blossoms which set a celluloid precedent for the iconic imagery of Limehouse.16 The reputation of Broken Blossoms as a classic of early cinema continues to generate critical discussion amongst historians of film, not least for its pioneering theme of inter-racial love, yet Thomas Burke rarely receives a mention as the originator of Griffith’s ‘masterpiece’.
10 See Urmila Sheshagiri, ‘Modernity’s (Yellow) Perils: Dr Fu-Manchu and English Race Paranoia’, Cultural Critique, 62 (2006): 162–94. 11 Evening News, 6 October 1920, p.1. 12 Letter from H.G. Wells to Burke, n.d., Burke Mss., The Lilly Library. 13 Brown, Adventures With D.W. Griffith, p. 224. 14 Boston Transcript, 18 August 1917. See Book Review Digest (New York: H.W. Wilson, 1917), p. 78. 15 Grant Richards, Author Hunting by an Old Literary Sportsman (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1934), ‘Remembering Thomas Burke’, pp. 236–7. 16 Griffith merged two other Limehouse Nights stories, ‘Gina of the Chinatown’ and ‘The Sign of the Lamp’ in the film,Dream Street (1921). 4 Thomas Burke’s Dark Chinoiserie
Limehouse Nights is generally referred to in the context of the Chinatown thriller and within the genre’s tiny English sub-division, as a non-malignant adjunct to Rohmer’s Fu Manchu series. What I aim to show in this book is how much more productive it is to read Burke’s representation of Chinatown in the tradition of literary chinoiseries. For both writers, Chinese Limehouse was a resort of occult Otherness and Burke’s Limehouse is symptomatic of the same cultural concerns that produced Rohmer’s demonised ‘Chinaman’. But whereas for Rohmer the alien element is accepted as undesirable and operates as a byword for all that is sinister and threatening, Burke’s Limehouse is as alluring as it is forbidding: ‘There was the blue moon of the Orient. There, for the bold, were the sharp knives, and there, for those who would patiently seek, was the lamp of young Aladdin.’17 This Limehouse indeed suggests the ‘limelight and fireworks’ disparaged by theTimes’ reviewer. Its Chineseness is theatrical, evolved from the influence of Orientalism on British popular culture, the dazzle and pyrotechnics of pantomime spectacular and the exotic eroticism of The Arabian Nights. The impact of Limehouse Nights was a cultural phenomenon that happened in relation to the landscape of its time, a ‘product’ in Stephen Greenblatt’s terms, ‘of a negotiation between a creator … equipped with a complex, communally shared repertoire of conventions, and the institutions and practices of society.’18 Edwardian obsessions with Chinatown were the consequence of an overdetermined set of factors and to understand Burke’s extraordinary passage of fame around his tales of Limehouse demands a wide historical approach. Such an approach prompts this book’s investigation into a diversity of representations of Chineseness across a range of texts and more than 200 years in order to arrive at the accretion of image and myth that produced the cultural positioning of Limehouse in the opening years of the twentieth century. In order to explain my generic relocation of Limehouse Nights, I begin in Part 1 by sketching an outline of chinoiserie and its function in Western culture. Chinoiserie defines not simply the European attempt to imitate the decorative arts of China, but any fanciful interpretation of Chineseness. Eighteenth-century chinoiserie was ‘an aesthetic of the ineluctably foreign, a glamorization of the unknown and unknowable for its own sake.’19 A profound fascination with every aspect of Chinese culture resulted in an imaginary landscape of fantastic complexity. While the rococo excesses of the style at its peak fell out of Enlightenment favour, thanks to China becoming ‘known’, the irreverent spirit of chinoiserie persisted in places of public recreation. The willow-pattern world inspired the pagoda-shaped dance pavilions and fanciful lantern-walks of London’s pleasure-gardens, and chinoiserie decor glittered
17 Thomas Burke, Limehouse Nights: Tales of Chinatown (London: Daily Express Fiction Library, n.d.), p. 155. 18 Stephen Greenblatt, ‘Towards a Poetics of Culture’ in H. Aram Veeser (ed.), The New Historicism (New York and London: Routledge, 1989), pp. 12–13. 19 David Porter, Ideographia: The Chinese Cipher in Early Modern Europe (Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 2001), p. 134. Introduction 5 through the gin fumes and cigar smoke of Victorian music halls. In the twentieth century Burke’s Chinatown fiction emerges as a transmutation or re-negotiation of this hedonistic aesthetic. Part 2, ‘The Lamp of Young Aladdin’: English Chineseness 1780–1900, provides the historical material which grounds this summary proposition. Here I consider aspects of the chinoiserie tradition as it pertains to a metropolitan mode that found its expression in staged performance with particular reference to productions of Aladdin. Pantomime and chinoiserie have much in common, each undermining generic legitimacy in their ‘bold celebration of disorder and meaninglessness, of artifice and profusion.’20 Both forms emerged in the same period, reaching worrying heights of popularity that attracted classicist satire on the degradation of contemporary taste. Pantomime scripts provide an informative guide to events that stirred the public imagination and Aladdin has accommodated changing attitudes towards China, from early Fairy Spectacle via burlesque to Victorian Grand Pantomime and the form we recognise today. I trace the development of the story, looking at how the Chinese setting of the ‘Arabian’ tale, Ala-’u-’d-Din, became authenticated, making a case for Aladdin as a founding chinoiserie text. The Limehouse scenario in Burke’s fiction was foreshadowed, I will suggest, by the transposition of London and Peking upon the pantomime stage. The topsy-turvy world of Aladdin presents a ‘virtual Chinatown’, a space of distortion and carnival. Neither was Orientalist spectacle confined to the stage. The Victorian period saw exhibitions, dioramas and displays transform London’s streets in a series of chinoiserie performances. In 1841, a two-storey gilded pagoda was erected at Hyde Park Corner. It housed ‘Ten Thousand Chinese Things’, a collection that the authorities at Canton had allowed an American Quaker merchant, Nathan Dunn, to amass in gratitude for his refusal to deal in opium. At the opening of the Crystal Palace in 1850, a counterfeit mandarin kow-towed to the Queen while a ‘genuine lotus-footed concubine’ gave musical performances in Mayfair. Oriental divertissements were put on by the Alhambra ballets, Gaiety Girls played Aladdin in tights and lavish colour poster displays advertised the thrilling sorceries of the ‘Chinese’ magician, Chung Ling Soo. Part 3, Inventing Chinatown, examines the discourses, images and narratives that produced Limehouse at this time. It begins by looking at an increasingly hostile perception of the Chinese. The period of China’s utmost vulnerability, from the Boxer Uprising of 1900 until the rise of the Nationalist Party (mid-1920s) coincided with the mass-marketing of Chinese stereotypes and the ‘discovery’ of London’s Chinatown. This is when the notion of a Yellow Peril began to be articulated in England. The history of British involvement in the opium trade was now subsumed in the struggle against ‘Chinese vice’. Rohmer’s fiction fed upon that late-nineteenth-century wariness of London’s opium dens which helped along by press stories of Boxer atrocities, the purported infamies of the Manchu Court
20 Ibid., p. 135. 6 Thomas Burke’s Dark Chinoiserie and other bogus reports from China correspondents, had been fanned into a raging sinophobia. Limehouse Nights however, reverses the moral threshold, ‘writing back’ from this degraded arena, showing drug-taking as an English working-class norm and hedonism as a righteous counterbalance to oppressive circumstance. Limehouse Nights is infused with the liminal excitements of that Decadent other-London offered by the theatre; the risqué after-hours milieu of the ballet girl and the music-hall waif, mythologised by Arthur Symons and Ernest Dowson. Burke identified strongly with the Romantic outsider who operated beyond bourgeois economic and social constraints. In his Limehouse fiction ‘the wandering yellow man’ has the characteristics of the self-styled alienation of the Decadent poet, the sensitive and self-destructive, drug-taking dreamer.21 Most of all though it was the Orientalising of London’s landscapes effected by Thomas De Quincey’s Saturday-night wanderings, ‘gliding through London byways under a dose of laudanum’ that influenced the way Burke would write about Chinatown.22 As well as the hallucinatory effect of his opium dreaming, it is to De Quincey’s obsession with the ‘lost’ girl, Ann of Oxford Street, that I trace the chief determinant of Burke’s Limehouse aesthetic. Chinatown fiction is as much about ‘white girls’ as ‘yellow men’. While mixed-race relationships conventionally symbolised ethical abandonment, heralding the collapse of imperial hierarchy and the degeneration of society, Burke’s lovelorn Chinamen and ringletted urchins dramatise Oriental London as ‘a place of squalor and loveliness’, a trope that while it exploits the notion of a Yellow Peril, in many ways subverts established Chinatown cliché. Thomas Burke embarked on his writing career in the years before lines had hardened between modernists and traditionalists and between commercial and serious novelists. Limehouse Nights emerges as a peculiar intersection of the literary and the populist, just as these determinants were coming into play. Part 4, The Laureate of Limehouse, begins with a reading of the Limehouse Nights story ‘The Father of Yoto’. Then I go on to consider Burke’s writing in the light of a modernist aesthetic. The urban underworld of Limehouse is his ‘blank space on the map’. Chinatown is beyond the moral proscriptions of polite society, a ‘little world’ that years later Burke would tellingly protest: ‘I created for my own purpose and called Limehouse, as Rider Haggard created a world for his purposes and called it Africa.’23 His practice mirrors the modernist appeal to primitivism in its defiant staking-out of his personal anxieties in the face of modernity. Accounts of Burke’s life, until now have been inaccurate as they take at face value works which purport to be autobiographical yet contain more invention than
21 Burke, Limehouse Nights, p. 16. 22 Thomas Burke, Son of London (London: Readers Union with Herbert Jenkins, 1948 (1947)), p. 174. 23 Thomas Burke, City of Encounters: A London Divertissement (London: Constable & Co. Ltd., 1932; Boston: Little, Brown, 1932), p. 67. Introduction 7 truth.24 In The Wind and the Rain: A book of confessions (1924) he fabricates a close boyhood friendship with a dockside shopkeeper, Quong Lee, weaving a fictional construction of Limehouse into his own life-story in order to authenticate his ‘knowledge’ of the district and its immigrant and transient communities. Burke left uncontested misinformation such as ‘years of hell’ growing up in the Hardcress Home For Orphans from whence he would absent himself to wander the slums of nearby Limehouse. These stories were cited in dictionaries of literary biography during his lifetime, repeated in his obituaries and have continued uncorrected.25 In fact, contrary to widely received belief, Burke did not grow up in the East End. The description of a suburban South London childhood he gives in the memoir Son of London (1947) is perhaps nearest the truth. He was born Sydney Thomas Burke on the 29th November 1886, at Clapham Junction. It was his father’s second marriage and the following year, aged 62, he died. In 1891, Burke’s mother, formerly a cook, attained a position as ‘caretaker’ at Ware Park House in Hertfordshire where the census for that year records her living with her children, Thomas, aged five and his older sister Annie Louisa, aged seven.26 In June 1897, aged 11, Burke was admitted to the care of the London Orphan Asylum, no longer based in London, but at Watford in Hertfordshire, an institution founded “for the Maintenance, Clothing and Education of Fatherless Children who are Respectably Descended But Without Adequate Means To Their Support”.27 His experience of the place was not unhappy, a series of articles he wrote for The Tribune in 1907, entitled ‘The London Orphan Asylum Vacation’, describe merry children, their faces ‘bubbling over with radiant laughter’ and refer with admiration to ‘that careful and hardworking parent, the London Asylum’.28
24 For a corrected account see my ‘Thomas Burke, the “Laureate of Limehouse”: A New Biographical Outline’ in English Literature in Transition (1880–1920), 48/2 (January 2005): 164–87. 25 Examples are Fred B. Millett, Contemporary British Literature: A Critical Survey and 232 author-bibliographies (London: George G. Harrap & Co., 1935); Stanley J. Kunitz and Howard Haycroft (eds), Twentieth Century Authors: A Biographical Dictionary of Modern Literature (New York: The H.W. Wilson Company, 1942); Anna Russell, ‘Thomas Burke of London’, John O’ London’s Weekly, 20 September 1946, p. 255. More recently, Richard Bleiler, ‘Thomas Burke (1886–22 September, 1945)’, in George M. Johnson (ed.), Dictionary of Literary Biography: Late Victorian and Edwardian British Novelists, pp. 40–49; Jessica Salmonson, ‘The Tenderly Sadistic Vision of Thomas Burke’, The Golden Gong and other Night-Pieces, (Ashcroft, British Colombia: Ash-Tree Press, 2001), pp. ix– xxxix; and Shannon Case, ‘Lilied Tongues and Yellow Claws: The Invention of London’s Chinatown, 1915–1945’, in Stella Deen (ed.), Challenging Modernism: New Readings in Literature and Culture 1914–1945 (Burlington: Ashgate, 2002). 26 I am indebted for this information to the family researches of Nigel Burke. 27 London Orphan Asylum Reports 1896–97–98, Reed’s School Cobham: The Archive of the Secretary to the Governers, 1814–1988, ref., 3719, held at Surrey Record Office, Surrey County Council, Kingston Upon Thames. 28 The Tribune, 27 July 1907, p. 8, and 6 September 1907, p. 3. 8 Thomas Burke’s Dark Chinoiserie
In trying to make sense of his deliberate obscuration of his origins, I develop a case for Burke’s need to position himself within his own psychosexual melodrama of Chinatown. Scattered references throughout his writings, made with increasing bitterness over the years, point to a problematic relation to women. The failings of adult women are designated always by comparison with the virtues of the girl and I trace a eulogising of the child as both fundamental to and a developing peculiarity of his body of work. Part 5, Nympholepsy, explores the interdependence of Burke’s Chinatown fantasy and the erotic girl heroine. The Oriental amorality of its Chinese community confirms Limehouse as a place of transgression, a theatre of nympholeptic desire. I consider again the staging of Oriental otherworlds in the late-Victorian metropolis and describe how this converged with an erotic sensibility that thrilled to the proximity of fairy-girlhood. Limehouse Nights provides us with a clear indication that the ‘cult-of-the-little-girl’ did not end with the Victorians. Burke’s focus on the little girl is an aspect of his Chinatown books that did not threaten cultural norms, going quite unremarked upon by the censors. It was displaced entirely by anxieties about race. After Lolita (1955), reading Burke becomes problematic. I conclude the book by looking at a later narrative, Go, Lovely Rose (1931). This privately published paean to the nymphette reveals, in terms that bear close comparison with Vladimir Nabokov’s characterisation of the nympholept, the erotic propensity that impelled the Chinatown fiction. Go, Lovely Rose makes explicit the interdependence of Burke’s benign Chinaman and immature heroines. By this time, the East End’s Chinese had begun to disperse. Chinese Limehouse, once charged with emotional and mythical meaning, community symbolism and historical significance, had become a dead metaphor. Such a place, as Rob Shields argues, ‘is neither a substance nor a “reality” but only becomes fetishised as such.’29 As ‘core images’ are then ‘displaced by radical changes in the nature of a place’, space-myths ‘simply lose their connotative power.’30 The Chinaman, no longer useful to Burke as a trope, disappears from his narrative. Go, Lovely Rose, with its insistences on a now nameless ‘occult borderland’, a ‘shadowland’, ‘bizarre landscape’ or ‘goblin territory’, allows for a conclusive reflection onLimehouse Nights.
29 Rob Shields, Places on the Margin: Alternative Geographies of Modernity (London and New York: Routledge, 1991), p. 51. 30 Ibid., p. 61. Bibliography
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