Appendix : Documents Used for the Analysis of the Ideational Opportunity Structure and Alignment Power

a) Radio Broadcasting to Cuba Act US Foreign Policy Discourse (a) President Ronald Reagan, First Inaugural Address, January 20, 1981, Washington, DC. (b) Secretary of State Alexander Haig, A New Direction in U.S. Foreign Policy. Address before the American Society of Newspaper Editors, April 24, 1981. (c) Secretary Haig, A Strategic Approach to American Foreign Policy. Address before the American Bar Association, August 11, 1981, New Orleans. (d) President Reagan, Opening Statement at the International Meeting on Cooperation and Development, October 22, 1981, Canc ú n/Mexico. (e) President Reagan, Promoting Peace and Democracy. Address before the British Parliament, June 8, 1982, London/United Kingdom. (f) Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs William P. Clark, President Reagan’s Framework for Peace. Address before the City Club and Chamber of Commerce, October 29, 1982, San Diego. (g) President Reagan, Paths toward Peace: Deterrence and Arms Control. Address to the Nation, November 22, 1982, Washington, DC. (h) President Reagan, Progress in the Quest for Peace and Freedom. Address before the American Legion, February 22, 1983, Washington, DC. (i) President Reagan, Address to the Nation on Defense and National Security, March 23, 1983, Washington, DC. (j) President Reagan, Radio Address, September 10, 1983.

US Cuba Policy Discourse (a) Assistant Secretary of State Thomas O. Enders, Strategic Situation in Central America and the Caribbean. Statement before the Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere Affairs of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, December 14, 1981, Washington, DC. 206 Appendix

(b) Department of State, Cuba’s Renewed Support for Violence in Latin America. Research Paper Presented to the Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere Affairs of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, December 14, 1981, Washington, DC. (c) President Reagan, The Sordid Promises of Communism. From Remarks on the Caribbean Basin Initiative before the Permanent Council of the Organization of American States, February 24, 1982. (d) Assistant Secretary Enders, Radio Broadcasting to Cuba. Statement before the Subcommittee on State, Justice, Commerce, and the Judiciary of the Senate Appropriations Committee, May 4, 1982, Washington, DC. (e) Assistant Secretary Enders, Dealing with the Reality of Cuba. Statement before the Subcommittees on Inter-American Affairs and International Economic Policy and Trade of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, December 14, 1982, Washington, DC. (f) President Reagan, Meeting Castro’s Challenge in Central America. Remarks on Cuba, March 10, 1983. (g) Assistant Secretary Enders, FY 1984 Assistance Requests for Latin America and the Caribbean. Statement Delivered before the Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere Affairs of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, March 16, 1983, Washington, DC. (h) President Reagan, Address before a Joint Session of the Congress on Central America, April 27, 1983, Washington, DC. (i) President Reagan, Remarks at Cuban Independence Day Celebration, May 20, 1983, Miami. (j) President Reagan, Radio Address to the Nation on the Situation in Central America, August 13, 1983, El Paso/Texas.

Alignment Power (a) Cuban American National Foundation (CANF) Chairman Jorge Mas Canosa, “Parlamentarios no deben ir a Cuba. Al Redactor [Members of Congress Should Not Go to Cuba. Letter to the Editor],” in: Miami Herald, September 15, 1981. (b) Mas Canosa, La creació n de Radio Martí . Declaració n a la prensa [The Creation of Radio Mart í . Press Release], September 24, 1981. (c) CANF, U.S. Radio Broadcasting to Cuba: Policy Implications, Washington, DC, 1982. (d) CANF Executive Director Frank Calzó n, Statement before the House Foreign Affairs Committee, March 3, 1982, Washington, DC. (e) Mas Canosa, 20 de Mayo de 1982. Discurso [May 20, 1982. Address], May 20, 1982, Hotel Four Ambassadors, Miami. (f) Mas Canosa, “La Lucha por la libertad de Cuba y por la seguridad de Am é rica” [The Fight for Cuba’s Freedom and for America’s Security], in: Diario Las Am é ricas, I and II, July 12, 1982, Miami. (g) Mas Canosa, Homenaje a la Honorable Jeane Kirkpatrick. Discurso [Tribute to the Honorable Jeane Kirkpatrick. Address], October 22, 1982, Miami. (h) Mas Canosa, “Aboga La Brigada por unidad con los cubanos que luchan en la isla” [The Brigade Advocates for Unity with the Cubans Fighting on the Island], in: Gir ó n, 15 (October–December): 4, 1982. Appendix 207

(i) Thomas, Hugh, The Revolution on Balance , Washington, DC: CANF, 1983. (j) Mas Canosa, Visita del Presidente Ronald W. Reagan. Discurso [Visit of President Ronald W. Reagan. Address], May 20, 1983, Miami.

b) Cuban Democracy Act US Foreign Policy Discourse (a) President George H. W. Bush, Address before a Joint Session of the Congress on the State of the Union, January 29, 1991, Washington, DC. (b) President Bush, Address before a Joint Session of Congress on the End of the Gulf War, March 6, 1991, Washington, DC. (c) President Bush, Statement on the 1991 National Security Strategy Report, August 13, 1991. (d) Secretary of State James Baker, Democracy’s Season. Address before the CSCE Meeting on the Human Dimension, September 11, 1991, Moscow. (e) Deputy Secretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger, Engagement vs. Withdrawal: US Foreign Policy after the Cold War. Remarks at a “Business Week” Symposium, October 3, 1991, Washington, DC. (f) President Bush, Remarks to the American Enterprise Institute, December 4, 1991, Washington, DC. (g) President Bush, Address before a Joint Session of the Congress on the State of the Union, January 28, 1992, Washington, DC. (h) President Bush, Remarks to the Economic Club of Detroit, March 13, 1992, Detroit. (i) Secretary Baker, From Cold War to Democratic Peace. Address before the World Affairs Council of Boston, June 25, 1992, Boston. (j) President Bush, Remarks Accepting the Presidential Nomination at the Republican National Convention, August 20, 1992, Houston.

US Cuba Policy Discourse (a) Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs Bernard W. Aronson, FY 1992 Foreign Assistance Requests for Latin America and the Caribbean. Statement before the Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, April 18, 1999, Washington, DC. (b) President Bush, Audio Message (also Broadcast on Radio Martí ) , May 17, 1991. (c) Assistant Secretary Aronson, The 89th Anniversary of Cuban Independence. Address before the Cuban American National Foundation’s 10th Anniversary Meeting, May 20, 1991, Miami. (d) Deputy Secretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger, Western Hemisphere Holds Unique Place for Freedom. Address to the 21st General Assembly of the Organization of American States (OAS), June 3, 1991, Santiago/Chile. (e) Assistant Secretary Aronson, US Policy toward Cuba. Statement before the Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere Affairs of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, July 11, 1991, Washington, DC. 208 Appendix

(f) Vice President Dan Quayle, New Opportunities in Hemispheric Trade. Address Following the MERCOSUR Four-Plus-One Roundtable Discussion, August 6, 1991, Buenos Aires. (g) Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Affairs, US Policy toward Cuba. Statement before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, April 8, 1992, Washington, DC. (h) President Bush, Commitment to Cuban Freedom. Statement Released by the White House, April 18, 1992, Kennebunkport/Maine. (i) Deputy Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Affairs David Malpass, Economic Reconstruction in Cuba. Statement at a Conference on “Cuba’s Economic Reconstruction” Organized by a Consortium of Florida-Based Business and Academic Organizations, May 19, 1992, Miami. (j) President Bush, Cuban Independence Day. Statement Released by the White House, May 20, 1992, Washington, DC.

Alignment Power (a) Mas Canosa, Welcome Address at Conference on “Cuba’s Transition to Democracy. Lessons from the Former Soviet Bloc,” Organized by the Cuban American National Foundation, November 21–23, 1991, Coral Gables/Florida. (b) Domingo Moreira, Economic Principles for a New Cuba. Presentation at Conference on “Cuba’s Transition to Democracy. Lessons from the Former Soviet Bloc,” Organized by the Cuban American National Foundation, November 21–23, 1991, Coral Gables/Florida. (c) Mas Canosa, “Sobre la Ley Torricelli” [About the Torricelli Bill]. Radio Statement,” in: La Voz de la Fundaci ó n, February 15, 1992. (d) Mas Canosa, Testimony before House Committee on Foreign Affairs, March 18, 1992, Washington, DC. (e) Mas Canosa, Toward a Future without Castro. Cuba’s Transition to Democracy. Heritage Lecture No. 369, February 1992, Washington, DC. (f) Mas Canosa, “Presidente Bush y la Ley Torricelli [President Bush and the Torricelli Bill]. Interview by Ninoska Pé rez Castelló n,” in: La Voz de la Fundaci ó n, April 23, 1992. (g) CANF/Mas Canosa, “Questions and Answers about CANF, 1992,” in : CANF, The Alternatives of Freedom. A Statement of Principles and Objectives. For a Free and Democratic Cuba. (h) Mas Canosa, Statement before the Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, August 5, 1992, Washington, DC.

c) Trade Sanctions Reform and Export Enhancement Act US Foreign Policy Discourse (a) President William J. Clinton, Address before a Joint Session of the Congress on the State of the Union, January 19, 1999, Washington, DC. (b) President Clinton, Remarks on Keeping America Secure for the 21th Century, January 22, 1999, National Academy of Sciences, Washington, DC. Appendix 209

(c) Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, Fiscal Year 2000 Budget. Testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, February 24, 1999, Washington, DC. (d) President Clinton, Remarks on United States Foreign Policy, February 26, 1999, San Francisco. (e) President Clinton, Remarks to the 54th Session of the United Nations General Assembly, September 21, 1999, New York City. (f) Secretary Albright, The William Cohen Lecture: Combining Force and Diplomacy to Secure America’s Future, October 13, 1999, University of Maine, Bangor/Maine. (g) President Clinton, Message to the House of Representatives Returning without Approval Foreign Operations Legislation, October 18, 1999, Washington, DC. (h) President Clinton, Address before a Joint Session of the Congress on the State of the Union, January 27, 2000, Washington, DC. (i) President Clinton, Remarks to the World Economic Forum, January 29, 2000, Davos/Switzerland. (j) President Clinton, Remarks at Georgetown University, September 1, 2000, Washington, DC.

US Cuba Policy Discourse (a) President Clinton, Statement on United States Policy toward Cuba, January 5, 1999. (b) James Dobbins, Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director for Inter-American Affairs at the National Security Council; Peter Romero, Acting Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs; Michael Ranneberger, Coordinator for Cuban Affairs at the Department of State, Transcript: Senior U.S. Officials Speak on U.S. Cuba Policy, January 5, 1999, Washington, DC. (c) President Clinton, Statement by the President, January 15, 1999, Washington, DC. (d) Michael Ranneberger, Statement before the House International Relations Committee, Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere Affairs, March 24, 1999, Washington, DC. (e) President Clinton, Proclamation 7181—Pan American Day and Pan American Week, 1999, April 9, 1999, Washington, DC. (f) Walter Bastian, Director of the Office of Latin America and the Caribbean at the International Trade Administration Agency within the Department of Commerce, Statement before the House International Relations Committee, Subcommittee on International Economic Policy and Trade, September 22, 1999, Washington, DC. (g) Peter Romero, Acting Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs, Statement before the House International Relations Committee, Western Hemisphere Subcommittee, September 29, 1999, Washington, DC. (h) Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, Remarks to Inter-American Development Bank Closing Plenary Session, March 29, 2000, New Orleans. (i) President Clinton, Remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference, May 2, 2000, Washington, DC. 210 Appendix

(j) Lino Gutierrez, Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of States for Western Hemisphere Affairs, Statement before the House International Relations Committee, Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere Affairs, June 14, 2000, Washington, DC.

Alignment Power (a) Fowler, George J. III, Director and General Counsel of CANF, “After 40 Years, Cuba’s Suffering May Be Easing,” in: Washington Times, January 1, 1999, p. A16. (b) Zuniga, Luis, President of the Foundation for Human Rights in Cuba, CANF, Statement before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, March 10, 1999, Washington, DC. (c) Mas Santos, Testimony before the House International Relations Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere Affairs, March 24, 1999, Washington, DC. (d) CANF, “Ten Questions to Ask Fidel Castro during His Visit to New York. Press Release,” in: www.cubanet.org , September 5, 2000. (e) P é rez Castelló n, Ninoska, Director of La Voz de la Fundació n; Roberto Mart í n Pé rez, Member of CANF’s Governing Body 2000, “Statements,” in: Hernando Calvo and Katrin Declerq, The Cuban Exile Movement. Dissidents or Mercenaries?, Melbourne and New York: Ocean Press. (f) Hern á ndez, Francisco Jos é (“Pepe”), CANF president 2000, “Statements,” in: Hernando Calvo and Katrin Declerq, The Cuban Exile Movement. Dissidents or Mercenaries? Melbourne and New York: Ocean Press.

Notes

Introduction 1 . In a survey conducted by the United Jewish Communities in 2004, 28 percent of interviewed Jewish-Americans felt “‘very’ emotionally attached to Israel” and 45 percent supported the statement that “being Jewish means caring about Israel ‘a lot’” (Ament 2004). 2 . Some ethnic interest groups, for example, the National Italian American Foundation, focus on cultural domestic issues rather than foreign policy. According to its website, it primarily “promotes Italian American culture and heritage.” Some immigrant communities are not active in foreign policy lobbying at all, meaning they do not dispose of an ethnic interest group—possibly, as they have blended into the mainstream society and/or the domestic situation in their country of origin does not call for urgent international action. One example is the German-American community. 3 . For a critical discussion of Walt and Mearsheimer’s publications on the “Israel lobby” see, for example, Russell Mead 2007. 4 . For example, the Greek-American community, the Irish-American community, certain Eastern European communities and the community of Taiwanese- Americans (e.g., Uslaner 1995; Paul and Paul 2009: 3, 101). 5 . The foreign policy agenda of Armenian-American groups further addresses US relations with Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Turkey, including US aid to these countries (King and Pomper 2004; Paul and Paul 2009: 52). 6 . The American Jewish Committee (AJC) was established in 1906; AIPAC was founded in 1953 as the lobbying committee of the American Zionist Council (Spiegel 1985: 52). 7 . Mas Canosa later became the first chair of the Advisory Committee of Radio Mart í (Haney and Vanderbush 1999b: 351).

1 The Debate over Ethnic Interest Group Influence 1 . This definition excludes national minorities, who have been present in the respective country for much longer than “immigrants” and typically are not emotionally attached to a territory outside the national borders (Kymlicka 1995: 19). 2 . This argument is based, among others, on Elwert (1996) and his definition of culture as a “dynamic structure,” as well as on Puente and Kasindorf (2004: 57ff.). 212 Notes

3 . The dynamic character of identities creates the constant challenge to maintain group cohesion. A common reaction to the pressures of change is to close oneself in as a group, by referring to the myth of a long-standing monolithic identity. The reference to a monolithic identity creates a feeling of security among members of a group, which Ole Waever et al. (1993) label “societal security.” 4 . This book also uses the term despite its highly problematic genesis. It came into use as colonial administrations sought to categorize the indigenous groups they were dealing with. However, it is part of the key term of this book (“ethnic interest groups”), which is an established term in the academic debate, and participation therein will be greatly facilitated by common language. 5 . Anderson (1992: 11) defines “long-distance nationalism” as “political participation . . . directed towards an imagined heimat in which he [the bearer of the ethnic identity] does not intend to live, where he pays no taxes, where he cannot be arrested, where he will not be brought before the courts— and where he does not vote: in effect a politics without responsibility or accountability.” 6 . The definition of diaspora by another leading expert, Fiona Adamson, does imply political activity but only insofar as she assumes “an ability to address the collective interests of members of the social collectivity through a developed internal organizational framework and transnational links” (Adamson and Demetriou 2007: 497). 7 . Attachment to the country of origin may further be impacted by factors such as violent conflicts evoking compassion for kin abroad or former compatri- ots in general; the motivation for migration (e.g., voluntary or involuntary migration); or cultural (dis)similarity with the mainstream culture of the new society. Cf. Wald (2008: 279) and his model of diaspora group cohesion. 8 . For an overview of research on transnational race relations see, for example, Mittelman (2009). For an analysis of Latino engagement in US foreign policy–making, see, for example, de la Garza et al. (1998). 9 . By including the notion of settlement, this term also differs from Shain and Barth’s (2003) “country of domicile,” which carries a connotation of tran- sience similar to that of diasporas. 10 . For an early categorization of ethnic interest group research in foreign policy analysis, see Haney and Vanderbush (1999b). 11 . For an overview of the state of research on culture and International Relations with a particular focus on the German-language academic community, see Klaus Roscher (2004); for a discussion from the perspective of foreign cultural policy, see Schreiner (2011: 68–81). Within the European and especially the German debate, the interest in culture has centered on communication in international relations, especially in security affairs (cf. Risse 2000; Gourevitch 2002: 316; Risse 2003). 12 . As implied by Lapid and Kratochwil’s (1996) notion of a “return of culture and identity,” the roots of the study of culture in IR reach much further back than the 1980s. According to Schreiner (2011: 43), among others, the cultural turn(s) already started in the 1960s. Notes 213

13 . The cautious alteration of IR theory was arguably not what the debate of the 1990s had given reason to expect. Risse-Kappen (1994: 185–186), for example, argued then that structural and functional IR theories “need[ed] to be complemented by approaches that . . . take the role of ideas—knowledge, val- ues, and strategic concepts—seriously.” Cf. Katzenstein (1996a) who called for an integration of culture into existing IR theory. 14 . Peter Katzenstein, for instance, defined culture in a state-centric manner as “a broad label that denotes collective models of nation-state authority or identity, carried by custom or law” (1996b: 6). 15 . According to Peter Andreas (2003: 82), globalization is “an intensification of interdependence and cross-border interactions” and encompasses processes taking place in different spheres, such as economy, technology, and culture. The sociologist Roland Robertson (1992: 8) more abstractly defines globalization as “the compression of the world and the intensification of conscious- ness of the world as a whole.” 16 . For example, at the recent 2013 Annual Convention of the International Studies Association, three panels carried the term “diaspora” in their titles, in addition to several diaspora-related papers presented at further panels. The “ethnic interest group,” however, was featured neither as paper title nor panel title (ISA website). 17 . The article’s section on influence (Shain and Barth 2003: 462–466) does not connect to the preceding theoretical deliberations and lacks operationalization. 18 . William LeoGrande applied the two-level game theory to the dynamics of US Cuba policy-making but without a particular focus on ethnic interest groups (LeoGrande 1998a). 19 . Original text: “eine Konzeption von Kultur, die stä rker die Interaktionsebene zwischen kultureller Struktur und Akteur berü cksichtigt.” Unless noted oth- erwise, all translations were authored by HR. 20 . Early and groundbreaking research includes Bentley (1908); Truman (1951); Dahl (1961); Olson (1965, 1982). For more recent research, see, for example, Jordan and Maloney (2007) and Cigler and Loomis (2007a), as well as other authors discussed in this section. 21 . In 1963, Robert Dahl (1991 [1963]) already extensively discussed the phe- nomenon of influence and the related terminology (see also, for example, Schattschneider [1960]; Milbrath [1970]; Salisbury [1970]). Awareness of (and concern about) the role of interest groups in politics, however, reaches even much further back than systematic academic research on the issue. The most prominent of these earlier contributors is arguably James Madison who in Federalist Paper No. 10 warned against “faction” (Madison 1999 [1787]). 22 . For a critique of pluralism see, for example, Hayes (1983) and Massing (2007: 235). For an overview of the long-standing debate between pluralists and their critics see, for example, Hall and Deardorff (2006: 70). 23 . Both authors come up with virtually identical categories. In her dissertation published one year later, however, Mahoney (2008) subsumes the institutional factors under her category of “contextual factors,” to which she adds the factor of countervailing power, originally part of her category of “issues.” 214 Notes

24 . The conditions of influence were extracted from the following sources: Olson (1965); Milbrath (1970); Ornstein and Elder (1978); McFarland (1983); Peterson (1990); Smith (1995); Potters and Sloof (1996); Ainsworth (1997); Smith and Diven (2002); van Winden (2003); Hall and Deardorff (2006); D ü r and De Biè vre (2007); Kersh (2007); Mahoney (2007); Mahoney (2008); Baumgartner et al. (2009). 25 . As early as 1959, Lawrence Fuchs (1959: 161) noted, “Despite general awareness of the mutual impact of foreign affairs and the claims of minority groups, there has been surprisingly little systematic examination of the results of this process.” 26 . They were the first ones to conduct systematic research into the impact of ethnic interest groups on US foreign policy, through a large-n comparative study of 38 different groups, seeking to identify the most successful groups as well as the reasons for their success. 27 . For a previous attempt at organizing conditions of influence, see Redd and Rubenzer (2010). 28 . The categories of “institutional context” (used earlier) and “political context” (used here) are very similar. Unlike in the earlier categorization, the “issue-specific characteristics” did not get a category of their own because, according to this book’s definition, all ethnic interest groups deal with the issue of foreign policy. Instead, these characteristics were integrated into the category of “(international) political context,” which recognizes the nuances of that policy, that is, whether it addresses a region, a state, or an issue. 29 . For instance, the terms “diasporas,” “ethnic groups,” and “ethnic interest groups” were used interchangeably among different texts. Based on the earlier discussion of terminology, these different terms were organized through the categories of “immigrant community” and “ethnic interest group” respectively. 30 . Tierney (1993: 94) calls the factor of integration a “finely balanced point in assimilation.” When the group feels a certain level of attachment to both the country of origin and the country of settlement, it may engage and poten- tially succeed in the foreign policy–making process. 31 . The following sources were used: Garrett (1978); Daly (1979); Horowitz (1981); Said (1981); Sullivan Challenor (1981); Trice (1981); Crabb and Holt (1984); Watanabe (1984); Ahrari (1987a 1987b, 1987c, 1987d); Tierney (1993); Uslaner (1995); Haney and Vanderbush (1999b); Smith (2000); Ambrosio (2002a); Moore (2002); Saideman (2002); Shain and Barth (2003); King and Pomper (2004); Heindl (2006); Money and Gartner (2006); Redd and Rubenzer (2006); Shain (2007); Paul and Paul (2009). 32 . Martha Finnemore (1996) provides a profound theoretical and empirical analysis of the causal relationship between identities and interests, looking, however, at the influence of identities gained through socialization in the “international society” rather than those of domestic or transnational actors. 33 . The Center for Responsive Politics (CRP), which analyzes lobbying disclosure reports filed with federal agencies, counts 1466 reports on the federal budget and appropriations, the top lobbying issue, and 410 reports on foreign relations lobbying for 1998, the first year with available data. By 2011, the gap Notes 215

between the two issues had widened even further—the ratio of submitted reports was 3539: 302 (CRP a). 34 . In fact, current diaspora research focuses on the relationship between the government of the country of origin and the ethnic interest group (e.g., Shain 2007; Ragazzi 2009; Waterbury 2009).

2 The Analysis of Ethnic Interest Group Influence 1 . This approach to disclosing causality is based on the concept by Thomas D. Cook and Donald T. Campbell (1979) who adopt the following three cri- teria by John Stuart Mill to infer cause: “(1) covariaton between presumed cause and effect; (2) temporal precedence of the cause; and (3) the need to use the ‘control’ concept implicit in his [Mill’s] Method of Concomitant Variation” (31). 2 . Cf. Dü r and De Biè vre (2007: 3), who “assume that actors have clear preferences over outcomes [and] consider the control over outcomes approach to be the epistemologically most sound and empirically most pragmatic route towards assessing interest group influence.” 3 . Several authors have used the notion of a “third level,” yet not as an explic- itly “transnational level.” Shain and Cofman Wittes (2002) include the specific agency of diasporas as a third level (cf. chapter 1 ). Patterson (1997) adds negotiations within the European Community, while Knopf’s (1993: 67) third level comprises “alliance partners” and his model “differentiates between cross-level, transnational, and transgovernmental forms of interaction.” There have also been attempts to directly integrate transnational actors, for example, by combining the two-level game theory with network analysis (Krahmann 2003; Morin 2010). 4 . According to Wendt (1987: 338), this problem “is concerned with the relationship between active and self-reflecting agents and the structural context in which their activity takes place.” Carlsnaes (1992: 256) says it is emblem- atic of “the unresolved tension . . . between individualism and collectivism.” For further discussion see, for example, Dessler (1989); Bieler and Morton (2001); Adler (2002: 104–106); Wight (2002: 24). 5 . Although publications on rational choice theory from the perspective of security studies abound (e.g., Fearon 1995; Walt 1999), rational choice theory within IR is rarely addressed from a general perspective. This chapter is primarily based on the excellent review of the debate by Snidal (2002). 6 . In fact, this notion dates back to Max Weber, who Goldstein and Keohane (1993: 4) quote as follows, “not ideas, but material and ideal interests, directly govern men’s conduct.” 7 . One example is the Greek-American community, which, despite its representation through the large and very active American Hellenic Institute (AHI), has not been able to move its primary goal of “ending the illegal [Turkish] occupation of Cyprus” (AHI website) to the top of the US foreign policy agenda. 216 Notes

8 . Several authors identify the convergence of an ethnic interest group’s interests with the current national interest as an important condition for successful ethnic lobbying (e.g., Garrett 1978; Ahrari 1987a; Shain 1995; Uslaner 1995; King and Pomper 2004) but fail to deliver a theoretical explanation. Shain (2007: 104) points toward one by criticizing the state-centric nature of international relations: “While kinship identity can be negotiated between homeland and diaspora, the structure of modern international relations gives the prerogative of constituting, elaborating, and implementing the national interest to the state.” 9 . Original text: “politischer Diskurs als der Ort, an dem jene ideellen Elemente produziert werden, durch die die Realitä t sinnhaft verstanden und gestaltet wird.” 10 . This approach is based on Durkheim’s variable-based strategy, which, according to Charles Ragin and David Zaret (1983: 740, 747), “seeks transhistori- cal generalizations, not concrete knowledge about specific cases“ and thus allows for “broad generalizations about systemic relations.” 11 . For example, Paul and Paul (2009: 5), who write, “the lack of a post–Cold War consensus and changes in the geopolitical environment created new opportunities for ethnic groups to affect the foreign policy-making process since there is no longer a singular ‘national interest’ driving US policymaking.” Cf. Dueck (2006) and Trubowitz (1998). 12 . Yet, frames may also become subject to sudden change upon the occurrence of an event perceived to be severely threatening national security, such as the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. In the case of such shocks, the government rhetoric to make sense of the international context is forced to adapt suddenly rather than gradually (cf. Goldstein and Keohane 1993: 17).

3 Cuban-American Influence on US Cuba Policy 1 . This statement is part of Jefferson’s letter to James Monroe from June 23, 1823 (in: Lipscomb 1904: 479), which proclaimed the so-called Monroe Doctrine to be discussed later in this chapter. 2 . Both quotations by John Quincy Adams were taken from his letter to Hugh Nelson from April 23, 1823 (in: Ford 1917: 372–373). 3 . For an excellent analysis of this and other metaphorical images shaping US Cuba policy since the early nineteenth century see P é rez (2008). By analyzing statements of government officials, newspaper articles, and, most instructively, political caricatures, he convincingly argues that a paternalistic attitude characterized US dealings with Cuba from the nineteenth century until the 1959 revolution. Metaphors referred to Cuba as a (weak) woman and (helpless, dependent) child, while the United States wrapped its self- interests with regard to Cuba in the metaphors of a strong man (respectively father) coming to the rescue of someone in need of guidance and protection. This patronizing attitude is representative of the colonial ideologies en vogue in the United States and other Western countries at the time. Notes 217

4 . For the sake of language parsimony, “US American” will also be referred to by the term “American” in the following. 5 . However, Castro breached protocol by accepting an invitation by the American Society of Newspaper Editors without seeking the approval of US officials, which prompted President Eisenhower to make himself unavailable during Castro’s visit by a round of golf in Georgia (Schoultz 2009: 92). 6 . The illegal campaign in protest of Castro’s power seizure “escalat[ed] into a concerted effort to destroy the sugar harvest” in early 1960 and was stopped later that year by the Eisenhower administration (Schoultz 2009: 110–112). 7 . Earlier regulations had largely been based on presidential directives. The sus- pension of the trade embargo now requires the revocation of the Helms- Burton bill by a congressional majority. 8 . For a detailed analysis of US-Cuban cooperation since the 1990s see Ziegler (2007). 9 . Through its instrument of judicial review, the judiciary plays a reactive rather than proactive role in policy-making and will not be addressed specifically in the following. 10 . Unlike country desks, the Office of Cuban Affairs is not part of a (sub-) regional entity at the DoS, but its head directly reports to the Assistant Secretary for Western Hemisphere Affairs. 11 . Cf. the critical evaluation by PricewaterhouseCoopers LLP, hired by USAID itself (USAID 2000). 12 . The doctrine was based on her article “Dictatorships and Double Standards” published in Commentary magazine in November of 1979 (Kirkpatrick 1979). 13 . Reich became Assistant Secretary of State through a recess appointment, after Congress rejected his nomination. When the appointment expired, the position of Special Envoy was especially created for him. His previous Cuba- related positions include USAID Assistant Administrator in charge of economic assistance to Latin America and the Caribbean (1981–1983), founder and head of the controversial interagency Office of Public Diplomacy for Latin America and the Caribbean (1983–1986), and Deputy US Representative to the U.N. Commission on Human Rights (1991–1992). In 2002, Reich was nominated to serve on the board of the controversial Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation, formerly known as the School of the Americas (Anonymous 2002). 14 . While Jorge Mas Canosa, founding director of CANF, claimed to have come up with the idea himself (Haney and Vanderbush 1999b: 347), Richard V. Allen, National Security Adviser at the time, is often credited with instigat- ing the founding. The National Journal, for example, quotes him as telling Cuban-American community leaders “the best thing to do would be to create an organization that would speak with one voice or appear to speak with one voice” (in: Stone 1993). 15 . The committee was “composed of five little-known conservatives who gave a Latin American focus to the ideas of the Committee on the Present Danger” (Schoultz 2009: 365). The latter was a conservative interest group founded in 1950 to support efforts to counter the Soviet “threat“ and which, when that 218 Notes

threat ceased, redirected its efforts to “fighting terrorism and the ideologies that drive it” (Comm. on the Present Danger website). 16 . For the company’s history, see Anonymous 2009a. 17 . According to Bardach (1994: 201–211), Mas “led the charge” among the Cuban-American leadership that successfully lobbied for Bosch’s release from prison. Rejecting a recommendation by the Justice Department, President George H. W. Bush expedited his release in 1990 and granted him US residency in 1992 (Anonymous 1990). In a 1998 interview, Carriles claimed to have received support from Mas Canosa and CANF in carrying out terrorist activities (Bardach and Rohter 1998). He later withdrew the statement, cit- ing misunderstandings based on his allegedly poor English skills (National Security Archive 2009). Declassified documents give evidence to the claim that Bosch and Posada Carriles were involved in terrorist activities (National Security Archive 2005a, 2005b, 2006). 18 . Its fundraising entity, the Free Cuba PAC, ceased existing after the 2004 federal elections (Center for Responsive Politics [CRP]b). 19 . For most of the time under consideration here, Cuban American National Foundation was the official name of the research and educational entity, while the Free Cuba PAC handled fundraising, and the Cuban American Foundation was the lobbying arm. In the late 1990s, upon a calling by the Internal Revenue Service (IRS), the educational entity changed its name to Jorge Mas Canosa Freedom Foundation, while the lobbying branch was called from now on Cuban American National Foundation (see chapter 3 , p. 160). 20 . For example, he repeatedly testified on Capitol Hill that military action against Cuba would be considered one option to deal with the “Soviet problem.” This statement was swiftly reported by a Miami tabloid as a “Plan . . . for Invasion of the Caribbean” (Torres 1999: 114). His military background and involvement in the Vietnam War, the coup in Chile, and the Watergate affair made him a controversial appointee from the start. For a detailed portrait of Alexander Haig see LeoGrande 1998a (72–77). 21 . Skoug provides detailed accounts of his time as Coordinator of Cuban Affairs in Skoug (1996, 2002). 22 . Before becoming the Special Representative of the President to Central America in the spring of 1983, Stone was the Special Representative of the President for Public Diplomacy in Central America at the DoS. 23 . Original text: “una guerra de liberació n nacional contra Castro.“ 24 . Original text: “Radio Martí es la culminació n de meses de trabajo continuo y un proceso dif í cil de cabildeo lanzado en Washington.” 25 . For his detailed insider perspective on US-Cuba relations during his 24 years with the Foreign Service see Smith (1987). 26 . They included regional organizations like the Florida Association of Broadcasters and the South Florida Radio Broadcasters Association; national organizations such as the National Association of Broadcasters and the National Radio Broadcasters Associations; as well as the Federal Communications Commission. Notes 219

27 . The Iowa WHO station was one of 11 clear channels in the country at the time, which between 1928 and the 1980s broadcasted to rural areas not served by regular local radio signals. These stations, therefore, depended on long- distance high-power transmissions (Schoultz 2009: 403). WHO also hap- pened to be a former employer of President Reagan as a sports journalist. 28 . Enders argued, “the serious problem of Cuban interference with the radio broadcasting of its neighbors, including the United States, is separate and distinct from the Radio Marti [sic] question.” He said it began long before the idea of Radio Mart í came up and would continue no matter if the radio station would be installed or not (Enders 1982). 29 . The exact (full) titles differed, however. H.R. 2453 was titled “A bill to amend the Board for International Broadcasting Act of 1973 to provide for radio broadcasting to Cuba,” whereas S. 602 was titled “A bill to provide for the broadcasting of accurate information to the people of Cuba, and for other purposes.” No official title is listed for H.R. 2298 (Library of Congress). 30 . Original text: “una gran amistad con el Senador Zorinsky y el Senador Grassley.” 31 . To this day, the scope of Radio Martí broadcasting remains unclear, due to jamming efforts by the Cuban government and the difficulty of raising poll- ing data inside Cuba. The reach of Radio (and later also TV) Martí improved significantly when transmission via airplanes started in 2004. After Congress decided in 2006 to finance a contracted private airplane for transmission (replacing the military aircraft used before), the stations’ reach further improved (Erikson 2008: 130; Sullivan 2008a: 27). Nevertheless, the concept and efficacy of the station has repeatedly been questioned, for example, by a report of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee’s majority staff under the direction of John Kerry (2010). 32 . In the following, the policy toward the Western Hemisphere refers primarily to US policy toward Latin America. Canada is included only when goals for the entire hemisphere are defined. 33 . Cf. the US National Security Strategy from May 1982, which called for “military modernization; expanded military spending by US allies; economic pressure on USSR and its allies; political persuasion and propaganda at home and abroad; and covert operations intended to split satellite governments away from Moscow” (Simpson 1995: 62). 34 . Reagan also halted charter air service between Miami and Havana and pro- hibited money expenditures by US citizens in Cuba, which effectively also kept Cuban-Americans from traveling to Cuba (GAO 2007: 71). 35 . President Reagan established the Kissinger Commission in July 1983 as part of his public diplomacy campaign to defuse skepticism about his policy approach in Central America in the American public (LeoGrande 1998a: 237–238). 36 . More specifically, the Symms Amendment sought to prevent Cuba from extend- ing its “aggressive or subversive activities” to other countries in the region; to keep it from building up a military capacity that could pose a threat to the United States; and to reach out to “freedom-loving Cubans to support the aspi- rations of the Cuban people for self-determination” (in: Brenner 1988: 33). 220 Notes

37 . The subregional references differ in geographic scope among the documents. Some refer to Central America and the Caribbean (Basin), some refer to only one of the two, and some refer to larger Latin America. This book seeks to heed and accentuate those differences in regional scope when they occur and matter. 38 . The data is based on 1980 US census data from the original document (US Census Bureau 1981) and as presented by Portes and Mozo (1985: 36). 39 . Though much smaller in absolute numbers than their Miami counterparts, Cuban-Americans in the Union City area comprised two-thirds of the local population in the late 1970s (Boswell and Curtis 1984: 64). 40 . Luis Botifoll, founding member of CANF and successful Miami businessman, coined the term “Cuban miracle” in 1984. Botifoll created the nation’s largest Hispanic-owned bank and helped fellow Cuban-Americans launch new businesses (Anonymous 2003). 41 . The Cuban-American poverty rate was 11.7 percent, as compared to a US average of 9.6 percent and about 35 percent for Puerto Ricans, for example (Olson and Olson 1995: 77). 42 . According to Olson and Olson (1995: 77), the Cuban-American median family income was US$18,245, whereas the US average was US$19,917. They argue, however, that Cuban-American individual incomes were actually lower because more family members worked in Cuban-American households than in the average American household. 43 . The following factors further contributed to the economic success story of Miami’s Cuban-American community: a high participation rate of women in the labor force; low fertility rates; and the structure of the Cuban household, encouraging economic cooperation (Garcí a 1996: 109). 44 . In contrast, Croucher (1996: 363) argues, “among the earliest arrivals, the ‘elite’ were outnumbered by laborers, clerks, farmers, fishermen.” According to the statistics presented by Eckstein (2004: 44), however, the first wave did comprise a disproportionately large “elite.” Prior to their departure, 31 percent of the é migr é cohort of 1959–1962 had held a “professional/manager job” (but only 9 percent of Cubans did at the time); 33 percent had worked as clerks or in sales (14 percent of Cubans); and only 4 percent had worked in agriculture (42 percent of Cubans). 45 . President Reagan was sympathetic not only to CANF but also to the Cuban- American community in general. According to Garcí a (1996: 154), he visited Miami on four occasions between 1983 and 1987, granted interviews to local radio stations, and invited veterans of the Bay of Pigs invasion to the White House. However, relations grew particularly tight after Congress had already passed the RBCA. 46 . In the 1960s and 1970s, the city of Miami responded to the increasing bilingualization by promoting bilingual education and by declaring the county officially bilingual and bicultural (Castro 1992: 115). 47 . While only 40 percent of all votes were cast in favor of a continuation of bilingualization efforts, this number reached 70 percent in areas of high Hispanic concentration (Portes and Mozo 1985: 59). The referendum was directed against the Bilingual-Bicultural Ordinance of 1973, which was Notes 221

abolished following the referendum but then reinstated in 1993 (Garcí a 1996: 114). 48 . Prior to the arrival of the marielitos, a huge racial gap persisted between Cubans on the island and in the United States. According to Olson and Olson (1995: 84), 99 percent of Miami’s Little Havana was White in 1980. In contrast, almost two-thirds of Cuba’s population was of African descent in 2007 (Ribando 2007)—and it can be assumed that Cuba’s racial structure was not fundamentally different in 1980. However, although Miami’s Cuban-American community was almost completely white, there were larger Afro-Cuban communities elsewhere in the United States. Tampa, Florida, for example, had hosted a substantial Afro-Cuban community since 1890 (Boswell and Curtis 1984: 102–104). 49 . Further specific characteristics include the fact that many traveled alone and did not have family in the United States. Having nowhere to go, many were placed in camps upon arrival (Olson and Olson 1995: 83). 50 . While preceding immigration waves had primarily brought Cubans of Christian faith to the United States, many marielitos practiced santerí a, syn- cretic religions. 51 . Further factors include the conflict with the Anglo community in Miami; the attempt to counter the community’s negative due to militant activism in the 1960s and 1970s (Torres 1999); the negative image the city of Miami was developing due to urban decay (Croucher 1996: 360–361); the policy shift away from preferential treatment of Cuban refugees with the Refugee Act of 1980 (375); the realization that militancy was counterproductive (Schoultz 2009); the community’s economic success that gave them the means and the confidence to seek political representation (Torres 1999; Portes 2007); the ready access to political participation through fast-track naturalization (Portes and Mozo 1985: 39; Pew Hispanic Center 2006: 2); and the US-born generation reaching the voting age (Boswell and Curtis 1984: 168). 52 . Original text: “el profeta de la Independencia.” 53 . Original text: “nuestro Apó stol.” 54 . Original text: “Ap ó stol de la libertad de Cuba.” 55 . Original text: “Tú que eres el Padre de la Patria, ilumina con la luz inagotable de tus glorias inmarcesibles, el destino de la Patria oprimida.” 56 . The timing of the note most likely was not coincidental, as Soviet president Michail Gorbachev was scheduled to visit Cuba the next month (Morley and McGillion 2002: 17). 57 . Further publications include Fox and Tab í o (about 1992), Ill á n (about 1992), and Leiseca (about 1992). 58 . For example, he helped host CANF’s annual meeting in 1992 (Robbins 1992: 172). 59 . According to CANF (1992b: 152), Koryev announced “a major foreign policy reversal” during this visit, that is, to cut all Soviet aid to Cuba, to reduce Soviet trade with Cuba drastically, and to accelerate the withdrawal of Soviet military from Cuba. 60 . Bardach (1994) even counts US$300,000 of total campaign contributions Clinton raised that day in Miami. 222 Notes

61 . Cf. Eckstein (2009b: 133) who argues more cautiously that “it is possible that had Clinton not made US Cuba policy an electoral issue, Bush would not have reversed his stance on the pending legislation.” 62 . The Neutrality Act was conceived in its original form in 1794 and remains in force today as §960 “Expedition against friendly nation” of the US Code. It punishes military action against any foreign entity at peace with the United States. 63 . The group was led by Armando Pé rez Roura, news director at Miami’s WAQI Radio Mambí , and André s Vargas Gó mez who one year earlier had founded Unidad Cubana. According to its current website, “since it was founded, Unidad Cubana has supported the internal resistance [to the Castro regime] by all means at its disposal” [original text: “Desde su fundació n, Unidad Cubana ha apoyado a la resistencia interna por todos los medios a su alcance”]. 64 . At the August 5 hearing, Senator Dodd remarked, “there was not a whole lot of enthusiasm on the part of corporate America to testify here today.” Asked for the reasons, the representative of United Technologies, a witness at the hearing, replied that some companies had apparently been threatened with bombs and boycotts if they continued trading with Cuba (SFRC 1992: 121). 65 . When the administration assumed power, the new Secretary of State James Baker declared that the United States’ only interest in Central America was to get rid of this “bleeding sore,” so the administration would be able to focus on the changes going on in Europe (in: LeoGrande 1998a: 554). 66 . However, government restrictions prevented the measure from being imple- mented until 1994 (Franklin 1997: 328). 67 . However, in 1992, about 2,400 (then-Russian) troops and an electronic eavesdropping station still remained in Cuba (Robbins 1992: 163–164). 68 . These precentages are based on calculations of book author using US census data (US Census Bureau 1993: 1, 3, 7). 69 . These numbers are based on calculations of book author using data from the US census data (1990). 70 . P é rez draws upon Alejandro Portes and Robert L. Bach’s definition of an ethnic enclave as “a distinctive economic formation, characterized by the spa- tial concentration of immigrants who organize a variety of enterprises to serve their own ethnic market and the general population” (in: P é rez 1992: 90). 71 . These figures are based on calculations of book author using US census data (US Census Bureau 1993: 153, 159). 72 . Ibid. 73 . The numbers cited by Eckstein (2009a: 71) differ but also speak of the gap between arrivals of the 1960s (poverty rate of 13 percent) and the arrivals of the 1990s (poverty rate of 26 percent). 74 . Congress authorized the NED in November 1983. Florida Representative Dante Fascell introduced the respective bill and directed the first NED board (Nichols 1988). 75 . Former Cuban prisoner Amando Valladares headed the Madrid-based organization in the 1980s. He later served as the US representative to the Notes 223

U.N. Human Rights Commission. For a detailed account of his highly controversial role both within CANF and the Reagan administration, see Nichols (1988: 391–392). 76 . Mas Canosa’s pugnacity and difficulty to compromise were also demonstrated by a feud with his brother Ricardo, who won US$1.2 million in a libel suit against him in 1990 (e.g., Sleek 1991; Bardach 1994). 77 . The commission’s advisory board included Jeane Kirkpatrick, Representative Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, Florida Senators Connie Mack and Bob Graham, and Connecticut Senator Joseph Lieberman (Morley and McGillion 2002: 171). The commission also included members of the US business community who had an interest in investing in Cuba after the end of the Castro regime (Franklin 1993). 78 . According to Mas Canosa (1992b: 7), about 1,500 volunteers had been trained by 1992. They were young Cuban-American professionals, such as engineers, economists, and architects. For more information on the program see CANF (1992 or 1993: 34–35). 79 . By 1992, Representative Robert Torricelli, sponsor of the CDA, had become “the biggest recipient” of CANF contributions (Robbins 1992: 173). Another top recipient was President Bush, receiving maximum individual contributions from Mas Canosa and other CANF directors (Nichols 1988: 390) and, overall, the fifth-largest amount of Cuban-American political dona- tions in the 1992 electoral cycle (Eckstein 2009b: 130). Further major recipients included Florida Senators Robert Graham and Connie Mack III as well as Senators Ernest Hollings, Joseph Lieberman, and Orrin Hatch, and the three Cuban-American Representatives Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, Lincoln Diaz- Balart, and Robert Mené ndez (Stone 1993: 451; cf. Bardach 1994). In the 1992 congressional election campaign, Mené ndez reportedly outspent his opponent 15:1 due to major contributions by Jorge Mas Canosa, among others (Schoultz 2009: 453; see also Nichols 1988: 390; Robbins 1992: 173). 80 . For a discussion of the referendum’s local implications see Castro (1992: 123–127). 81 . For instance, only one African-American Miami-based business appeared on a list of 300 top firms nationwide published by Black Enterprise magazine in 1988 (Dunn and Stepick 1992: 63). 82 . For the reasons why Afro-Cubans had less incentives to emigrate see Olson and Olson (1995: 93–94). 83 . Olson and Olson (1995: 104) explain the high intermarriage rates with the thinning geographic concentration of Cuban-Americans. As they fanned out to the suburbs, both in New Jersey and South Florida, they increased interaction with non-Cubans. 84 . The number of rafters rescued by the US Coast Guard went up from 467 in 1990 to 2,203 one year later (Masud-Piloto 1996: 140), which meant an increase by 372 percent (calculation by book author). About three times that number of people were detained by Cuban authorities before making it to US shores, according to Cuban sources (in: ibid.: 135). 85 . According to Hoffmann (2007: 109), who uses an academic source in Cuba, 32 percent of all Cuban immigrants to the United States between 1990 and 224 Notes

1993 came on an immigration or refugee visa, 32 percent overstayed their tourist visa, while 20 percent were rafters, and 17 percent arrived through third countries. Immigration on a tourist visa had become more feasible when the Castro regime reduced the age limit for travel from 60 years for women and 65 years for men to 30 and 35 years respectively. When emigration subse- quently rose in 1991, the United States responded by temporarily suspending the processing of visa applications (Storrs 1991: 7). 86 . In October 1991, shortly before the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the community had been even more optimistic—54 percent said they expected “major political changes” in Cuba within one year (FIU 2007). 87 . According to the FIU October 1990 poll, 63 percent favored a US invasion of Cuba and 76 percent favored an exile invasion to overthrow the Castro government. At the same time, 40 percent also supported a national dialogue among Cuban exiles, Cuban dissidents, and the Cuban government (FIU 2000/2007). Cf. an April 1992 poll by Bendixen and Associates for a Miami- based Spanish-language TV station, in which 37 percent of Cuban-American respondents favored confrontation, whereas 23 percent supported dialogue (Carter 1992). 88 . Torres (1999: 142) traces this culture of intimidation partly back to the community’s terrorist activities of the 1970s and 1980s. Although at the time of the debate over the CDA, most terrorist groups were no longer active, “they still contributed to an authoritarian political culture in the Cuban exile community by silencing their detractors with violence and intimidation.” Other observers attributed the authority of conservative viewpoints to the economic network among exiles on which many Cuban-Americans depended (Americas Watch 1992: 7). 89 . While Ros-Lehtinen’s Democratic contender carried all other voting blocs (Whites, African-Americans), the high turnout and the solidity of the vote among Cuban-Americans decided the election in her favor with a total of 53 percent of all votes (Moreno and Rae 1992: 196). 90 . American farmers were also faced with competition from European and Canadian companies, who were investing in Cuba when the island opened up to foreign investment (P é rez 2000: 3). 91 . The following former high-ranking US officials also joined the coalition: Former Treasury Secretary Lloyd Bentsen, former Federal Reserve Chairman Paul A. Volcker, former World Bank President Alden W. Clausen, former US Trade Representative Carla A. Hills, former National Security Advisor and Secretary of Defense Frank C. Carlucci, former US Surgeon General Julius Richmond, and former Chief of Staff for Vice President George H. W. Bush, Craig Fuller (LeoGrande 2000). For details of AHTC’s organizational structure and membership see Prevost and Morales (2008: 130–131). 92 . The remaining defendants were later acquitted. In 2006, Llama claimed that the plot originated in CANF, when several members decided in 1992 to engage in paramilitary activities to overthrow the Castro regime, arguing that even the tightened embargo did not work. Pepe Hern á ndez, in his position as CANF president in 2006, rejected the claims (Chardy and Weaver 2006). Notes 225

93 . Brothers to the Rescue was a Cuban-American NGO which rescued Cuban rafters at sea on their way to the United States. When they also started fly- ing into Cuban airspace to drop anti-Castro leaflets, the Cuban military downed two of the group’s airplanes, killing four persons (Schoultz 2009: 481–482). 94 . The group also comprised 17 senators, among them John Warner, Christopher Dodd, and former Senate majority leader Howard Baker (Brenner 1999: 43). 95 . Moreover, Democratic Senator Bob Graham, former governor of Florida, conjured political “disaster” in the Cuban-American communities of South Florida and New Jersey, if Gore were to support the commission—in particular since the commission would not be able to complete its work before the presidential election campaign (Brenner 1999: 44; cf. Brenner, Haney, and Vanderbush 2002: 198). 96 . Both served as Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs—Aronson in the Bush I administration, William D. Rogers in the Ford administration. Rogers further helped coordinate the Alliance for Progress, an investment program in the Kennedy and Johnson administrations, aiming to subvert the growing influence of Cuba in the region after the 1959 revolution. He was also a member of the Kissinger Commission on Central America under President Reagan (Bernstein 2007, DoS—Office of the Historian). 97 . The bill was co-sponsored by Senators Max Baucus (Montana), Sam Brownback (Kansas), Robert J. Kerrey (Nebraska), Patty Murray (Washington), and Pat Roberts (Kansas) (Sen. Ashcroft 1999). 98 . Cardenas also rejected criticism of his decision to wear a relatively subtle CANF baseball hat (rather than more clearly anti-Castro wear) by saying, “there are different ways to express one’s disagreement” and that he would “in no way . . . apologize for being there” (in: Kamen 1999). 99 . The accused CANF officials were acquitted in December 1999 (e.g., Golden 1999). 100 . According to C-SPAN.org, “a tabling motion, if adopted by a majority vote, permanently kills the pending matter and ends any further debate on it.” 101 . CANF also accused the farmers of prioritizing business interests over moral obligations at its board meeting in September (Gershanik 1999). There Mas Santos declared, “until Castro is gone and Cubans choose their own form of government, the United States and other countries should abandon any attempts to engage Castro . . . We want freedom first . . . Trade and economic issues should be later” (in: King 1999). 102 . The fact that House version of the bill contained no such language most likely helped the senators reject the offer (Sullivan 2000a: 13). 103 . Most remarkably, the same day, the House International Relations Committee’s Subcommittee on International Trade held a hearing on “Trade in the Americas: progress, challenges, and prospects,” during which Cuba was not even mentioned once (HIRC 1999c). 104 . Ironically, CANF was planning to use the very government officials present at the summit to purvey its messages. “We have plans and strategies to 226 Notes

speak to the Cuban people during the summit,” Jorge Mas Santos said. “We will be sending them messages, many of them through the heads of states and the representatives of some of the governments that are going to be in Cuba” (in: Anonymous 1999c). 105 . For a chronological outline of the Eliá n affair see Bardach (2002: 360–361) and Wasem (2000). 106 . Cf. the CNN/Gallup poll of April 2000 (in: Bragg 2000). 107 . On March 29, 2000, for example, Mas Santos joined tens of thousands of Cuban-Americans in a mass prayer vigil for Eliá n in Miami. The Miami Herald quoted him as saying, “I think it’s . . . our responsibility to be united and show the world that we are advocating for the rights of the child . . . Praying in a religious ceremony is the best way to show our support” (in: Driscoll and Marquez-Garcia 2000). 108 . Vice President Al Gore, however, aspiring presidential candidate and vying for the Cuban-American vote, came out in favor of US residency for Eliá n. Disappointed by Clinton’s handling of the affair, CANF had threatened that on Election Day, Cuban-Americans would “hold Vice President Al Gore accountable for this cruel and misguided foreign policy” (in: Adams 2000b). 109 . In the 1999/2000 election cycle, Nethercutt received substantial contributions from “an agribusiness determined to break the embargo wall blocking its access to the Cuban market,” according to Morley and McGillion (2002: 231). When entering Congress in 1995, Nethercutt supported the Cuba embargo, but later changed his mind, as he did “not believe that food and medicine should be used as weapons in foreign policy against governments or people” (in: House of Representatives 2000). 110 . Cf. Erikson (2002: 67–68), who argues, “the decision to grant China nor- mal trade relations resonated with themes closely paralleling the debate over the US embargo [on Cuba].” 111 . He had entered the House by beating then-Speaker Tom Foley but was struggling in his district after breaking his promise not to run for reelection after three terms (Haney and Vanderbush 2005: 125). 112 . In an ironic twist of history, however, the TSRA opened the door to US-Cuba trade more than expected. In late 2001, “when their food reserves had become fully depleted“ after the devastating impact of Hurricane Mitchell, Cuba finally accepted the offer to buy food from the United States (Margulies 2008: 152). As Eckstein (2004: 29) writes, the Cuban-Americans who supported the bill had “assumed that without access to credit the Cuban government would be too poor to purchase goods. Within two years, however, Castro’s government produced the cash, and strategically made purchases from over half [sic] U.S. states.” Loopholes in the legislation opened even more doors for other blacklisted countries. Ten years after passage of the TSRA, the New York Times reported that sales “ha[ve] included cigarettes, Wrigley’s gum, Louisiana hot sauce, weightless remedies, body-building supplements and sports rehabilitation equipment” (Becker 2010). 113 . The following discussion of Clinton’s foreign policy is primarily based on Brinkley (1997); Walt (2000); Berger (2000); and CQ Press (2002b). Notes 227

114 . Cf. Lindsay’s (2000) analysis of the “apathetic internationalism,” that is, the US public’s lack of interest in international affairs. He argues that low public interest leads to a politicization of foreign policy—“when the public is disengaged, foreign policy becomes—to paraphrase Clausewitz—the continuation of domestic politics by other means” (6). 115 . Between 1981 and 1990, the US Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) registered 144,578 persons, whereas between 1991 and 1999, a period shorter by one year, it registered about the same number (INS 2002: 22). However, looking at immigration waves only, Colomer (2000: 440) argues that Cuban immigration decreased with each wave. 116 . The percentage of Cuban-Americans living in New Jersey went down from 11 percent in the 1980 census to 8 percent in the 1990 census, but dropped only marginally to 7 percent in the 2000 census (Eckstein 2009a: 46). 117 . Ranked by the number of Hispanic-owned businesses, Los Angeles was in first place. Nevertheless, Miami’s ranking in sales is still extraordinary when considering that Los Angeles counted about 4.5 times more citizens than Miami. Although Miami had fewer Hispanic businesses, they generated more revenues in sales (Miami-Dade 2002: 17, 19). 118 . The Hispanic average was US$155.2 million; the Cuban-American average was US$211.5 million (US Census Bureau 2002b). 119 . This percentage is based on calculations by book author, comparing US census data from 1990 and 2000 (US Census Bureau 1990; US Census Bureau and Ramirez 2004: 1). Though clearly staying below the Hispanic average, the demographic growth of the Cuban-American community still exceeded the growth rate of 13.2 percent for the total US population (US Census Bureau et al. 2001: 2). 120 . According to Eckstein (2009a: 16), the percentage of Cuban arrivals who held “professional/manager and semiprofessional” positions prior to emigration doubled from 12 percent in 1990 to 24 percent in 2000. 121 . For a summary of the socioeconomic situation of Cuban-Americans, both in comparison to other Hispanic communities and over time see also Boswell (2002: 5–7). 122 . A large part of CANF’s endowment had been invested in MasTec, the Mas family company now headed by Jorge Mas Santos. According to a Miami Herald report, MasTec stocks fell by 59 percent between September 2000 and August 2001, which would severely affect the foundation’s working. However, in mid-2000, the crisis had not yet hit the foundation, as demonstrated by the plans to expand its DC presence (Bussey 2001). 123 . For a detailed and eloquent account of the Bacardí family and business history, including the transformation of the Bacardí family from ardent sup- porters of the Cuban revolution to adamant opponents of the Castro regime see Gjelten (2008). 124 . This number seems most accurate, as it is cited in a New York Times article from September 1999 (Bragg 1999) and in several other newspaper articles (e.g., Anonymous 1997; Dalecki 2001). Moreover, in September 2000, Joe Garc i a told the Washington Post that membership had risen by 15 percent to 60,000 since the Eli á n affair (Wilson 2000). 228 Notes

125 . During the 1997–1998 election cycle, the two political parties were supported almost equally, with US$53,000 going to Democrats and US$49,500 to Republicans (Stern 2000). 126 . CANF also seemed to turn away from supporting Cuban-American and other formerly allied legislators. During the 1999–2000 election cycle, Representative Diaz-Balart received US$5,000 from the PAC, but neither Representative Ros-Lehtinen nor the two Florida Senators Bob Graham and Connie Mack were listed as recipients (CRP b; FEC 1999). 127 . The gap between cohorts remains even if considering the five-year residency requirement for citizenship. Eckstein (2006: 303) explains it with the low levels of education and wealth of recent arrivals, their close ties to Cuba, and the low interest to engage politically in the United States. 128 . These findings were confirmed by the Kaiser poll, in which Cuban-Americans showed stronger Spanish skills than the average Hispanic—93 percent said they were able to carry on a conversation in Spanish as opposed to 87 percent of all surveyed Latinos. The gap was even wider with regard to read- ing skills—89 percent of Cuban-Americans said they read Spanish well, as compared to 71 percent of all Latinos (Washington Post et al. 2000: 63). 129 . However, membership of the exclusive Cuban-American social club, the Big Five (modeled upon the five big exclusive clubs in pre-1959 Havana) was still 80 percent Cuban-Americans and 99 percent Hispanic at the time. The membership of Anglo Miami’s exclusive Fisher Island Club, in contrast, was 93 percent non-Hispanic white according to Eckstein (2006: 299). 130 . Although the figures collected by different surveys differ considerably, all of them show a clear majority in favor of normalizing bilateral relations. The FIU poll yielded the highest approval rates with about 82 percent in favor and 18 percent against (FIU 2000b). A Gallup poll from March 1999 also presented strong approval rates with 67 percent in favor and 27 percent against (in: Fisk 1999: 311). The Kaiser poll yielded the lowest figure with 49 percent approval and 40 percent disapproval; however, the question they asked differed from the two other polls, linking the reestablishment of diplomatic and trade relations (Washington Post et al. 2000: 32). 131 . Cf. William LeoGrande (2000: 39) who commented, “CANF in particular lost influence,” and Morley and McGillion (2002: 162) who wrote, “CANF was an . . . obvious loser.” An astonishing 82 percent of local Cuban- Americans also said the Eliá n affair had “hurt“ the Cuban-American community (FIU 2000b). 132 . For instance, only 10 percent of US-born Mexican-Americans regarded themselves as exclusively “American,” and a very meager 0.3 percent of foreign-born Mexican-Americans did (Carnegie and Urban Institute 1997: 6). 133 . The 1994 migration agreement introduced the “wet foot, dry foot” policy and sent Cubans intercepted at sea to the Guantá namo naval base. The 1995 agreement ended the detainment at Guant á namo; from now on, intercepted Cuban rafters would be directly sent back to Cuba. 134 . Although data was not available as to how many persons made it to US shores in addition to those interdicted by the US Coast Guard, the total number is still clearly below the Mariel figures. According to the INS Notes 229

(2002: 22), a total of 65,217 persons arrived between 1991 and 1995. Cf. Colomer (2000: 440). 135 . Between 1997 and 2000, the US Coast Guard reported between 421 and 1,691 rafters interdicted at sea per year. 136 . In the early 2000s, Eckstein (2009a: 32) conducted interviews with post– Cold War arrivals, in which nearly half cited purely economic reasons for migration and 17 percent economic and political reasons. 137 . According to Pé rez-Firmat (1997: 10), the term “generation ñ” was coined after the magazine of that very name, targeting an audience of young Hispanics, not only Cuban-Americans (for more information see its website: http://www.generation-n.com/about/index.html ; last accessed on April 2, 2013). 138 . The 2000 FIU poll showed that the Cuban-American community was almost equally divided over the question of whether Cuban artists should perform in Miami, with a slight majority in favor. Non-Cuban locals, however, largely supported the performances, demonstrating their estrangement over the “culture war” (FIU 2000b). 139 . For a detailed account of the flourishing cultural exchange between Havana and Miami at the turn of the century, see Larmer (1999). 140 . According to the U.N. Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (CEPAL) (2001: 35), remittances sent from the United States to Cuba rose from US$537 million in 1995 to US$720 million in 2000. For 2002, the Inter-American Development Bank (IADB) estimated remittances of US$930 million (IADB 2002). For a detailed discussion of different estimates of remittances to Cuba in the 1990s and early 2000s, see D í az-Briquets and P é rez-L ó pez (2003: 21–22). 141 . In the Kaiser poll, 57 percent answered this question in favor of George W. Bush. The group of respondents, however, included people who were not registered to vote (and were thus asked a hypothetical question) (Washington Post et al. 2000). 142 . The CSG provides a case in point of how Cuban-American sentiment turned following the Eliá n crisis. According to its website, the group “was formed in 2000 in the aftermath of the Elian Gonzalez [sic] incident. Realizing that policies based on strategic rather than reflexive considerations were needed, the Group committed to seeking more practical, proactive, and consensual approaches toward Cuba policy. We favor pragmatic and effec- tive approaches based on deliberate fact-finding, careful analysis, strategic orientation, and a strong ethical foundation.” 143 . For an analysis of the circumstances which led to the passage of Helms- Burton, see, for example, Haney and Vanderbush (1999: 400–406) and Haney and Vanderbush (2005: 99–107).

4 Conclusion 1 . The strong geographic concentration also contributed to identity power, as it spurred ethnic cohesion and allowed for direct representation through Cuban-American members of Congress. 230 Notes

2 . With regard to Europe, there does exist a modest body of literature (e.g., Ostergaard-Nielsen’s work on Kurds and Turks in Germany 2003 or the comparative study of different European countries by Koopmans and Statham 2000). Research on groups outside of Western democracies, however, is very rare. Notable exceptions include the special issue of “Ethnic and Racial Studies” on “Diasporas, Cultures and Identities” (2009), studies of the role of ethnic politics with regard to ethnic conflicts by, for example, Saideman 2002 and 2001, as well as research on worldwide transnational political mobilization, for example, by Stack and Hebron (1999) and Fullilove (2008).

Epilogue: The Legacy of the Cuban American National Foundation 1 . For further research on US Cuba policy under the Obama administration see P é rez-Stable 2011: 113–146 and Bernell 2011: 132–148. 2 . The U.S.-Cuba Now PAC received US$6,630, whereas the U.S. Cuba Democracy PAC raised US$511,722 (CRP k, l). 3 . Senator Rubio, for instance, moved within the Senate Foreign Relations Committee from a leadership position on the Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere (of which he remains a regular member) to a leadership position on the Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs. Given the “pivot to Asia” proclaimed by the Obama administration, the latter position carries great potential for establishing oneself as a leader in foreign affairs.

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Index

actors, 1, 3–6, 8, 10–12, agriculture lobby, 59, 68, 70–2, 92, 35–6, 39–45, 185–7, 189, 133–41, 144–50, 161, 172, 192–3, 197 181, 186, 198–9, 224–6 competition among, 2–3, 8, influence, 139, 148, 150, 29–31, 38–9, 41, 186 186, 199 foreign policy, 2, 15–23, 25–6, see also under individual names 37–8, 41, 43, 45, 187, 189 AIPAC (American Israel Public in the making of US Cuba policy, Affairs Committee), 2, 61, 211 57–61, 177–87, 197–203 Albright, Madeleine, 153 non-governmental, 19–26, 46 alignment power, 3, 8–10, 13, state, 18, 20, 22, 38 44–51, 75, 78, 91–3, 114, transnational, 5, 16, 20–1, 28, 128–9, 131–2, 155, 171–2, 31–3, 38, 50, 187, 190, 212, 174, 177–80, 183–5 214, 230 Allen, Richard, 65, 217 see also agency and structure; Alliance for Progress, 225 ethnic interest groups; interest Alliance of Cuban Workers, 100 groups; pluralism American Enterprise Institute, 196 Adams, John Quincy, 54, 216 American Farm Bureau Federation, Adelman, Kenneth, 64 59, 133, 139, 161 advocacy, see lobbying Iowa Farm Bureau, 70 advocacy groups, see interest American Hellenic Institute, 215 groups American Israel Public Affairs Africa, Cuban engagement in, 62, Committee, see AIPAC 76, 111–12 American Jewish Committee African-American community, 50, (AJC), 211 88, 122, 164 Americans for Humanitarian African National Congress, 122 Trade with Cuba, 133–4, Afro-American community, see 140, 161, 224 African-American community American Society of Newspaper Afro-Cubans, 76, 86, 117, 121–2, Editors, 217 221, 223–4 American Soybean Association, 133 agency and structure, 7–8, 23, ancestry, see kinship 37–47, 184–5 Anglo-Americans, 50, 83–6, 88, agency-structure problem, 39 117, 121, 131, 163, 165, 171, see also political opportunity 181, 191, 221, 228 structure Antonio Maceo Brigade, 100 264 Index

Arab-American community, 2 foreign policy, 109–10, 112–14 Aristide, Jean-Bertrand, 111 Bush, George W. and his Armenian-American community, 6, administration, 149, 169, 229 188, 211 Cuba policy, 195, 197–8 Aronson, Bernard, 94–5, 97–8, 100, Bush, Jeb, 97 102, 137–8, 168, 225 business interest groups, 2, 10, Aruca, Francisco G., 105–6 25, 32 Ashcroft, John, 137–8, 140, 145 and Cuba policy, 59, 105, 133–4, Ashcroft amendment, 136–42, 136–41, 144, 146, 148–50, 145, 148–9, 225 161, 172, 193, 225 influence, 149–50, 172–3, Bacardí family, 160, 227 197, 199 Baker, Howard, 225 see also agriculture lobby and under Baker, James, 94, 222 individual names Baltimore Orioles, 135, 137 baseball diplomacy, 135, 137, California, 104, 115, 144, 165 139, 225 Calzón, Frank, 61, 68–9, 73, Batista, Fulgencio, 55, 85 81–2, 118 Baucus, Max, 59, 225 Canada, 64, 95, 100, 107–8, 112, Bay of Pigs, 56, 60, 81, 84–5, 89, 132, 152, 219, 224 100–101, 220 CANF (Cuban American National Bentsen, Lloyd, 224 Foundation), 2, 53, 60–1 Berman, Howard, 104 alignment with US foreign policy Betancourt, Ernesto, 105, 118 discourse, 3, 10, 91–3, 128–9, Blue Ribbon Commission for the 131–2, 171–2, 174, 177–80, Economic Reconstruction in 183–4 Cuba, 96, 119 financial resources, 81, 117, 159 borders, 20–3, 32–3, 37, 87, 151, formation, 60, 64–5, 81, 154, 187, 191, 211, 213 130, 181 cultural, 17, 20, 23, 163, influence, 92–3, 129–32, 172–5, 187, 191 177–84, 196–7, 202–3 Bosch, Orlando, 60, 90, 218 instruments and strategy, 82, Botifoll, Luis, 220 119–20, 160–1 Boutros-Ghali, Boutros, 106 presence on Capitol Hill, 64, Bradley, Bill, 99 66, 68, 70–3, 78, 82, 92, 95–9, Brazil, 142 105–6, 119, 138–40, 142, Brookings Institution, 10, 196 146–9, 160–1, 173–4, Brothers to the Rescue, 12, 135, 178–83, 200 175, 225 relationship with Cuban- Brownback, Sam, 225 American community, 2, 6, Buchanan, James, 54 59, 60–1, 72, 78–82, 88–90, Bush, George H. W. and his 92–3, 96, 101, 103–6, 114–20, administration, 11, 93–114 127–32, 134, 139–44, 147, Cuba policy, 94–114, 125, 127, 156–7, 159, 161–2, 164–5, 129–31, 136, 152, 179, 218, 169–74, 177–84, 186, 192–3, 222–5 197–203 Index 265

relationship with White House, see and the US government, 3, 53–7, White House 61–6, 68–74, 94–5, 97–101, reorientation and split-up, 61, 105, 108, 111–12, 123, 125, 134–5, 138, 156, 160–1, 140, 143, 152, 155, 166, 171–2, 197–8 195–6, 217, 224, 228 structure, 61, 81, 118, 159–60, see also Cuba; Fidel Castro; 197, 218 relations between the US and see also Jorge Mas Canosa Cuba; US Cuba policy Capitol Hill, see US Congress Catholic church in Cuba, 108, 168 Cardenas, José, 139, 141, 146–7, Center for Responsive Politics, 214 159, 225 Center for Strategic and Carlucci, Frank C., 224 International Studies (CSIS), Carollo, Joe, 165 10, 82 Carter, Jimmy and his Central America, 58–60, 62–3, 67, administration, 63, 75 72, 74–7, 91–2, 110, 112, Cuba policy, 56, 76, 152, 196 150–1, 218–20, 222, 225 Castro, Fidel, 6, 53, 56, 61, 69, Central Intelligence Agency,see CIA 74, 86, 97, 101–2, 106, Céspedes, Manuel, 91 109, 111, 127, 129, 131–2, Chile, 218 139, 141–3, 145, 167, 180, Chiles, Lawton, 96 197, 202 China, 112, 132, 145–6, 148, assassination attempts, 134, 151–2, 155, 226 140, 225 US-China trade bill, 145–6, power seizure, 6, 53, 55, 85, 148, 226 124, 227 Chrétien, Jean, 132 see also Castro regime; Cuba; CIA, 56, 61–3, 65–6, 75 relations between the US and Clausen, Alden W., 224 Cuba Claver-Carone, Mauricio, 198 Castro, Raúl, 56, 124, 129, 131–2, Clinton, Bill and his administration, 195, 202 11–12, 100–102, 106–9, 130, Castro regime, 3, 6, 53–7, 61–6, 197, 221–2 86, 94, 101–2, 105–6, 111, Cuba policy, 132, 135–55, 170, 123, 133, 138–9, 141–2, 145, 172–5, 179–80, 208 149–50, 152, 167, 175, 187, foreign policy, 150–5, 213 201–2, 226–7 Clinton, Hillary, 106, 198 and CANF, 33, 64, 68–70, 91–2, Codina, Armando, 116 96–7, 101–2, 105, 107–9, 119, Cold War, 55, 61, 75, 89, 109 128–32, 134, 142–4, 146–7, Cuban missile crisis, 56, 61, 76, 86 174, 178, 180, 197, 224–5 end and aftermath, 19–20, 94, and the Cuban-American 98, 106, 109–11, 113–14, community, 33, 60, 79, 82, 124–5, 132, 150–4, 174, 179, 85–90, 93, 122, 124–7, 164, 183–4, 216 167, 171, 178, 182, 222–5 threat perceptions, 3, 48, 98, 109, human rights, 68, 78, 94–5, 113, 183–4 112, 117, 129, 131, 133, see also Soviet Union; US foreign 138, 147, 172 policy 266 Index

Commerce Department, see US US; relations between the US Department of Commerce and Cuba; remittances Commission for Assistance to a Free Cuban American Committee Cuba Research and Education Committee of Santa Fe, 60, 62–4, Fund, 105 77, 92, 112 Cuban American Foundation, 61, Committee on the Present Danger, 160–1, 218 217–18 Cuban American National communism, 55, 63, 69, 75–6, Foundation, see CANF 87, 91–2, 102, 105–6, 108, Cuban Anti-Defamation League, 98 111, 113 Cuban Committee for Congress, see US Congress Democracy, 134 Congressional Black Caucus, Cuban Communist Party, 108 59, 138 Cuban Democracy Act (1992), 3, Congressional Research Service, 11–12, 93–109, 111, 114, 10–11 118–20, 124, 127, 129–32, constructivism, 16, 19, 22, 41, 152–3, 155, 178–9, 183, 197, 43, 46 207–9, 223 see also IR theory Cuban Democratic Coalition, 104 Coral Gables, 121 Cuban Exodus Relief Fund, Costa Rica, 73 118, 200 Costa, Tony, 81 Cuban Five, 202 Council on Foreign Relations, 10, Cuban Independence Day, 69, 72, 136–7, 151, 168, 196 74, 97, 178, 197–8 countries of origin, 1–2, 15–18, Cuban Liberty and Solidarity Act, 22, 30–3, 35–7, 50, 126, 189, see Helms-Burton bill 211–12, 214–15 Cuban Liberty Council, 197 countries of settlement, 15, 17–18, Cuban missile crisis, 56, 61, 76, 86 21–2, 29–30, 32, 37, 212, 214 Cuban National Assembly, 202 Cruz, Ted, 200 Cuban-American community Cuba Study Group, 170, 198 collective identity, 82, 85, 87–8, Cuba, 3, 11–12, 53–7, 60–79, 124–6, 167–8, 178 81–4, 87, 89–91, 93–4, demographics, 79, 115–16, 96–108, 110–14, 117, 119, 156–7, 163, 181, 227 122–7, 129, 131–2, 137–44, ethnic cohesion, 85–9, 93, 123–6, 146, 150, 152–3, 155, 160, 131, 166–9, 174, 182, 229 164, 167, 170, 178–9, 182–3, geographic concentration, 69, 79, 195–9, 201–2 81, 115, 156, 178, 181, 201, economy, 123–4, 132–5, 152, 223, 229 157, 168, 199 integration into US society, 83–5, society, 62, 106, 122, 155, 158, 120–3, 162–51, 181–2 166, 197 rituals, institutions, and media, “special period,” 133–4, 152, 87–8, 125–6, 168–9, 182 155, 158, 166 socio-economic situation, 79–81, see also Castro regime; Havana; 89, 92–3, 115–17, 156–9, migration from Cuba to the 181, 220 Index 267

transnational ties and remittances, Del Valle, Clara, 160 86–7, 125, 167–8, 182, 187 Del Valle, Mario, 160 see also Cuban-American political democracy, 5, 24–5, 30, 38, 127, mobilization; Miami’s Cuban- 131, 152, 165, 189, 191, 193 American culture; migration democracy promotion, 55–6, 62, from Cuba to the US 76, 78, 95–7, 99, 104, 112–14, Cuban-American members of 119, 142, 153–5 Congress, see Congress and Democratic Party, 59, 63, 76, under individual names 88, 100–102, 10–19, 126, Cuban-American political 130, 133, 141, 150, 152, 161, mobilization, 82, 86, 88–91, 169, 179, 198–200, 93, 126–8, 169–71, 181–3, 202, 224–5, 228 201, 221 Derwinski, Edward, 69 fund-raising, 60–1, 82, 95, 101, diasporas, 17–19, 22–3, 212–16 119, 136, 143, 161, 197–9, see also immigrant communities 203, 218 Diaz-Balart, Lincoln, 131, 134, oppression of dissenting views, 136, 141, 147–8, 170–1, 200, 89–90, 93, 104–6, 120, 126, 223, 228 128, 131, 145, 162, 174, 178, Diaz-Balart, Mario, 200–201 180, 192–3, 224 Díaz-Canel Bermúdez, Miguel, 202 positions on US Cuba policy, discourses, 3, 7–9, 43–9, 51, 88–90, 127, 134, 164, 169, 75, 184–6 201, 224, 228 see also alignment power; US voting behavior, 91, 93, foreign policy discourse 128, 131, 169, 171, 178, Donohue, Tom, 139 182–3, 223 Dorgan, Byron, 141, 150 see also Cuban-American drug trafficking, 57, 71–2, 106, community; Congress 110, 114, 122, 141, 152, cubanidad (Cubanness), 87, 125–6, 154–5, 196 168, 174, 178 cultural identities, 5, 15–19, 21, 23, Eagleburger, James, 94, 135 190–2 Eastern Europe, 63, 94, 96, 99, hybridization, 1, 18, 21, 109, 113, 151–2, 222 33, 190–2 Americans of Eastern European see also culture; ethnic identities descent, 211 culture, 15–21, 23, 45, 211, 190–3 Eisenhower, Dwight D., 55, cultural diversity, 187, 192–3 63, 217 and IR theory, 19–20, 22–3, Eizenstat, Stuart, 140 212–13 El Nuevo Herald, 126 see also cultural identities El Salvador, 75–6, 110, 113, 139 Cyprus, 215 Elián, see González, Elián embargo policy, see sanctions policy Daschle, Tom, 141 Enders, Thomas, 62, 64, 68–9, Defense Department, see US 71, 219 Department of Defense Endowment for Cuban American DeLay, Tom, 141, 145, 149 Studies, 119 268 Index

Enterprise for the Americas Fisk, Dan, 137 Initiative, 111 Flake, Jeff, 198, 200 epistemic communities, 21 Florida, 9, 55, 59–60, 62–4, 67, escuelitas cubanas, 125 69, 73–4, 76, 81–2, 87, 95–6, ethnic, ethnicity, 1, 15–18, 32, 98–101, 106–7, 109, 115, 190–3, 212, 214, 222 118–19, 122, 124–5, 134, ethnopolitical conflicts, 19 142–3, 147, 156, 161–4, 178, primordialists vs. 200, 218, 221–3, 225, 228 constructivists, 16 South Florida, 79, 87, 98, 101–2, see also cultural identities; ethnic 104, 115, 127–8, 130–1, 157, identities; ethnic interest groups 167, 218, 223 ethnic identities, 1–3, 6, 8, 15–17, see also Cuban-American 19, 21, 23–4, 32–3, 43–4, 47, community; Miami 50, 82, 88, 93, 120, 124, 182, Florida Association of Broadcasters, 187–8, 192–3, 212 67, 218 ethnic interest groups, 1–13, 26–33, Florida International University, 119 35–52, 190–3, 202, 211, Cuba polls, 120, 123, 126, 128, 214, 216 142, 164–5, 169–71, 201, 224, definition, 1, 15–18 228–9 and IR theory, 15, 19–23, 37–49, Foley, Tom, 107, 226 185–7, 212–13, 215 Fontaine, Roger, 62, 144 and non-ethnic interest groups, Ford administration, 95, 225 24, 26, 32–3, 37 foreign aid, 28, 75–6, 99, 110, outside the US, 187–90 111–12, 221 see also CANF; influence of ethnic see also USAID; US foreign policy interest groups foreign policy analysis, 46, 212 Europe, 54, 107, 117, 127, 133, see also IR theory 152, 212, 224 foreign-policy making, 3–5, 7, 15, European Community, 95, 100, 19, 23, 26, 30, 44, 47, 75, 90, 108, 215 173, 177, 187–8, 212, 216 political participation of ideational factors, 19, 32, immigrants, 190, 230 36–9, 44 Radio Free Europe, 63, 68 non-state actors, 22, 26, 28–9, executive branch, see White House 46, 59, 214, 216 Exon, James J., 69 Foundation for Human Rights in Cuba, 138 faction, 213 frames, 45–6, 50–1, 77–8, 91–2, Falcoff, Marc, 137, 196 112–14, 128–9, 153–5, farm lobby, see agriculture lobby 171–2, 216 Fascell, Dante, 63, 67, 69, 72, see also discourses 99–100, 103–4, 222 framework of analysis, 2–5, 7–9, Federal Bureau of Investigation 12–13, 15, 22–3, 26, 29, (FBI), 90 35–51, 53, 78, 177, 184–90 Federal Communications France, 190 Commission, 69, 218 Frechette, Myles, 62 Index 269

Free Cuba PAC, 119, 161, 198, 218 Gross, Alan, 202 see also CANF Guantánamo Bay military base, free trade, see trade 56, 228 freedom, 16, 78, 89, 120, 128, 138, Gulf War, 110, 113–14 142, 153, 192–3, 219, 225 Gutierrez, Carlos, 58 cultural, 193 of information, 62–3, 65, 68–9, Haig, Alexander, 62, 218 78, 93 Haiti, 111, 151 freedom flights, 86 Harding, Warren, 55 Freedom to Farm Act (1996), 133 Hatch, Orrin, 223 Freyre, Elena, 134 Havana, 56, 65–6, 86, 99, 125, Fukuyama, Francis, 110, 154 139–41, 144, 146, 150, Fuller, Craig, 224 168, 219 see also Cuba Garcia, Joe, 147, 149, 159–60, Hawkins, Paula, 64, 71–3, 82 200, 227 Hays, Dennis, 147, 160 Gelbard, Robert, 95, 100, 104–5 Helms-Burton Act (1996), 12–13, generation ñ, 167–9, 174, 180, 56, 134, 137, 155, 175, 197, 182, 229 201–2, 217, 229 Germany, 109, 190, 212, 230 Helms, Jesse, 64, 136–7, 140, 145 German-American Henze, Paul, 63 community, 211 Heritage Foundation, 10, 63, 98, Gibbons, Sam, 133 101, 104 Gilman, Benjamin A., 137 Hernández, Alberto, 135 globalization, 19, 20–1, 24, 154, Hernández, Francisco “Pepe”, 172, 213 134, 224 cultural, 21 Hialeah, 87, 162 González, Elián, 142–5, 147–9, Hills, Carla A., 224 164–5, 169–70, 173, 180, 182, Hispanic Caucus, 59 226–9 Hispanic Conference, 59 Gorbachev, Michail, 112, 221 Hispanics, 18, 59, 76, 79–80, 84, Gore, Al, 135–6, 225–6 88, 91, 102, 115–16, 121, Government Accountability Office 126, 128, 156–9, 161–3, 165, (GAO), 10, 58 168–9, 171, 178, 181, 183, Graham, Robert, 98, 104, 108, 142, 198, 212, 220, 227–9 223, 225, 228 see also Cuban-American Granma, 108, 150 community Grassley, Chuck, 70, 72 home countries, see countries of Great Britain, 108, 190 origin Greater Miami Chamber of Honduras, 75 Commerce, 116 Horowitz, Irving, 138 Greece, 18 host countries, see countries of Greek-American community, 2, settlement 211, 215 House Committee on Energy and Grenada, 76 Commerce, 68–9, 72 270 Index

House Foreign Affairs Committee, see also alignment power; ethnic 67, 71, 72, 96, 99–100, 102–4, interest groups; identity power; 137, 139, 200 material power House International Relations Inter-American Dialogue, 10, 148 Committee, 225 Inter-American Press House of Representatives, see US Association, 66 Congress interest groups, 1, 8, 12, 15, 24–8, House Ways and Means 31–3, 35, 37–41, 43, 45, 47, Committee, 107 59, 186, 213–14 human rights, 32, 56, 59, 95, 104, measuring influence, 25, 215 112, 117, 119–20, 128–9, 131, puzzle of influence, 5, 24–6 133–4, 138, 147, 172, 192–3, see also business interest groups; 202, 222–3 ethnic interest groups interests, see interest groups; ideas, 19, 37, 40–9, 51, 184–6, national interests 213, 215 interest sections, 56, 71, 76, ideational and non-ideational 143, 196 factors of influence, 7–10, 37, intermestic issues, 22 42–3, 46 Internal Revenue Service (IRS), institutionalization, 51 160, 218 identities, see cultural identities; International Relations theory, see ethnic identities; nation IR theory identity groups, 192 international society, 214 identity power, 3, 8–9, 43–50, international system, 15, 19–22, 29, 82–91, 93, 120–31, 162, 174, 39, 113, 133, 150, 153, 187 178, 180–2, 184, 186–8, 229 see also IR theory immigrant communities, 1–3, 6, 8, Iran, 132, 140, 147 15, 17–18, 21, 23, 29–30, 32, Iran-Contra affair, 110 35–6, 43–4, 49–50, 92, 117, IR theory, 4–5, 15, 24–5, 39, 185 178, 188–90, 192–3, 211, 214 constructivism, 16, 19, 22, 41, see also diasporas and under 43, 46 individual names and culture, 19–20, 22–3, India, 136 212–14 influence of ethnic interest groups, and ethnic interest groups, 15, 1–13, 15, 22–33, 35–44, 46–9, 19–23, 37–49, 185–7, 216 51, 63, 75, 78, 82, 92–3, 114, foreign policy analysis, 46, 212 129–32, 139, 143, 155, 172–5, liberalism, 22–3, 37–9, 186–7, 177–89, 190–3, 196, 213 213, 215 conditions, 2–4, 7–9, 11–13, meta-theory, 37, 40–2 15, 20, 23–4, 29–33, 35–51, rational choice theory, 41–2, 177–90, 210, 216 185–6, 215 measuring, 7, 28, 35–7 realism, 22 normative perspective, 5, 13, 25, and transnationalism, 5, 19–23, 39, 177, 188, 190–3 186–7, 215 puzzle, 2, 4–5, 15, 22, 26–9, 37 Israel, 1, 6, 17, 100, 110, 211 Index 271

Israel lobby, 5, 211 “Little Havana”, 79, 87, 125, Italian-American community, 211 128, 168 ius sanguinis, 190 see also Miami’s Cuban-American ius soli, 190 culture Llama, José Antonio, 134, 224 Jackson, Henry M. “Scoop”, 63 lobby groups, see interest groups Jefferson, Thomas, 53–4, 216 lobbying, 1–2, 6, 8, 25–7, 29, 31, Jewish-American community, 1–2, 36, 39, 42–3, 45, 47, 177, 179, 5–6, 17–18, 61, 121, 188, 189, 198–9, 211, 214–16 202, 211 see also ethnic interest groups; AIPAC, 2, 61, 211 interest groups Johnson administration, 225 long-distance nationalism, 17, 212 Jorge Mas Canosa Freedom Los Angeles, 115, 227 Foundation , 159–60, 218 Los VanVan, 167 Lott, Trent, 137 Kavulich, John, 147 Kennedy, John F., 101, 225 Machado, Gerardo, 55 Kerrey, Robert J., 225 Mack, Connie, 95, 99, 142, 147, kinship, 16, 30, 79, 212, 216 223, 228 Kirkpatrick, Jeane J., 58, 75, Mack amendment, 95–9, 104, 77, 223 107, 129 Kirkpatrick Doctrine, 58, 60, 75, Madison, James, 213 77, 217 Mandela, Nelson, 122 Kissinger Commission, 77, 92, Mariel boatlift, see migration from 219, 225 Cuba to US Kissinger, Henry, 135 Martí, José, 62, 87, 91 Kozak, Michael, 95 Mas Canosa, Jorge, 11, 60, 63–7, 72–4, 81, 90, 92, 96–7, Latin America 99–100, 103, 105–9, 114, 118, relations with Cuba, 107, 111, 129–30, 134–5, 142–3, 156–7, 113, 132, 152 159–60, 169–71, 173–4, relations with the US, 54–5, 177–81, 197–8, 202–3, 211, 62–4, 76–7, 80, 95, 107, 116, 217–18, 223 137, 151–2, 217, 219–20 Freedom Foundation, see also Central America; US 159–60, 218 foreign policy; Western see also CANF; Jorge Mas Santos Hemisphere Mas Canosa, Ricardo, 223 Latinos, see Hispanics Mas Santos, Jorge, 135–6, 138–40, Lautenberg, Frank, 99 142–4, 157, 159, 169–70, 173, La Voz de la Fundación, 119 180, 198, 225–7 Lee, Barbara, 144 Masvidal, Raul, 60–1, 118 LeoGrande, William, 61, 68–70 material power, 2, 8–10, 41–4, Libertad Act, see Helms-Burton bill 46–50, 78–82, 92–3, 114–20, Libya, 132, 140, 147 130, 156–61, 174, 178–81, Lieberman, Joe, 59, 223 184, 186 272 Index

Menéndez, Robert, 131, 136, 138, 123–4, 135, 146, 152, 156, 171, 200, 223 162, 166, 168, 181–2, 190, Menges, Constantine, 62, 64 196, 200, 223–4, 227–9 meta-theory, 37, 40–2 bilateral agreements, 57, 111, Metzenbaum, Howard, 72 123, 166, 228 Mexico, 95, 107–8, 124, 142, 152 high-level defectors, 124 Mexican-Americans, 80, 123, Mariel boatlift, 57, 86, 120, 163, 165, 228 123–4, 166, 181–2 Miami, 56, 58–60, 69, 72, 79–84, marielitos, 84, 86–7, 90, 120, 86–8, 90–1, 96–98, 100–104, 122–6, 166, 168, 174, 108, 115–17, 119–28, 130–1, 181–2, 221 136, 139–40, 142–4, 152, 1994 migration wave, 57, 135, 156–8, 161–5, 167–8, 170–1, 166, 228 173, 178–9, 181–2, 200–201, rafters (balseros), 124, 142, 158, 218–24, 226–9 162, 166–70, 174, 223–5, African-American community, 88, 228–9 117, 121–2, 131, 164, 223–4 wet foot, dry foot policy, Anglo-American community, 166, 228 83–6, 88, 117, 121, 131, 163, Mission Martí program, 119 165, 171, 181, 191, 221, 228 Monroe Doctrine, 54, 216 English-only movement, 84, 121, Montaner, Carlos Alberto, 107 163, 220–1, 223 Moreira, Domingo, 81, 105–6 see also Cuban-American Morley, Robert, 95 community; Florida; Miami’s Motley, Langhorne A. “Tony”, Cuban-American culture; 62, 71 Miami Herald Movimiento Democracia, 170 Miami’s Cuban-American culture, Moynihan, Daniel P., 63 87–8, 125–6, 168–9, 182 municipios en el exilio, 87, 125 Freedom Tower, 142–3, 168 Murray, Patty, 225 recreation of pre-1959 Cuban life, Muslim interest groups, 190 79, 87, 125–6, 168, 174, 178 see also Cuban-American NAFTA (North American Free community; Miami Trade Agreement), 107, Miami-Dade County, see Miami 111, 152 Miami Herald, 9, 65, 84, 98, narcotrafficking, see drug trafficking 100–102, 104, 108, 163 nation, 17, 21, 191–2 El Nuevo Herald, 126 national identity, 21–2, 54, 191–2 relationship with CANF, 84, 98, nationalism, 17, 61, 124, 212 102–4, 119–20, 128 nation-state, 20, 48, 213 migration, 1–3, 15–18, 21, 30, 32, National Association of 50, 190–2, 211–12, 214, 222 Broadcasters, 70, 218 see also immigrant communities; National Association of migration from Cuba to the US Manufacturers, 138 migration from Cuba to US, 56–8, National Endowment for 79, 84–7, 89, 92–3, 111, 118, Democracy, 94, 117, 159, 222 Index 273 national interests, 3, 5, 28, 43, 46–8, Office of Foreign Assets Control 138, 154–5, 191–2, 216, 227 (OFAC), 57–8, 97 National Italian American Omega 7, 90 Foundation, 211 Organization of American States national minorities, 190, 211 (OAS), 198 National Radio Broadcasters organized interest, see interest Association, 218 groups national security, 3, 8–9, 48, 98, 151, 155, 180, 183, 216, 219 Pakistan, 136 see also nation; national interests Panama, 110 National Security Council, 57, Pell, Claiborne, 112 62–3, 70, 95, 118, 144 Penelas, Alexander, 104 NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Pentagon, see US Department of Organization), 62, 78, 151 Defense naturalization, 50, 82–4, 93, 120, Pérez Castellón, Ninoska, 197–8 162, 178, 181–2, 190, 221 Pérez Roura, Armando, 222 Negrín, Eulalio, 90 Platt Amendment, 54–5 Nethercutt, George, 141, 146, 226 pluralism, 5, 16, 25, 28, 37–40, 42, Nethercutt amendment, 144–50 121, 189, 191–3, 213 New Cuban American Majority see also democracy; interest groups PAC, 199 political action committees (PACs), New Generation Cuba network, 169 59, 82, 96, 119, 161, 181, New Jersey, 58, 79, 96, 98, 99, 197–9, 203, 218, 228, 230 104, 115, 142, 156, 200, political opportunity structure, 7, 40 223, 225, 227 ideational, 7–10, 13, 43–51, see also Union City 75–8, 91–2, 109–14, 129, New York, 10, 63, 79, 98, 115–16 150–5, 184–5 New York Times, 9, 65, 113, 125, institutional, 7, 43, 46, 49, 134, 139, 170, 226–7 184–5, 189 Newman, Yale, 73 political parties, see Democratic Nicaragua, 75–6, 110, 113 party; Republican party Nichols, John, 68–9 political psychology, 19 Nixon, Richard, 55 Polk, James, 54 Noriega, Manuel, 110 Portugal, 142 North American Regional Posada Carriles, Luis, 60, 90, 218 Broadcasting Agreement, 64 post-Castro planning, 96–7, 101, North Korea, 132, 141, 147–8 107, 119, 129 Nuccio, Richard, 99 Blue Ribbon Commission, nuclear proliferation, 110–11, 96, 119 113, 136 President, see White House and under individual names Obama, Barack and his Presidential Commission on administration Broadcasting to Cuba, 65–8, 74 Cuba policy, 13, 56, 195–8, process-tracing, 9, 12, 36, 49, 129, 200–201, 203, 230 160, 172, 187 274 Index

Pryce, William Thornton, 95 see also migration from Cuba to public opinion, 27, 31, 227 the US; US Cuba policy see also US Cuba policy religion, 16–17, 86, 91–3, 134, Puerto Rico, 54 190, 195, 226 Puerto Ricans in the US, 80, in Cuba, 108, 168, 221 123, 220 religious identities, 6, 188, 190 religious interest groups, 59, Radio Americas, 63 133–5, 190 Radio Broadcasting to Cuba Act remittances (1983), 11–12, 61–75, 78, from the US to Cuba, 86–7, 93, 81–2, 92–3, 177–8, 205–7, 220 125, 166, 168, 182, 229 Radio Free Cuba, 63–5 restrictions, 56, 94, 125, 135, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, 167, 195–6 63, 68 Reno, Janet, 143 Radio Mambí, 169, 222 Republican Party, 58–60, 64, 76, Radio Martí, 3, 62–74, 78–9, 88, 106, 108–9, 126, 130, 81–2, 91–3, 95, 97, 105, 111, 133, 135, 137, 139, 141, 145, 118–19, 124, 129–30, 177, 148–9, 161, 169, 172, 179, 179, 181–3, 211 198, 200–201, 228 see also Radio Broadcasting to rhetoric, 25, 43, 46–7, 51, 55, Cuba Act, TV Martí 62, 78, 81, 91, 108–9, 129, Radio Progreso, 106 177, 216 Radio Swan, 63 see also alignment power; Ranneberger, Michael, 138 discourse rational choice theory, 41–2, Richardson, Elliott, 108 185–6, 215 Richmond, Julius, 224 see also IR theory Rivera, David, 200 Reagan, Ronald and his Roberts, Pat, 225 administration, 2, 11, 60, 83, Rodham, Hugh, 106 88, 90, 144, 177, 219 Rodriguez, José Luis, 61 Cuba policy, 58, 60–78, 82, Rodriguez, Lola, 146 91–3, 96, 111, 117, 119, 130, Rogers, William D., 137, 225 136, 178–9, 181–3, 219–20, Romney, Mitt, 201 222–3, 225 Roosevelt, Franklin D., 55 foreign policy, 75–8 Ros-Lehtinen, Ileana, 95–7, 99, RECE (Cuban Representation in 103, 128, 131, 134, 136–7, Exile) 141, 147, 149, 171, 200–201, receiving country, see countries of 223–4, 228 settlement Rubio, Marco, 200, 230 Reich, Otto, 58, 76, 217 Russia, 99, 103, 151, 222 relations between the US and Cuba, 6, 11, 33, 56–61, 63, 75–8, Saladrigas, Carlos, 170 86, 88–9, 94–5, 97–8, 107, Salinas de Gortari, Carlos, 107 109–14, 132–7, 141, 146, Salman, Carlos, 60 150–6, 164, 166, 168, 192–3, San Antonio, Texas, 164 195–6, 202, 216–18, 226, 228 Sánchez, Ramón Saul, 139, history, 53–7 143, 170 Index 275 sanctions policy Spain, 54, 124, 142 against Cuba, see US Cuba policy Specter, Arlen, 139 against other target countries, State Department, see US 62, 103, 111–12, 132, 136–7, Department of State 140–1, 147, 149, 151 Stone, Richard, 62–3, 74, 218 Sandinistas, 75, 110 structure, see agency and structure, Santería, 221 political opportunity structure School of the Americas, 217 Suarez, Xavier, 98 Senate, see US Congress Sudan, 132, 140, 147 Senate Foreign Relations Sweden, 100 Committee, 69–70, 72, 101, Symms, Steven, 77 104, 108, 112, 138, 140, 145, Symms amendment, 77, 219 200, 219, 230 sending countries, see countries of Taiwanese Americans, 211 origin Tampa, Florida, 100, 109, 164, 221 September 11, 2001 attacks, 9 Teller Amendment, 54 8, 216 terrorism, 60, 90, 97–8, 106, 134, Shultz, George P., 62, 135 145, 152, 154, 216–18 Sires, Albio, 200 Cuba as state sponsor of Skough, Kenneth, 62, 71, 73, 218 terrorism, 76, 132, 140 Slade, Jonathan, 118 Islamist, 48, 56, 216 Small Business Administration, 81 paramilitary activities against the Smith, Lawrence, 95, 118 Castro regime, 60, 87, 90, 134, Smith, Wayne, 65–6, 218 156, 174, 218, 224 social anthropology, 17, 19 theory triangulation, 2, 23 social constructivism, see think tanks, see under individual constructivism names socialism, 94, 96–7, 106, 110, 114, Tillman, Jacqueline, 118 124, 126, 129, 132, 150–2, Torres, Alicia, 105 155, 166 Torricelli bill, see Cuban Democracy sociology, 19, 23, 164, 213 Act Somalia, 113, 151 Torricelli, Robert, 98–100, 103, Sorzano, José, 72 107–8, 140, 142, 223 South Florida Radio Broadcasters Trade Sanctions Reform and Export Association, 218 Enhancement Act (2000), 3, Soviet Union, 97, 151 11–13, 132–50, 153, 155–6, collapse and dissolution, 56, 59, 161, 172–5, 179–86, 196–9, 94, 96, 99, 109–13, 125–6, 209–10, 226 133, 151–2, 154, 224 trade and Cuba, 55–6, 59, 61, 66, between the US and Cuba, 11, 76–7, 91, 94–9, 110–11, 56–8, 87, 94–5, 97–108, 110, 111–12, 125–6, 133, 221, 224 130, 132–55, 196, 200, 217, and the United States, 55–6, 225–6 61–3, 64, 74–7, 86, 89, 91, as US foreign policy tool, 111, 94–9, 109–13, 151, 183, 150–2, 154–5, 172 217–18 see also agriculture lobby; business see also Cold War interests; sanctions policy 276 Index transnational 170, 172–5, 177, 179, 182–3, actors, 5, 16, 20–1, 28, 31–3, 38, 189, 195, 197–203, 217, 50, 187, 190, 212, 214, 230 219–20, 222–3, 229 identities, 15, 190 Cuban-American members, 58–9, and IR theory, 5, 19–23, 95, 131, 172, 179, 182–3, 186–7, 215 199–201, 229 policy challenges, 114, 154 gridlock, 201 ties between US and Cuba, 86–7, visits to Cuba, 138–9, 141, 144 125, 167–8, 182, 187 U.S.-Cuba Democracy PAC, 197, transnational advocacy networks, 203, 230 21, 23 U.S. Cuba Now PAC, 199, 230 Treasury, US Department of, 57, US Cuba policy, 2, 4, 6, 10–13, 100–101, 148, 224 53–9, 61, 66, 71, 75–8, 84, Office of Foreign Assets Control 88–9, 91–5, 103, 105, 109–14, (OFAC), 57–8, 97 127, 129, 133, 135–8, 145–6, TV Martí, 97, 135, 197, 219 148–55, 164, 169–70, 172–3, two-level game, 22, 38, 186, 175, 177–87, 195–203, 213, 213, 215 216, 222, 229–30 criticism, 56, 58–9, 65, 67–8, Unidad Cubana, 222 95, 107, 112, 133–4, 137–9, Union City, 58, 79, 115, 122, 141, 148, 169, 172, 175, 195, 125–6, 167, 168, 220 198–9, 201–3 unitary-state assumption, 20–2, 187 migration policy, 56–8, 92–3, United Kingdom, see Great Britain 111, 118, 123–4, 135, 146, United Nations, 58, 72, 75, 90, 106 162, 166, 196, 223–4, 228 U.N. Human Rights Commission, remittances, 56, 86–7, 93–4, 125, 112, 202, 217, 223 135, 166–8, 182, 195–6 United States, see relations between second-track measures, 55–7, 94, the US and Cuba; US 97, 99 Congress; US foreign policy trade embargo, 3, 11–13, 55–9, United Technologies, 107, 222 87, 89, 94–5, 97–107, 111–12, University of Miami, 119, 157, 164 132–41, 144–52, 155, 160–1, Univisión, 88 164, 169, 172–3, 175, 179–80, US Agency for International 195–203, 217, 224, 226 Development (USAID), 57–8, travel restrictions, 11, 56, 59, 76, 76, 217 87, 94, 104, 132, 147–50, 167, USA*Engage, 133–4, 138, 146 180, 195–6, 199–200 US Chamber of Commerce, 59, see also relations between the US 133, 138–9 and Cuba; US foreign policy US Coast Guard, 139, 166, 169, US Customs and Border 223, 228–9 Protection, 58 US Congress, 10–13, 31–2, 35–6, US Department of Commerce, 57–8 54, 56–9, 62, 64, 66–74, 76–7, US Department of Defense, 81–2, 92, 95–109, 111–12, 138, 224 119, 128–51, 153, 160, 162, see also US military Index 277

US Department of State, 10, 57–8, Warner, John, 225 62, 64–5, 67, 71, 73, 77, Washington Post, 9, 65, 100, 227 94–5, 97–8, 102, 118, 134–5, Wasserman-Shultz, Debbie, 59 138–40, 146–7, 153, 160, Waters, Maxine, 144 217–18, 222, 225 Weber, Max, 190–1, 215 US foreign policy, 2–10, 16, 28–9, Weicker, Lowell, 73 35, 55–9, 62–3, 75–7, 95, Weiss, Ted, 103–4 108–12, 137, 150–2, 161, 177 Western Hemisphere, 57–8, 75–7, constitutional framework , 104, 109, 111, 114, 137, 189–90 150, 153–5, 200, 217, 219, discourse, 3, 46–9, 51, 54, 75, 225, 230 77–8, 91, 112–14, 153–5, 172, see also Central America; Latin 174, 179–80, 183–5, 189–90, America 198, 200–201, 212, 215–16, 226 wet foot, dry foot policy, 166, 228 internationalist, 54, 227 see also migration from Cuba isolationist, 114, 127, 154 White House, 11, 60, 102, 152, military aid, 55, 66, 75–6 220 see also US Cuba policy relationship with CANF, 60, US Grains Council, 133 62–3, 71–4, 82, 92, US Immigration and Naturalization 103, 106–9, 129–30, Service (INS), 143, 227–9 136, 148, 150, 160, US military, 55–7, 61, 74–6, 102–3, 170–4, 178–9, 181–2, 185, 110, 127, 150–1, 153, 164, 197–8, 202 218–19, 222 staff, 57, 62–3, 94–8, 136 and Cuba policy, 98, 138, see also presidents and 145, 152 administrations under US relations with Cuba, see relations individual names between the US and Cuba WHO radio station, Iowa, 68, US Supreme Court, 202 70, 219 US-Cuba Trade and Economic Wilhelm, Silvia, 134 Council, 147 World Trade Organization (WTO), 151 Valladares, Armando, 112, 222–3 World War II, 5, 55 Vargas Gómez, Andrés, 222 Venezuela, 134 Yeltsin, Boris, 103 Vietnam, 132, 151–2, 155 Yugoslavia, 113, 151 Vietnam War, 78, 110, 218 Voice of America, 63, 66, 72–4 Zorinsky, Edward, 69–70, 72–3 Volcker, Paul A., 224 Zuniga, Luis, 138