Lebanon: the Israel-Hamas-Hezbollah Conflict
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The Hezbollah-Israeli
The Hizbullah-Israeli War: an American Perspective Aaron David Miller It was unusual for an Israeli Prime Minster to break open a bottle of champagne in front of American negotiators at a formal meeting. But that’s exactly what Shimon Peres did. It was late April 1996, and Peres was marking the end of a bloody three week border confrontation with Hizbullah diffused only by an intense ten day shuttle orchestrated by Secretary of State Warren Christopher. Those understandings negotiated between the governments of Israel and Syria (the latter standing in for Hizbullah) would create an Israeli-Lebanese monitoring group, co-chaired by the United States and France. These arrangements were far from perfect, but contributed, along with on-again-off-again Israeli-Syrian negotiations, to an extended period of relative calm along the Israeli- Lebanese border. The April understandings would last until Israel’s withdrawal. The recent summer war between Hizbullah and Israel, triggered by the Shia militia’s attack on an Israeli patrol on July 12, masked a number of other factors which would set the stage for the confrontation as well as the Bush administration’s response. Six years of relative quiet had witnessed Israel’s unilateral withdrawal from Lebanon in June of 2000, a steady supply of Katushya rockets—both short and long range—from Iran to Hizbullah, the collapse of Israel’s negotiations with Syria and the Palestinians, and the onset of the worst Israeli-Palestinian war in half a century. A perfect storm was brewing, spawned by the empowerment of both Hizbullah and Hamas, Iranian reach into the Arab-Israeli zone, Syria’s forced withdrawal from Lebanon, a determination by Israel to restore its strategic deterrence in the wake of unilateral withdrawals from Lebanon and Gaza, and an inexperienced Israeli prime minister and defense minister uncertain of how that should be done. -
Amir Peretz Begins As Defense Minister by J. Zel Lurie
Amir Peretz Begins as Defense Minister by J. Zel Lurie While this three-day symposium [at AJ Committee — with Yehoshua] was going on in Washington, Ehud Olmert was introducing his new government in Jerusalem. Most newsworthy are the two of the five new Labor ministers, Amir Peretz, minister of defense and Yuli Tamir, minister of education. Peretz confronts a large group of army officers and bureaucrats who have been coddling and cooperating with the settlers for decades They are accustomed to running the West Bank arbitrarily and no one dared question their decisions. Here is one small example of what Peretz is up against: A couple of Saturdays ago, the Jewish settlers in Maon, south of Hebron, wearing masks, attacked Israeli soldiers who were escorting 18 Arab kids to the regional school in at-Tawani. On the following Saturday, Peace Now received the army’s permission to send two busloads of peaceniks to a demonstration in at-Tawani. At Gush Etzion junction the buses were stopped. “Since we gave permission, the area has been declared a closed military zone,” the Peace Now demonstrators were told. “You cannot proceed.” Ran Cohen, a Meretz M.K., was on one of the buses. He called Peretz who must have raised the roof with his army subordinates. After an hour the buses were allowed to continue on their journey and hold their demonstration. Brigadier General Ilan Paz, who recently retired after 28 years in the army, seven of which were in the West Bank. commented: “For 18 months the settlers in Maon have been harassing kids passing their farm on their way to school. -
Israel: Alternative Regional Options in a Changing Middle East
Report June 2013 Israel: alternative regional options in a changing Middle East By Yossi Alpher1 Executive summary Today Israel confronts broad regional security challenges reminiscent of those it faced in the early decades of its existence. Then it responded to the threat posed by the hostile Arab states that surrounded it by developing the “periphery doctrine”. It formed strategic ties with Iran, Turkey and other non-Arab, non- Muslim or geographically distant Arab states and minorities that shared its concerns. The original periphery doctrine ground to a halt between 1973 and 1983 and was in many ways replaced by the Arab-Israel peace process, both bilateral and multilateral. Eventually, the failure to register significant progress toward a solution of the Palestinian issue blunted this momentum. Currently Israel sees itself increasingly ringed by hostile Islamists in Egypt, Gaza, southern Lebanon and probably Syria, as well as non-Arab Turkey and Iran. Once again it confronts the spectre of regional isolation. But it is far better equipped than in the past to deal with a hostile ring of neighbours. Its policy options include not only a “new periphery” (Azerbaijan, Cyprus, Greece and Ethiopia, among others), but also the projection of both soft (particularly economic) and hard power, a search for accommodation with political Islam beginning with Hamas in Gaza, and a partial or comprehensive two-state solution agreement with the West Bank-based PLO. Introduction hostile Arab states motivated by Arab nationalism and led Today Israel confronts broad regional security challenges by Egypt’s Gamal Abdel Nasser. These neighbouring that in some ways are reminiscent of those it faced in the countries were smarting from a string of military defeats at early decades of its existence. -
Armed Conflicts Report - Israel
Armed Conflicts Report - Israel Armed Conflicts Report Israel-Palestine (1948 - first combat deaths) Update: February 2009 Summary Type of Conflict Parties to the Conflict Status of the Fighting Number of Deaths Political Developments Background Arms Sources Economic Factors Summary: 2008 The situation in the Gaza strip escalated throughout 2008 to reflect an increasing humanitarian crisis. The death toll reached approximately 1800 deaths by the end of January 2009, with increased conflict taking place after December 19th. The first six months of 2008 saw increased fighting between Israeli forces and Hamas rebels. A six month ceasefire was agreed upon in June of 2008, and the summer months saw increased factional violence between opposing Palestinian groups Hamas and Fatah. Israel shut down the border crossings between the Gaza strip and Israel and shut off fuel to the power plant mid-January 2008. The fuel was eventually turned on although blackouts occurred sporadically throughout the year. The blockade was opened periodically throughout the year to allow a minimum amount of humanitarian aid to pass through. However, for the majority of the year, the 1.5 million Gaza Strip inhabitants, including those needing medical aid, were trapped with few resources. At the end of January 2009, Israel agreed to the principles of a ceasefire proposal, but it is unknown whether or not both sides can come to agreeable terms and create long lasting peace in 2009. 2007 A November 2006 ceasefire was broken when opposing Palestinian groups Hamas and Fatah renewed fighting in April and May of 2007. In June, Hamas led a coup on the Gaza headquarters of Fatah giving them control of the Gaza Strip. -
A Study of the Second Lebanon War and Operation CAST LEAD
BACK TO BASICS A Study of the Second Lebanon War and Operation CAST LEAD Lieutenant Colonel Scott C. Farquhar General Editor Combat Studies Institute Press US Army Combined Arms Center Fort Leavenworth, Kansas Form Approved Report Documentation Page OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for the collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instructions, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington Headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington VA 22202-4302. Respondents should be aware that notwithstanding any other provision of law, no person shall be subject to a penalty for failing to comply with a collection of information if it does not display a currently valid OMB control number. 1. REPORT DATE 3. DATES COVERED 2. REPORT TYPE 2009 00-00-2009 to 00-00-2009 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5a. CONTRACT NUMBER Back to Basics. A Study of the Second Lebanon War and Operation 5b. GRANT NUMBER CAST LEAD 5c. PROGRAM ELEMENT NUMBER 6. AUTHOR(S) 5d. PROJECT NUMBER 5e. TASK NUMBER 5f. WORK UNIT NUMBER 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION US Army Combined Arms Center,Combat Studies Institute,Fort REPORT NUMBER Leavenworth,KS,66027 9. SPONSORING/MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10. SPONSOR/MONITOR’S ACRONYM(S) 11. -
Interim Report on Humanitarian Response
INTERIM REPORT Humanitarian Response in Lebanon 12 July to 30 August 2006 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................................. 1 2. THE LEBANON CRISIS AND THE HUMANITARIAN RESPONSE ............................................... 1 2.1 NATURE OF THE CRISIS...................................................................................................... 1 2.2 THE INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE DURING THE WAR............................................................. 1 2.3 THE RESPONSE AFTER THE CESSATION OF HOSTILITIES ..................................................... 3 2.4 ORGANISATION OF THE HUMANITARIAN RESPONSE ............................................................. 3 2.5 EARLY RECOVERY ............................................................................................................. 5 2.6 OBSTACLES TO RECOVERY ................................................................................................ 5 3. HUMANITARIAN ASSISTANCE IN NUMBERS (12 JULY – 30 AUGUST) ................................... 6 3.1 FOOD ................................................................................................................................6 3.2 SHELTER AND NON FOOD ITEMS......................................................................................... 6 3.3 HEALTH............................................................................................................................. 7 3.4 WATER AND -
Elections 2006 CANDIDATES for CONGRESSIONAL DIST
! J 8 Elul 5766 On the web at: www.jvhri.org September 1, 2006 A glimpse into Lebanon Israelis speak on war; annual campaign begins By J onathan Rubin [email protected] PROVJDENCE - Jona than Marcus's summer break ended abruptly on July 12; he was sining on a beach on the coast of Israel when a fe llow soldier told him that H ezbollah had just killed and kidnapped soldiers on the Lebanese border. Soon he and his troops were being shipped north. Marcus, 21, entered the Israeli Defense Forces shortly after making aliyah in 2002. He was trained A MEMBER OF THE INDIA N CONTINGENT OF UNIFIL, the UN peacekeeping force, drinks an early for operations in hilly Lebanon, morning cup of tea as his comrades keep watch at a lookout near Kibbutz Manara near the Lebanese but never thought he'd need it. "-<>101,y-.u,..,•ut,,,, border. Aug. 26. JONATHAN MARCUS, staff Marcus, originally from sergeant of the Israel Defense Denver, gave a briefing of what Forces, spoke at an Israel fund Olmert fights to keep power it was like to fight in the Leba raising event in Pr:,vidence on non \.Var II .it events l\londay Monday. By Lc,lie Susser In an impassioned speech panel under a former Mossad to raise funds for Israel. The first event was held for those JERUSALDI UTA) M onday night in I laifa, O lmcrt summer, when camp.1igner,; ,It who had been to Israel on - A protei,t, continue againsl announced the establishment of theJcwi,;h Fedcution of Rhode" N EWS ANALYSIS Jewish Federation missions, tht: ~-crnment ·, conduct ofthe three les~er panels rather than l,;land were preparin.'!: for the and the second, for physicians w.u .i~a1n.\t I fe7l:,olb.h, Prime the full-Acdgcd state commis chief, Nahum Admoni, would September Lmnch of their S-U and medical professionals. -
Palestinian Territories MIDDLE EAST UNITARY COUNTRY and WEST ASIA
Palestinian territories MIDDLE EAST UNITARY COUNTRY AND WEST ASIA Basic socio-economic indicators Income group - LOWER MIDDLE INCOME Local currency - Israeli new shekel (ILS) Population and geography Economic data AREA: 6 020 km2 GDP: 19.4 billion (current PPP international dollars) i.e. 4 509 dollars per inhabitant (2014) POPULATION: million inhabitants (2014), an increase 4.295 REAL GDP GROWTH: -1.5% (2014 vs 2013) of 3% per year (2010-2014) UNEMPLOYMENT RATE: 26.9% (2014) 2 DENSITY: 713 inhabitants/km FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT, NET INFLOWS (FDI): 127 (BoP, current USD millions, 2014) URBAN POPULATION: 75.3% of national population GROSS FIXED CAPITAL FORMATION (GFCF): 18.6% of GDP (2014) CAPITAL CITY: Ramallah (2% of national population) HUMAN DEVELOPMENT INDEX: 0.677 (medium), rank 113 Sources: World Bank; UNDP-HDR, ILO Territorial organisation and subnational government RESPONSIBILITIES MUNICIPAL LEVEL INTERMEDIATE LEVEL REGIONAL OR STATE LEVEL TOTAL NUMBER OF SNGs 483 - - 483 Local governments - Municipalities (baladiyeh) Average municipal size: 8 892 inhabitantS Main features of territorial organisation. The Palestinian Authority was born from the Oslo Agreements. Palestine is divided into two main geographical units: the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. It is still an ongoing State construction. The official government of Cisjordania is governed by a President, while the Gaza area is governed by the Hamas. Up to now, most governmental functions are ensured by the State of Israel. In 1994, and upon the establishment of the Palestinian Ministry of Local Government (MoLG), 483 local government units were created, encompassing 103 municipalities and village councils and small clusters. Besides, 16 governorates are also established as deconcentrated level of government. -
Measuring Public Opinion Regarding Peaceful Solution of Palestine Issue
Global Journal of HUMAN-SOCIAL SCIENCE: F Political Science Volume 14 Issue 4 Version 1.0 Year 2014 Type: Double Blind Peer Reviewed International Research Journal Publisher: Global Journals Inc. (USA) Online ISSN: 2249-460x & Print ISSN: 0975-587X Measuring Public Opinion Regarding Peaceful Solution of Palestine Issue: An Experimental Study of University Students in Pakistan, Iran and United Arab Emirates By Muhammad Asim Government Postgraduate College Asghar Mall, Pakistan Abstract- This study aimed to measure public opinion in the Pakistan, Iran and United Arab Emirates regarding peaceful solution of Palestine issue Data (N=276) was collected from two universities, one postgraduate college and one degree college in Pakistan, two universities in Iran and two universities in United Arab Emirates. Although, Pakistan and Iran have theocratic environment and we got anti-Israel replies but there were 77 Pakistani and 41 Emirati students who presented their rational views about peaceful solution of this conflict. There is a brief debate on One-State Solution, Two-States Solution, Three-States Solution and the status of Jerusalem. The plan of forming union among the territories of Israel and Palestine, single currency and Rail-Road plan for secular transportation from one region to another is also discussed in this study. During comparing such public opinion with other previous international proposals for resolving this issue, recommendations from the author are presented in the last. Keywords: uae, i-p union, religiosity, eu, state of judea. -
7. Politics and Diplomacy
Hoover Press : Zelnick/Israel hzeliu ch7 Mp_119 rev1 page 119 7. Politics and Diplomacy as israeli forces were clearing recalcitrant settlers from their Gaza homes on August 16, 2005, Khalil Shikaki, director of the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research (PSR) in Ra- mallah, published a column in the Jerusalem Post headlined, “How Sharon and Abbas Can Both Win.”1 Shikaki, a pollster and political analyst respected in Israel and the west, questioned the wisdom of Israeli unilateralism in Gaza and on the West Bank as opposed to Lebanon, where no one on the other side wanted to talk. Here, he argued, Hamas may be as close-minded as Hez- bollah, preferring to paint Israel’s withdrawal as a victory for Pal- estinian resistance, but Abu Mazen, supported by Palestinian pub- lic opinion, wanted to reduce tensions and negotiate. Make him look good by easing restrictions on Palestinian trade and move- ment, and he will help Sharon and Israel by defeating Hamas and talking about the terms for settling the conflict. In other words, let the PA rather than Hamas control the Palestinian narrative of withdrawal. Shakaki updated his survey data two months later for a con- ference at Brandeis University hosted by Shai Feldman, director of the Crown Center for Middle East Studies and former director of the Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies in Tel Aviv. By that October conference, 84 percent of Palestinians were convinced that violence had played a role in the Israeli withdrawal. Irre- 1. Khalil Shikaki, “How Sharon and Abbas Can Both Win,” Jerusalem Post, August 16, 2005. -
The Israel Defense Force's Innovations Against Hybrid
MEETING THE HYBRID THREAT: THE ISRAEL DEFENSE FORCE’S INNOVATIONS AGAINST HYBRID ENEMIES, 2000-2009 A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Security Studies By Eleazar S. Berman, B.A. Washington, DC April 16, 2010 Copyright 2010 by Eleazar S. Berman All Rights Reserved ii MEETING THE HYBRID THREAT: THE ISRAEL DEFENSE FORCE’S INNOVATIONS AGAINST HYBRID ENEMIES, 2000- 2009 Eleazar S. Berman, B.A. Thesis Advisor: Jennifer E. Sims, Ph.D. ABSTRACT The 2006 war between Hizbullah and Israel attracted great interest within the American defense community, awakening it to the challenges of “hybrid warfare”. The Israel Defense Force, considered an innovative military, has been working to adapt to Hizbullah and Hamas, both dangerous hybrid organizations. This study explores IDF innovations in two periods, from May 2000- August 2006, the end of the Second Lebanon War, and from August 2006- January 2009, the end of Operation Cast Lead. It gives a history of the campaigns against Hizbullah and Hamas, then details the most important innovations over the two periods. Developing a new analytical framework, this work examines the pressures on and incentives for military innovation in the international, civil/military, organizational, and cultural planes. Finally, the implications of the innovations on military effectiveness are explored. This paper concludes that the perception of failure in 2006 caused the military and civilian leadership to appreciate the same hybrid threat, and this was the main factor enabling the IDF to innovate successfully after the Second Lebanon War. -
Union for Reform Judaism (URJ) Resolution on Israeli Arab Citizens
URJ Resolution on Israeli Arab Citizens Submitted by the Commission on Social Action to the Union for Reform Judaism's 70th General Assembly Adopted by the URJ Resolutions Committee on November 3, 2009 As Reform Jews, we have profound pride in the State of Israel, a vibrant democracy, and its accomplishments over the past 61 years. We rejoice in the existence of Israel as a haven for those fleeing lands of oppression and revel in the opportunity for the Jewish people to continue to develop a spiritual and cultural home in accordance with Jewish ideals—among them the promise of freedom and justice for all its citizens. Israel’s strength and survival depend on the democratic nature of the Jewish state and on the moral character of the state. The principles on which Israel was founded are clear. As stated in Israel’s Declaration of Independence, the nation “will be based on freedom, justice and peace as envisaged by the prophets of Israel; it will ensure complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or sex; it will guarantee freedom of religion, conscience, language, education and culture.” These imperatives require that we be ever sensitive to the aspirations and just demands of Israel’s minority citizens. Arab citizens comprise approximately one-fifth of Israel’s population. Arabic is an official language in Israel and Israeli Arabs are accorded the rights and responsibilities of citizenship, with the exception of compulsory military service (although volunteer service is encouraged by the government). Israeli Arabs serve in the Knesset.