The Use of Symbolic and Non-Symbolic Language in Ancient Jewish Apocalypses 333-63 BCE
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4Q521 and What It Might Mean for Q 3–7
Chapter 20 4Q521 and What It Might Mean for Q 3–7 Gaye Strathearn am personally grateful for S. Kent Brown. He was a commit- I tee member for my master’s thesis, in which I examined 4Q521. Since that time he has been a wonderful colleague who has always encouraged me in my academic pursuits. The relationship between the Dead Sea Scrolls and Christian- ity has fueled the imagination of both scholar and layperson since their discovery in 1947. Were the early Christians aware of the com- munity at Qumran and their texts? Did these groups interact in any way? Was the Qumran community the source for nascent Chris- tianity, as some popular and scholarly sources have intimated,¹ or was it simply a parallel community? One Qumran fragment that 1. For an example from the popular press, see Richard N. Ostling, “Is Jesus in the Dead Sea Scrolls?” Time Magazine, 21 September 1992, 56–57. See also the claim that the scrolls are “the earliest Christian records” in the popular novel by Dan Brown, The Da Vinci Code (New York: Doubleday, 2003), 245. For examples from the academic arena, see André Dupont-Sommer, The Dead Sea Scrolls: A Preliminary Survey (New York: Mac- millan, 1952), 98–100; Robert Eisenman, James the Just in the Habakkuk Pesher (Leiden: Brill, 1986), 1–20; Barbara E. Thiering, The Gospels and Qumran: A New Hypothesis (Syd- ney: Theological Explorations, 1981), 3–11; Carsten P. Thiede, The Dead Sea Scrolls and the Jewish Origins of Christianity (New York: Palgrave, 2001), 152–81; José O’Callaghan, “Papiros neotestamentarios en la cueva 7 de Qumrān?,” Biblica 53/1 (1972): 91–100. -
Article-755-623839.Pdf
دوﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ - ﭘﮋوﻫﺸﻲ 9د ، ش 1 (ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ 43 )، ﻓﺮوردﻳﻦ و اردﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ 1397 ، ﺻﺺ 81 - 111 ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺎرﻛﺮد ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻃﻨﺰ در ﺑﺎب اول ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎن ﺳﻌﺪي؛ روﻳﻜﺮد ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎن ﺷﻴﺮي1 ، ﻧﺠﻤﻪ ﻧﻈﺮي2 ، ﻧﻮﺷﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺮاﻣﻲ ﭘﻮر3* 1 . اﺳﺘﺎد ﮔﺮوه زﺑﺎن و ادﺑﻴﺎت ﻓﺎرﺳﻲ داﻧﺸﮕﺎه ﺑﻮﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﺎ، ﻫﻤﺪان، اﻳﺮان 2 . اﺳﺘﺎدﻳﺎر ﮔﺮوه زﺑﺎن و ادﺑﻴﺎت ﻓﺎرﺳﻲ داﻧﺸﮕﺎه ﺑﻮﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﺎ ، ﻫﻤﺪان، اﻳﺮان 3 . داﻧﺸﺠﻮي دﻛﺘﺮي زﺑﺎن و ادﺑﻴﺎت ﻓﺎرﺳﻲ داﻧﺸﮕﺎه ﺑﻮﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﺎ ، ﻫﻤﺪان، اﻳﺮان درﻳﺎﻓﺖ: /4/24 96 ﭘﺬﻳﺮش: /8/6 96 96 ﭼﻜﻴﺪه ﻫﺪف اﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﺎده ﺳﺎزي روش ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮاي دﺳﺘ ﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ اﻟﮕﻮ ﻳﺎ اﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎي ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮاﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎي ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳ ﻲ ﻛﻨﺸﻲ و ﺗﻨﺸﻲ و ﻧﺸﺎن دادنِ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎن زﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮاﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎي ﻣﺬﻛﻮر در ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎن ﻃﻨﺰ ﺑﺎب اول ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎن ﺳﻌﺪي اﺳﺖ واز اﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ، ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎر ﻣﻲ آﻳﺪ. ﻣﻘﺼﻮد از ﻃﻨﺰ، ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻳﺒﻪ آﻣﻴﺰِ اﻧﺘﻘﺎدي اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑ ﺎ ﻫﺪف اﺻﻼح اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ و ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎن زﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ در ز ﺑﺎن ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻴﺮد و ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰل و ﻫﺠﻮ ﻓﺮق دارد. روش ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ در ﭘﻲ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ و ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎن ﺑﺮاي ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮدن ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮاﻳﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ و درﻳﺎﻓﺖ آن اﺳﺖ. ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺷﻨﺎس ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ اي ﻣﻌﻨﺎدار روﺑﻪ روﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ در ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻫﺎي ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ و ﻧﻮع ارﺗﺒﺎط آن ﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ را در ﻧﻈ ﺮ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻴﺮد . ﺳﭙﺲ ، ﺑﻪ ﺟﺴﺖ وﺟﻮي ﺻﻮرت ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ اﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻫﺎي ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺖ دارﻧﺪ، ﻣﻲ ﭘﺮدازد ﺗﺎ اﺛﺒﺎت آن ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﺷﻮد. ﻓﺮﺿﻴﺔ ﭘﮋوﻫﺶ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ اﻳﻦ اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮاﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ در ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎن ﻃﻨﺰ ﻧﻈﺎم ﻛﻨﺸﻲ را ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺸﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ و ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﺮاري ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ اﺑﻌﺎد ﻓﺸﺎره اي (ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ، دروﻧﻲ) و ﮔﺴﺘﺮه اي (ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ، ﺑﻴﺮوﻧﻲ) ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﻴﺎل را ﻣﻲ آﻓﺮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ را ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻲ ﺳﺎزد. -
Josephus As Political Philosopher: His Concept of Kingship
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2017 Josephus As Political Philosopher: His Concept Of Kingship Jacob Douglas Feeley University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, and the Jewish Studies Commons Recommended Citation Feeley, Jacob Douglas, "Josephus As Political Philosopher: His Concept Of Kingship" (2017). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2276. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2276 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2276 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Josephus As Political Philosopher: His Concept Of Kingship Abstract Scholars who have discussed Josephus’ political philosophy have largely focused on his concepts of aristokratia or theokratia. In general, they have ignored his concept of kingship. Those that have commented on it tend to dismiss Josephus as anti-monarchical and ascribe this to the biblical anti- monarchical tradition. To date, Josephus’ concept of kingship has not been treated as a significant component of his political philosophy. Through a close reading of Josephus’ longest text, the Jewish Antiquities, a historical work that provides extensive accounts of kings and kingship, I show that Josephus had a fully developed theory of monarchical government that drew on biblical and Greco- Roman models of kingship. Josephus held that ideal kingship was the responsible use of the personal power of one individual to advance the interests of the governed and maintain his and his subjects’ loyalty to Yahweh. The king relied primarily on a standard array of classical virtues to preserve social order in the kingdom, protect it from external threats, maintain his subjects’ quality of life, and provide them with a model for proper moral conduct. -
Session 4 (Hosea 9.1-11.11)
Tuesday Evening Bible Study Series #8: The Minor Prophets Session #4: Hosea 9:1 – 11:11 Tuesday, January 24, 2017 Outline A. The Prophecies of Hosea (4:1 – 14:9) 1. Israel’s festivals are condemned (9:1-9) 2. Before and after (9:10 – 11:11) a. The present is like the past (9:10-17) b. The end of cult, king, and calf (10:1-8) c. Sowing and Reaping (10:9-15) d. Israel as God’s wayward child (11:1-11) Notes Israel’s festivals are condemned and Hosea’s Response (9:1-11) • Four important parts of Chapter 9 1. A prophecy of what is coming as a result of God’s departure 2. A proof from the behavior of the people that these things are coming 3. A truncated prayer of Hosea 4. God’s final word on the subject, followed by Hosea’s response. • Hosea condemns Israel’s celebration of their harvest festival as unfaithfulness to the Lord and is denounced. 1. Gathering around threshing floors were features of harvest festivals and occasions for communal worship. Threshing floors were also the site of sexual overtures (Ruth 3). 2. Mourner’s bread – associated with the dead, and is considered unclean. 3. Festival of the Lord = the harvest festival of tabernacles or Sukkoth. 4. The site of Memphis, Egypt (originally Hiku-Ptah), had been the capital of the Old Kingdom. By Hosea’s time it had become a cultural and religious center, but was famous for its ancient tombs. 5. “Sentinel” is often used to refer to prophets. -
Roland Barthes in Camera Lucida, the Unfaithful Semiologist
Roland Barthes in Camera Lucida, the Unfaithful Semiologist 1 Leda Tenório da Motta 2 Rodrigo Fontanari Translated by Amanda Heeringa Abstract In Camera Lucida, Roland Barthes forms a critical reflection on photography. In this work, the semiotician, who denounces the myths of photography, becomes the poet of pungent images, becomes an invitation to the hard task of recognition for the unique richness which can be potentially eternalized in a photographic image. Here I sense another view towards the technical images, very different from the one which comes from the well-disposed tradition, with its rejection of the simulacra. In this sense, we play with the hypothesis that the theses in Camera Lucida would benefit if they had been conceived as a sui generis thought about the photographic sign. Keywords: Roland Barthes, photography, punctum, studium, aesthetics The lattermost work during the lifetime of Roland Barthes – critic and semiotician, one of the most important French philosophers during the twentieth century – Camera Lucida (1980) can be read as a “poem” or even a “poetic form of mourning”. Thus, it can be simply understood as something memorable (memorabilis). In other words, something worthy of being remembered. Using the subtitle “Note on 3 photography” – for “because it is a short book without any encyclopedical intentions” – Barthes indicates to the readers that in his pages they will find a theory (as theoría means “vision” in Greek) about photography elaborated by himself for thinking and reading this kind of technical image. In the very first lines of the text, the reader finds an introduction that recalls a romance. -
The Maccabees (Hasmoneans)
The Maccabees Page 1 The Maccabees (Hasmoneans) HASMONEANS hazʹme-nēʹenz [Gk Asamomaios; Heb ḥašmônay]. In the broader sense the term Hasmonean refers to the whole “Maccabean” family. According to Josephus (Ant. xii.6.1 [265]), Mattathias, the first of the family to revolt against Antiochus IV’s demands, was the great-grandson of Hashman. This name may have derived from the Heb ḥašmān, perhaps meaning “fruitfulness,” “wealthy.” Hashman was a priest of the family of Joarib (cf. 1 Macc. 2:1; 1 Ch. 24:7). The narrower sense of the term Hasmonean has reference to the time of Israel’s independence beginning with Simon, Mattathias’s last surviving son, who in 142 B.C. gained independence from the Syrian control, and ending with Simon’s great-grandson Hyrcanus II, who submitted to the Roman general Pompey in 63 B.C. Remnants of the Hasmoneans continued until A.D. 100. I. Revolt of the Maccabees The Hasmonean name does not occur in the books of Maccabees, but appears in Josephus several times (Ant. xi.4.8 [111]; xii.6.1 [265]; xiv.16.4 [490f]; xv.11.4 [403]; xvi.7.1 [187]; xvii.7.3 [162]; xx.8.11 [190]; 10.3 [238]; 10.5 [247, 249]; BJ i.7 [19]; 1.3 [36]; Vita 1 [2, 4]) and once in the Mishnah (Middoth i.6). These references include the whole Maccabean family beginning with Mattathias. In 166 B.C. Mattathias, the aged priest in Modein, refused to obey the order of Antiochus IV’s envoy to sacrifice to the heathen gods, and instead slew the envoy and a Jew who was about to comply. -
Book Reviews
Strata: Bulletin of the Anglo-Israel Archaeological Society 2011 Volume 29 Book Reviews Yossi Garfinkel, D. Ben-Shlomo, D. and N. Korn, Sha’ar HaGolan 3: The Symbolic Dimensions of the Yarmukian Culture: Canonization in Neolithic Art. The Institute of Archaeology and The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, in Co- operation with the Israel Exploration Society, 2010. Jerusalem. Pp. xv + 353. $68. ISBN: 9789652210814. This book is the third in a series of seven intended monographs describing the site and material culture of Sha’ar HaGolan, the type-site for the Yarmukian culture. Its subject is the figurines from the site, made famous by a travelling exhibition and a popular illustrated book. The first volume, Neolithic Art in Context was published in 2002 and the second, The Rise of Urban Concepts in the Ancient Near East, in 2009. Four further volumes are planned, covering pottery and lithics, among other subjects. The subject of figurines has been given some previous attention in the first monograph, and in Garfinkel’s more populist tome, The Yarmukians, but most of what is contained in this publication, which focuses purely on figurines, is novel material. The structure of the book is very straightforward. The introduction starts by setting out the authors’ theoretical basis for their ideas about canonisation in Levantine Neolithic art in general. This revolves around population pressures and the need for planning in society, which led to standardisation of belief and artistic endeavour, as well as organised settlements. This is followed with a brief, but comprehensive description of trends in finds from Sha’ar HaGolan, from the excavations, and also from the informal finds curated by the local kibbutz. -
Melodie Moench Charles, “Book of Mormon Christology”
Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 1989–2011 Volume 7 Number 2 Article 5 1995 Melodie Moench Charles, “Book of Mormon Christology” Martin S. Tanner Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/msr BYU ScholarsArchive Citation Tanner, Martin S. (1995) "Melodie Moench Charles, “Book of Mormon Christology”," Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 1989–2011: Vol. 7 : No. 2 , Article 5. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/msr/vol7/iss2/5 This Review is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 1989–2011 by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Title Author(s) Martin S. Tanner Reference Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 7/2 (1995): 6–37. ISSN 1050-7930 (print), 2168-3719 (online) Abstract Review of “Book of Mormon Christology” (1993), by Melodie Moench Charles. Melodie Moench Charles. "Book of Mormon C hris tology." In New Approaches to the Book of Mormon, ed. Brent Lee Metcalfe, 81-114. Salt Lake City: Sig. nature Books, 1993. xiv + 446 pp. $26.95. Reviewed by Martin S. Tanner Book of Mormon Chri stology is not a new subject, but it is an important one. Melodie Moench Charles begin s her essay on the topic with a personal anecdote. She relates how when teaching an adult Sunday School class (presumably Gospel Doctrine) she dis cussed Mos iah 15:1 -4, which she quotes as fo llows: God himself shall come down among the children of men being the Father and the Son- The Father, because he was conce ived by the power of God; and the Son, because of the nesh; th us becoming the Father and the Son-And they are one God, yea, the very Eternal Father of heaven and of earth. -
“Son of Man” Have a Place in the Eschatological Thinking of the Qumran Community? Géza Xeravits*
Louvain Studies 26 (2001) 334-345 Does the Figure of the “Son of Man” Have a Place in the Eschatological Thinking of the Qumran Community? Géza Xeravits* I When approaching a particular theological issue (or one in any other discipline) the first important thing is to define the problem and its main elements as clearly as possible. The ancient Latin saying held: qui bene distinguit, bene docet. This saying becomes even more important if one faces a question, which has an extremely complicated background and history. In general terms, the question of the messianic expectations of intertestamental Judaism is one of the most intricate problems that can be found in the theologies of both Testaments. Before a more extensive treatment of our issue, however, it is necessary to comment first on the etymological inconsistencies of the term ‘messianism’. Strictly speaking, ‘messianism’ goes back to the Hebrew word msyÌ which means ‘anointed one’. In the eschatological sense, expectations that are generally called ‘messianism’ are often considered as concerning the waiting for the arrival of a positive future figure, who is anointed to his mission. In the Old Testament, however, the human agent of the eschatological events is not labelled as the anointed one. He is not even called ‘messiah’. That word was reserved to indicate the leaders of con- temporary Israel: her kings, (high) priests, and prophets.1 The eschato- * Based on a lecture given at the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, 12 Jan. 2000. The lecture and the present written form were prepared during my research in Leuven funded by the Soros Foundation. -
Bible Characters Mentioned Outside the Bible (See History.)
Last updated: 12-Dec-2018 at 18:15 Bible chronology main page Bible Characters Mentioned Outside the Bible (See History.) © Richard P. Español in Contemporary Sources Aschmann Rick Aschmann Contents 1. Lists of Identified Individuals 2. Why are none found earlier than the kings? 2.1. The Pharaohs 2.1.1. Couldn’t we identify unnamed pharaohs based on the Egyptian king lists? 2.1.2. Can we identify the later named pharaohs? 2.2. The Four Kings of the East 2.3. Other Theories 1. Lists of Identified Individuals Many individuals mentioned in the Bible are also mentioned outside the Bible in contemporary (or fairly contemporary) archaeological sources. The following two links give a fairly complete list of these. List of biblical figures identified in extra-biblical sources 50 people in the bible confirmed archaeologically The interesting thing is that both of these sites evidently have the perspective that the Bible is not the inerrant, inspired Word of God, whereas I believe it is.1 So it might seem like such lists are not useful for the Bible-believer. On the contrary, they are quite useful: these are names that everyone can agree have been confirmed from extra-biblical sources, so they serve to confirm the reliability of the Bible in spite of having been compiled by unbelievers! If you look at the chart near the top of the first site, you can sort it from earliest to latest by clicking twice in the title of the Date (BCE) column. This chart shows that the earliest attested name (according to the compiler of this list) is Omri the father of Ahab, whose reign (and dynasty) started in 880 B.C. -
The Watchers in Jewish and Christian Traditions
1 Mesopotamian Elements and the Watchers Traditions Ida Fröhlich Introduction By the time of the exile, early Watchers traditions were written in Aramaic, the vernacular in Mesopotamia. Besides many writings associated with Enoch, several works composed in Aramaic came to light from the Qumran library. They manifest several specific common characteristics concerning their literary genres and content. These are worthy of further examination.1 Several Qumran Aramaic works are well acquainted with historical, literary, and other traditions of the Eastern diaspora, and they contain Mesopotamian and Persian elements.2 Early Enoch writings reflect a solid awareness of certain Mesopotamian traditions.3 Revelations on the secrets of the cosmos given to Enoch during his heavenly voyage reflect the influence of Mesopotamian 1. Characteristics of Aramean literary texts were examined by B.Z. Wacholder, “The Ancient Judeo- Aramaic Literature 500–164 bce: A Classification of Pre-Qumranic Texts,” in Archaeology and History in , JSOTSup8, ed. L.H. Schiffman (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1990), 257–81. the Dead Sea Scrolls 2. The most outstanding example is 4Q242, the Prayer of Nabonidus that suggests knowledge of historical legends on the last Neo-Babylonian king Nabunaid (555–539 bce). On the historical background of the legend see R. Meyer, , SSAW.PH 107, no. 3 (Berlin: Akademie, Das Gebet des Nabonid 1962). 4Q550 uses Persian names and the story reflects the influence of the pattern of the Ahiqar novel; see I. Fröhlich, “Stories from the Persian King’s Court. 4Q550 (4QprESTHARa-f),” . 38 Acta Ant. Hung (1998): 103–14. 3. H. L. Jansen, , Skrifter utgitt av Die Henochgestalt: eine vergleichende religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung det Norske videnskaps-akademi i Oslo. -
In the Massoretic Text
Butler University Digital Commons @ Butler University Graduate Thesis Collection Graduate Scholarship 1935 An Investigation of the Triliteral Root [Baal] in the Massoretic Text Herbert C. Albrecht Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.butler.edu/grtheses Part of the Religion Commons Recommended Citation Albrecht, Herbert C., "An Investigation of the Triliteral Root [Baal] in the Massoretic Text" (1935). Graduate Thesis Collection. 243. https://digitalcommons.butler.edu/grtheses/243 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Scholarship at Digital Commons @ Butler University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Thesis Collection by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Butler University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. J.Jl I NVESTIGAT I ON OF THE 1'RILITERAL ROOT t )J;J. IN THE MASSORETIC TEXT by Herbert C. Albrecht A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts College of Religion Division of Graduate Instruction Butler Uni·versity Indianapolis 1935 I I ,8t...1. r, !}I./,;}-; '-'• 'do PREFACE r:D <Il I~ oertain important words used in t h e Massoretic Text were studied individually, the several instances of their occurrenoe oompa r ed with each other and each form interpreted in the light of its own setting, Bnd in the light of other similar instances of its usage, t her e can be little dcubt that many useful suggestions would re~ult . All these sugge stions would tend toward a more acourate reproduotion of the original Hebrew in t he English trans lation of t he Bible.