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Impacts of the work environment in gaming venues on staff: an exploratory study
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NATIONAL ASSOCIATION
FOR
GAMBLING STUDIES
2004 ANNUAL CONFERENCE
GOLD COAST, AUSTRALIA
CONFERENCE PROCEEDINGS
CONTENTS
IMPLEMENTING OUTREACH PROBLM GAMBLING PROGRAMS SUPPORTING THOSE PROVIDING SERVICES TO ABORIGINAL CLIENTS IN REGIONAL CENTRES: A WESTERN AUSTRALIAN EXPERIENCE...... 4
GLENYS ADDY & JOANNE RICHARDSON FINDING THE MIDDLE GROUND: THE CLUBCARE PARTNERSHIPS REVIEWED ...... 14
1 2 3 PAULINE ALLINGHAM ADRIAN CADDY & PATRICK KEOGH YOUNG PEOPLE’S PERCEPTIONS AND ATTITUDES TOWARDS GAMBLING...... 27
JOANNE BIRKETT FINANCIAL COUNSELLING: THE PIVOTAL PROCESS...... 37 1 2 DENNIS BORHAM AND ANNABEL MAYO COGNITIVE COUNSELLING TECHNIQUES FOR PROBLEM GAMBLING...... 48
GREGORY COMAN PHD PUTTING THE CARDS ON THE TABLE: AN ADVOCATE’S EXPERIENCE ...... 56
KERRIE CROSS THE EVOLUTION OF RESPONSIBLE GAMBLING ...... 67
HOWARD A DREITZER A PROFILE OF PROBLEM GAMBLING CLIENTS IN NORTHERN NSW ...... 72
BARRY EVANS, YVONNE CORRIGAN, JEREMY BUULTJENS, JOHN HAW, NERILEE HING & HELEN BREEN AN HOLISTIC APPROACH TO SUPPORTING INDIVIDUALS WITH AN INTELLECTUAL DISABILITY AND A GAMBLING PROBLEM...... 84
ASHLEY GORDON GAMBLING POPULATION SURVEYS – QUEENSLAND’S EXPERIENCE ...... 93
BARRY HAWORTH IMPACTS OF THE WORK ENVIRONMENT IN GAMING VENUES ON STAFF: AN EXPLORATORY STUDY...... 103
NERILEE HING, JEREMY BUULTJENS & HELEN BREEN EARLY INTERVENTION IN NEW ZEALAND’S NEW LEGISLATIVE ENVIRONMENT: A PARTNERSHIP APPROACH...... 120 1 2 CAROLYN HOBSON & ALISON PENFOLD THE REDISCOVERY PROGRAM: A PERSON-CENTERED GROUP APPROACH TO THE TREATMENT OF PROBLEM GAMBLING ...... 132
KYLIE KING, KATE EARL & NIAL WOTHERSPOON READJUSTING THE BALANCE BETWEEN COMPETITION AND CONTROL IN UK GAMBLING LEGISLATION ...... 145
JOHN LEPPER & STEPHEN CREIGH-TYTE THE GEOGRAPHY OF GAMBLING: ACCESSIBILITY OF EGMS IN SUBURBAN CANBERRA...... 171
DR DAVID MARSHALL, PROFESSOR JAN MCMILLEN & BRUCE DORAN WHY STUDY GAMBLING? REFLECTIONS ON THE PAST 20 YEARS...... 178
PROFESSOR JAN MCMILLEN
National Association for Gambling Studies (Australia) 2 2004 Conference Proceedings
EVALUATING THREE PROBLEM GAMBLING SCREENS: SOGS, VGS AND CPGI ...... 201
PROFESSOR JAN MCMILLEN & DR MICHAEL WENZEL EVALUATING THE PERCEIVED EFFECTIVENESS OF THE QUEENSLAND EDUCATION MODULES IN RESPONSIBLE GAMBLING DEVELOPED FOR SCHOOL CHILDREN.....210
JACQUI MINNIKIN AN INVESTIGATION INTO GAMBLING NEWSPAPER ADVERTISEMENTS IN QUEENSLAND BY TYPE OF ORGANISATION ...... 223
SHAREN NISBET, HELEN BREEN, NERILEE HING & JEREMY BUULTJENS IMMIGRATION, CULTURE AND GAMBLING – A GREEK COMMUNITY PERSPECTIVE ...... 246
MARIA PETROHILOS & MARIA KLADIS AN EXPERIMENT ON THE SOCIAL CONTAGION OF GAMBLING BEHAVIOUR...... 255
DR. MATTHEW J. ROCKLOFF & MS. VICTORIA DYER EDUCATING MELBOURNE’S YOUTH: TURNING AFL FOOTY PLAYERS INTO RESPONSIBLE GAMBLING ADVOCATES...... 260
PRUE SABELBERG & MS CORINNE RICE THE NEW ZEALAND GAMBLING ACT 2003: STRIKING A BALANCE BETWEEN PERMITTED GAMBLING, PROBLEM GAMBLING, AND COMMUNITY EXPECTATIONS...... 266
ANDREW SECKER, JOHN MARKLAND & MICHAEL OSMOND GAMBLING PROBLEMS AFFECTING CLIENTS ACCESSING FOODBANKS: INTEGRATING HELP INTO A GENERIC SOCIAL SERVICE ...... 279 1 2 DR SEAN SULLIVAN & LYNETTE HUTSON THE PROPOSED DIPLOMA OF PROBLEM GAMBLING WORK...... 283
J. STEPHEN THOMAS, GILLIAN BONSER & SUSAN SCOWCROFT FROM TELEPHONE SUPPORT TO FACE TO FACE COUNSELLING: A GAMBLING COUNSELLOR’S PERSPECTIVE ...... 290
MEG WELCHMAN & JULIA ARNOLD LOGIC OR LUCK? - SOME GAMBLERS DO WIN!...... 295
ALLEN WINDROSS
National Association for Gambling Studies (Australia) 3 2004 Conference Proceedings
IMPLEMENTING OUTREACH PROBLM GAMBLING PROGRAMS SUPPORTING THOSE PROVIDING SERVICES TO ABORIGINAL CLIENTS IN REGIONAL CENTRES: A WESTERN AUSTRALIAN EXPERIENCE
Glenys Addy & Joanne Richardson
Gambling Help W.A., Centrecare, 456 Hay Street, Perth Phone: (08) 9325 6644 Fax: (08) 9221 3631 E-mail: [email protected]
ABSTRACT
Providing culturally appropriate and effective problem gambling services to Aboriginal clients and communities is a challenge faced by mainstream agencies. In 2004 Gambling Help W.A. (formerly BreakEven) implemented an outreach program to regional communities in Broome and Derby, Western Australia.
This paper outlines the principles guiding the project, including the principles of self determination and community development. It also describes two levels of sharing- within the communities and between community workers and the specialist gambling service provider. The patterns of gambling in these communities will be outlined with a focus on the benefits and concerns arising from gambling activities. Issues of history, culture, gender and community resources will be discussed. This project has led to the development of an outreach model that can be adapted to provide services in other regional centres.
Introduction
Problem gambling services in Western Australia are contracted by the Problem Gambling Support Committee, whom fund 2.8 positions. Four workers are employed to provide counselling, training and outreach services in Perth and throughout Western Australia. These services are provided by Centrecare’s Gambling Help W.A. program, based in the agency’s Perth office. Relative to other states, Gambling Help W.A. is a small team. There are no specialist service providers for gambling problems in any regional centres in Western Australia.
The limited nature of problem gambling services in Western Australia, in part, reflects the lower demand for services associated with a reduced rate for gambling problems. The Productivity Commission reported that the prevalence of gambling problems in Western Australia was 0.7% of the adult population, compared with a national rate of 2.07% (using scores of 5+ on SOGS) (Vol 1 p6.46). The successive governments of Western Australia have maintained restrictions on the use of gaming machines. “Arrangements for machine gaming in W.A. are quite different to those of other jurisdictions: that state’s gaming machines are confined to Burswood Casino and the type of gaming machines is restricted to electronic video games which emulate casino games (‘Pokies’ are not permitted). (Prod Commission Report Vol 2, 13.7). The
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nature and extent of gambling problems in Western Australia differs markedly from the rest of Australia.
The Problem Gambling Support Committee contract with Gambling Help W.A. specifies that the service “establish links with non specialist service providers, which have clients that are adversely affected by gambling, in order to provide and support and to act as a point of reference and referral” (p.5b, RFT 96502, Dept of Racing, Gaming and Liquor) “The target group for the establishment of collaborative links include financial counsellors, alcohol and drug counsellors and service providers in CALD and indigenous communities”. The contract also requires that training be provided on an “as needs basis” for regional financial counsellors and alcohol and drug counsellors.
To assess the need for training and support, Gambling Help W.A. staff prepared and circulated a survey to almost 180 “non specialist” service providers throughout Western Australia (i.e. services not specialising in the provision of gambling support). Financial counsellors and drug and alcohol agencies in Broome responded to the survey requesting training and expressing interest in assistance with working with their Aboriginal clients. Communities in Broome, Derby and Halls Creek participated in this project.
Gambling Help W.A. staff embarked on research of the relevant literature to – a) develop a training module, focused on Aboriginal gambling, and b) design an outreach program.
The text “Working with Indigenous Australians - A Handbook for Psychologists” (by P Dudgeon, D. Garvey, and H Pickett) was particularly helpful in these tasks. In her contribution, author Wendy Casey stressed the importance of using counselling in conjunction with community action and community development work (p409). This text provided Gambling Help W.A. staff with some helpful guiding principles that informed the development of the training materials and the program structure for use in Broome. Kinsella and Carrig warned of the inappropriateness of making generalisations about the nature of gambling across Aboriginal communities. “Researchers were mindful that the information gathered was specific to the particular communities visited” (Kinsella & Carrig, p10).
These authors were clear that any intervention needed to be tailored to the needs of particular communities. Gambling Help W.A. were aware that outreach work in Broome would need to incorporate information gathering and extensive consultation to find out the needs of each community. It included “community forums” in the programs delivered in both visits. Gambling Help W.A.’s experience in this project supported the notion that gambling patterns vary across communities. (See the Findings section for details about gambling patterns in the Broome, Derby and Halls Creek communities).
There is widespread evidence that the rate of problem gambling is much higher in Aboriginal communities than among the Non-Aboriginal population. Foote cites Dickerson’s 1994 finding that one in four ‘problem gamblers’ in the state of Western Australia was of ATSI origin. This meant that about 4.5% of ATSI people in the sample gambled excessively (Foote,1996, p9). International studies consistently cite
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rates of problem gambling in Aboriginal communities up to six higher than for the wider population. It was not possible to conduct any prevalence studies as a part of this project and this remains an area needing further research.
The staff at the Kimberley Aboriginal Medical Service have expressed an interest in gathering information about the prevalence of gambling related problems in the Broome community.
Some information about the history of Aboriginal gambling was included in our training materials. Foote (1996) cites Berndt & Berndt’s thoughts that “Aboriginal gambling is thought to have originated with Asian trading contact along the north coast of Australia” The discussions at the community forum in Broome highlighted the ongoing influence of contact with Japanese pearling workers on gambling activities in this community. (See Findings section of this paper.)
Several authors refer to the social function of community based card games in Aboriginal communities. Hunter (quoted in the Productivity Commission Report, Vol 3, E.1) said “Many activities have become organised around it, such as drinking and the patterns of re-distribution of credit and obligation within the community. It has powerful integrative functions for certain sub groups.” Gambling Help W.A.’s early consultation with Broome service providers indicated that it was important that this functionality was acknowledged in our training materials. It was clear that an anti- gambling approach would not be helpful.
An important part of the research process was the interviews conducted with colleagues working in Centrecare’s supported housing programs. 20% of staff working within these programs are Aboriginal. These colleagues provided valuable information about engaging Aboriginal clients in outreach work and some shared their own experiences of gambling activities within their social groups. This enabled the Gambling Help W.A. team to have a starting point in exploring how local issues in Broome compared with what was known about gambling in local card games in Perth.
Our colleagues (Nyoongar women living in Perth) told us that in their group about 10 families get together on a regular basis to play Kuns, Pontoon or Rummy. In this group, the women play cards more often that the men and the card games are usually alcohol free. The families take turns to host games in their homes and the games can last up to three days. The host collects “Tong” money from participants throughout the game. The Tong money covers the cost of tea, coffee and snacks, however usually the host makes a considerable profit from the Tong – sometimes more than $2,000 during the course of a game. Women who choose not to participate in the card games have reported feeling excluded or left out in their families. They miss out on a lot of the information shared in a game.
Acquiring this background knowledge was especially important to Gambling Help W.A., given that there isn’t an Aboriginal worker in the team. There is wide recognition of the value of engaging Aboriginal workers in outreach with Aboriginal clients. Gambling Help W.A. were mindful of the challenges presented by not having such a resource, in particular developing a culturally sensitive and practical approach to this outreach work.
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Aims
This project aimed to facilitate sharing and support between local service providers and Gambling Help W.A. so that the issues arising from problem gambling in the remote area of Western Australia may be more effectively addressed. The intention was to increase skills and understanding for local workers in regard to problem gambling. It was also hoped that the team could increase the understanding of issues arising from Aboriginal community gambling activities so that this knowledge could be transferred to other regional centres as well as improving our skills in working with Aboriginal clients.
Specifically the aims for the Broome project were:
1. To provide introductory training and awareness raising about problem gambling to workers from a range of agencies in the Broome and Derby communities.
2. To gain a greater understanding of the gambling issues in Broome and Derby, particularly from the Aboriginal community members.
3. To facilitate the sharing and discussion of gambling issues among service providers, so that needs can be identified and cooperation fostered, both between agencies in the region and with the Gambling Help W.A. service.
4. To further develop the skills and knowledge of Gambling Help W.A. workers in working with Aboriginal clients.
5. For the Gambling Help W.A. team to trial and develop a model of service provision to regional communities.
Vision
Our vision for this project incorporated three guiding principles. Firstly, the Gambling Help W.A. team were mindful of using a “community development” approach to explore the role of gambling activities in the community, to identify problems arising from these activities and then hopefully increase the communities’ capacity to respond to the identified problems more effectively. Secondly, a strength based approach was required to incorporate recognition of what was already working well in the communities to limit or address problems that may arise from gambling activities. Thirdly, it was desired that the work reflected the recognition of the value of a “holistic approach” that fostered integration of service provision. Dudgeon et al (2000) state that in this approach “the goal becomes the overall well being of the client by taking into account the client’s total reality” (p.392).
The Gambling Help W.A. team recognised a lack of local knowledge and cultural expertise and wanted to avoid the pitfalls of an ethno-centric approach. The vision was:
To develop respectful partnerships with local people to work towards a greater understanding of the ways in which gambling activities impact on these
National Association for Gambling Studies (Australia) 7 2004 Conference Proceedings
communities and to increase the community resources to respond to identified problems arising from gambling activities.
Development
Survey: The initial phase of the project was the development and distribution of a survey by Gambling Help W.A. staff. The survey was distributed to 180 “non- specialist” service providers (ie: services not specialising in the provision of gambling support) throughout Western Australia, to assess their need for training and support in working with clients who may be impacted by problematic gambling.
Partnerships: The next phase involved the development of a working partnership with the survey respondents from Broome. Financial counselling staff from Broome Circle House and drug and alcohol counsellors from the Kimberley Community Drug Service Team (KCDST) had responded to the survey with requests for training and for support in working with their Aboriginal clients. Staff from both agencies combined efforts with Gambling Help W.A. staff to develop the project.
Plan for Mutual Learning: From the beginning of the working partnership, there was a lot of consultation to develop a program for a visit by a Gambling Help W.A. staff member. It was hoped that the role of “visiting expert” could be avoided. The team was keen to learn about the local experience of gambling. The Broome workers assisted by providing valuable advice and assistance in avoiding potential difficulties.
Shared Ownership: After the initial planning process Broome workers and Gambling Help W.A. staff shared the tasks involved. Networking in the local community, advertising training sessions, booking training venues and equipment, provision of catering, accepting registration for the training and administrative tasks were all undertaken by the Broome workers. Gambling Help W.A. workers developed the training materials and arranged travel and accommodation for the Gambling Help W.A. worker.
Community Forum: As part of our community development approach all partners in the project were keen to provide an opportunity for local people to share their experiences and concerns. The forum was an essential element of the project and was jointly facilitated by Broome and Gambling Help W.A. workers.
Follow up: An outcome of the community forum in Broome that was identified was the need for training and a forum in Derby, so a program for a follow up visit was developed. Workers from the Shire of Derby and a local Domestic Violence program participated in a partnership with Gambling Help W.A. staff to develop this part of the project. The follow up visit also allowed for future training in Broome at a local university, and for meeting with KCDST staff. These events were publicised in local newspapers and on radio to further raise public awareness.
At the conclusion of the project stages of development were identified as a helpful structure. These have been formalised into a model to guide further outreach projects. Below is a this model of the stages of development in a circular diagram. It is seen as an ongoing process, with follow up work leading to further needs analysis at a later date.
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Diagram 1: The Outreach Model
2. Establish 3. Program for links mutual learning
1. Conduct a 4. Sharing of needs analysis tasks and survey responsibilities
6. Active 5. Include a follow up community forum
Structure
Gambling Help W.A. staff were involved in two visits to the Kimberly. On the first visit a two day program was conducted in Broome. The four elements of this visit were:
1. Training entitled “Introduction to Working with Clients with Gambling Related Difficulties” offered to the workers from a range of agencies in Broome and Derby, including the Police, health workers, welfare workers, financial counsellors, drug and alcohol counsellors and justice department staff. The topics covered in this training were: • The State and National Gambling Scene, • Research Findings – Gambling in Aboriginal Communities, • Gambling vs Problem Gambling, • Cycle of Problem Gambling, and • Assessment Tools.
2. A two hour community forum was organised with the aim of providing an opportunity for community members to voice personal reflections on the issues arising from gambling in the community.
3. A discussion session for the Gambling Help W.A. worker with women from the Marnjajarnda Refuge Support Group was set up. An introduction to the group was provided by a local financial counsellor, who meets with the group on a regular basis. During this meeting the Gambling Help W.A. worker was able to discuss with the women their experiences of gambling and how their lives have been impacted by it.
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4. A two and a half day training workshop entitled “Therapeutic Work with Clients with Gambling Related Problems” was presented to local community members who work in counselling roles. Topics covered during the workshop included; • Stages of Change and Relevant Therapeutic Tasks, • Cognitive and Behavioural Strategies, • Narrative and Solution Focussed Strategies, • Predisposing Factors and Co-Morbidity, and • Interventions with Aboriginal Clients.
5. The follow up visit included training and a community forum in Derby. This training was based on the “Introduction to Working with Clients with Gambling Related Difficulties” workshop that was presented in Broome.
Also, on the follow up visit, the “therapeutic” workshop was re offered in Broome, this time at the Notre Dame University for third year counselling students.
Findings
Participants at the two community forums shared their knowledge and experience to develop some understanding of gambling issues in their communities.
The forum in Derby was attended by some workers from Hall’s Creek. Information from Hall’s Creek, Broome and Derby was included in the forum. The discussion group and the women’s group in Broome was also a source of information adding to our understanding.
1. Gambling Activities TAB, pubTAB, lotto and scratchies outlets are located in Broome, Derby and Hall’s Creek. People in all three communities have access to internet gambling. There are no poker machines and no “hoc shops” in any of these communities.
Broome has a large and well attended racing round, including the Broome Cup. Broome hotels run gambling activities such as crab races and betting on the first day of rain. Derby has a tradition of cockroach races on Boxing Day.
In all three communities, gambling activities based on community card games were of most interest and concern to community members.
2. Community Card Games Kuns is a very popular gambling game in all three communities. In Broome, “sticks” or “Kudja kudja” is also popular. The games in Broome are held in “Tong Houses” which are private houses, whose occupants host the games. The Tong houses are separate from “Grog Houses” and are well known to most community members.
In Derby, there is no Tong money collected and games are held outdoors in public parks. The games are usually alcohol free and there has been some action by the Derby Shire to provide a place and some services for card players.
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In Hall’s Creek the games are also outdoors and often include children. Children as young as 7 years are involved in playing cards for money, usually in games with other children.
3. Gender Issues Card games were more commonly attended by women whilst TAB gambling was more popular for men. Women in the discussion group described how they “buy” the right to attend a card game by providing their partners with money for the TAB or with “gunja”(marijuana).
Some women described how they go straight to the women’s refuge if they lose at cards, for fear of violence if they go home “broke”. In Derby men will often gather on one side of the road drinking whilst women participate in card games on the other side of the road.
4. Benefits and Functions of Card Games There is a lot of fun and laughter at the games. The women recounted many humorous gambling stories. The games provide an opportunity to share news and catch up with everyone. They also provide an opportunity to make some money. Many women reported a sense of belonging from participating in the games and that the card games gave them some relief from boredom and routine.
There was a lot of discussion at the community forums on the separation of card games and alcohol consumption. Most of the card games are alcohol free and this is viewed as a positive outcome in the community. It is seen to reduce, or at least provide an alternative to socialising around alcohol.
The women in the discussion group were unanimous in their view that the card games were less harmful than other forms of gambling. They were very strong in their opposition to poker machines.
Concerns
At both community forums, participants were most vocal in expressing their concern about the impacts of parental gambling on the well being of the children. This concern may in part reflect cultural differences in child rearing practices. Judith Kearns (Dudgeon et al p168) wrote “marked differences between Australian Aboriginal people and people of European origins in their traditional treatment of children seems to have led to mutual disapproval”
Concerns were expressed by both Aboriginal and Non-Aboriginal participants particularly in regards to the lack of supervision and care of children whilst parents were involved in gambling activities. The redirecting of family financial resources from children’s needs to gambling was also an issue. (Participants in Derby reported an increase in child welfare referrals to the Department of Community Development when gambling activities increased in their town).
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Specific concerns included that the children were not fed properly, were more likely to miss school, did not have enough sleep and may be subject to physical and verbal abuse if they interrupted a game. Card games may run over several days, without participants taking a break to tend to the needs of the children. There were also some concerns expressed that unsupervised children hanging around the Tong Houses may also be more vulnerable to sexual abuse.
Other concerns raised related to the negative impact prolonged card games can have on the community. These included disruption for the neighbours of the Tong Houses, road safety and rubbish management issues around outdoor games and increased conflict and fighting. Workers in Broome expressed concern about the financial exploitation of remote community people by local Aboriginal people in town.
Participants also expressed concern that community resources such as police services, shire council resources and emergency financial resources were being absorbed to ameliorate the impact of gambling activities.
Helpful Community Responses
Derby Shire has formulated by laws and directed staff resources in an effort to better manage outdoor gambling activities. They have arranged for a designated area to be made available and have been able to reduce some of the safety concerns and improve rubbish management. There has been ongoing cooperation between shire staff and local police.
Halls Creek Shire has funded resources and activities for the communities’ young people to give them an alternative to card games.
In these areas women’s networks have been set up in response to the Gordon enquiry. These women’s groups have been active in tackling child abuse issues and may be a starting point for harm minimisation strategies focussed on card game gambling.
Follow Up
The Gambling Help W.A. team has been active in follow up tasks from this project. The second visit was in response to requests raised in the first visit. Ongoing contact with the Kimberly Community Drug Services Team has occurred and follow up will continue with the Kimberley Aboriginal Medical Service. The Gambling Help W.A. team have also engaged local media interest in the Kimberly to further raise awareness of gambling related issues in these communities.
Agencies in the area will be included in future surveys to assess training and support needs. Relationships established with service providers in these communities will be fostered to facilitate future service delivery.
Conclusion
This project has enabled Gambling Help W.A. staff to develop a greater understanding of gambling in Aboriginal community card games and to improve their skills in working with Aboriginal clients. A model for the provision of outreach
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services has been developed which can be applied to work in other regions. For the Broome and Derby communities, the model has provided awareness raising and the opportunity for increased community cooperation to address difficulties arising from gambling. There has been an increase in skills of local workers and the provision of ongoing support for these workers as they work with clients impacted by gambling difficulties.
References
Dudgeon P., Garvey, D. & Pickett, H. (2000). Working with Indigenous Australians: A Handbook for Psychologists. Perth: Gunada Press. Foote, R. J. (1996). Aboriginal Gambling: A Pilot Study of Casino Attendance and the Introduction of Poker Machines into Community Venues in the Northern Territory. Darwin: Discussion Paper, Northern Territory University. Kinsella, C. & Carrig, H., Therapeutic Models of Intervention of Aboriginal Problem Gamblers. Adelaide: Aboriginal Counselling Research and Development Project Paper. Productivity Commission (1999). Australians Gambling Industries. Report No. 10, Canberra: AusInfo.
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FINDING THE MIDDLE GROUND: THE CLUBCARE PARTNERSHIPS REVIEWED
Pauline Allingham1 Adrian Caddy2 & Patrick Keogh3
1 LifeLine Canberra Inc., GPO Box 583, Canberra City, ACT, 2601. Australia. Ph: +61 (0)2 62470655. [email protected] 2 Vice President, Board of Directors, Canberra Southern Cross Club 3Operations Manager, Vikings Clubs ACT
ABSTRACT
The Clubcare program is now 3 years old. This groundbreaking program was the first industry and helping sector partnership in Australia, designed to benefit Club patrons affected by, or at risk of, problem-gambling. Over the past 3 years the program has grown both in scope and size.
Managing the partnerships has required the goodwill and sensitivity of all participants. In this paper the growth of Clubcare is explored from both industry and community perspectives. What are the benefits? What are the costs? How does the program as it exists compare to the program that each participant expected? What would each like changed? How has the Clubcare program influenced the culture of each of the participating organizations?
The paper is co-written by Pauline Allingham (LifeLine Canberra), Patrick Keogh (Vikings Clubs, ACT) and Adrian Caddy (Canberra Southern Cross Club and ClubsACT). Each author has contributed from their professional perspective.
Introduction
The Clubcare program was established with the stated goal of fostering a responsible environment for patrons who gamble. The deliberate breadth of the goal reflected LifeLine’s determination to provide an holistic program of intervention. This determination to provide a high quality program was matched by that of the five Canberra Clubs who became the initial partners. The program was never presented as a ‘bargain’ and participating Clubs had to be prepared to commit to financially supporting its objectives. LifeLine was not prepared to water down the program to fit a smaller budget, nor able to run the risk of financial loss.
From the beginning, the program operated in three spheres of intervention: therapeutic and financial counselling for people affected by gambling; consultation and liaison with Clubs in providing a responsible gambling environment; and training of Club staff in provision of responsible gambling. The ultimate focus of all aspects of the program is to ensure Club patrons are provided with a responsible environment in which they may choose to gamble.
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Early findings
Within the first year of operation we discovered synergies between the three spheres of intervention that added significant value to the program. These synergies were partly based on the overlapping roles of the Clubcare Coordinator: as therapist, as educator and as consultant with Club management. This enabled all participants in the program to hear about other aspects of Clubcare, as well as the one in which they were personally engaged. Thus (for example) clients of the counselling service were in a position to know about staff training in Clubs, staff being trained were able to hear what counselling is like and managers of Clubs were able to contribute ideas and ‘reality checks’ to staff training.
A full discussion of these synergistic spin-offs is made in the Clubcare paper delivered to the 2002 NAGS conference (Allingham and Caddy 2002). Briefly they include: • improved understanding of counselling within Clubs • direct referral of clients from Clubs • development of professional relationships at different levels within the Clubs • widespread promotion of the culture of responsible gambling within Clubs • Club management input into staff training • increasing the recognition of Clubcare within the Clubs • preventative work with Club staff • improving Club knowledge of effects of problem gambling • lessening of the ‘us and them’ mentality
The ability to share information without loss of integrity has been so helpful to the transparency and credibility of the program that, as Clubcare has expanded, we have followed a deliberate policy of having counsellors involved in different aspects of the program and forming working relationships within the Clubs.
An evaluation (The Way Forward) of the Clubcare program was done by Fiona May after its first year of operation. The program was evaluated against nine criteria using an inclusive methodology of consultation involving counselling clients, club staff and management, LifeLine staff and management, community groups and gambling regulators. The evaluation criteria included evaluation of counselling provision and efficacy, of support and education provided to Clubs, of relationships between LifeLine and Clubcare Clubs and of other factors that influenced Clubcare’s work towards its goal. The evaluation provided recommendations as to the direction to follow to improve the program.
Broadly, the evaluation indicated that the program had commenced well. Counselling services were effective and timely. Clubs were satisfied with the support and education provided. Clubcare signage was helping patrons to recognize and refer themselves for help with gambling problems. Helpful relationships were developing at managerial level and it was recommended to improve relationships at other strategic levels.
Early issues for the Clubcare program centred on trying to match the expectations of all participants while respecting their different views in regard to external factors such as gambling regulation and government policy. This was highlighted by the National Association for Gambling Studies (Australia) 15 2004 Conference Proceedings
coincident creation of a mandatory code of practice in the ACT during Clubcare’s first year of operation. The creation of a partnership program such as Clubcare is the closest that most community and industry groups ever get – having some objectives in common doesn’t mean that we agree on everything to do with gambling. Not surprisingly there are tensions in the relationship that require goodwill and sensitivity on all sides to prevent their rendering the program ineffective.
Maturing roles of Clubcare
Since its inception three years ago, Clubcare has matured into an integrated network of expertise whose connections include every aspect of the ACT gambling industry, as well as selected organizations in other states and overseas. The primary motivation for this growth is to deliver the best practice possible in all spheres of intervention. The determination to provide best practice is part of the culture of professionalism that exists within LifeLine Canberra and within the Clubcare Clubs. A second reason is to be in a position to make worthwhile contributions to development of social policy in the ACT.
A main role of Clubcare, beyond those first envisaged, is the development of a network of local connections. Clubcare has become something of an information hub, ideally placed to link therapy with policy, research with education. In building these connections, Clubcare has had the benefit of the LifeLine name and reputation and the already established gambling and financial counselling service.
Factors contributing to the growth of Clubcare
Common goal
The growth of the Clubcare program (see Table 1) is promoted by several factors first among which is the preparedness of the partners to look for new ways of meeting the goal of fostering a responsible gambling environment. Several of the new strategies shown in Table 1 impact directly on this goal, for example the Club Visitor Scheme. (This scheme functions like a ‘mystery shopper’ where a casual (and unknown) employee of LifeLine visits a Club, has a look to see that Clubcare signage is in place, checks up on some of the public requirements of the Code of Practice and questions one or two staff members about help available for people affected by problem gambling.) Other new strategies have an indirect effect, for example the opening of a south side office to provide easier access to counselling for Clubcare patrons who become LifeLine clients.
Professionalism
Another determining factor in the growth of Clubcare is the professional culture of LifeLine and the Clubcare Clubs. Within LifeLine this professionalism is reflected in the recruitment, support and training given to the Clubcare counsellors, all of whom are accredited/registered within their profession, active members of their professional organizations and linked to informal professional networks. Clinical support includes internal and external supervision on an individual basis, regular clinical meetings and training on special issues (eg working with couples, criminal behaviour). Examples of the benefits to Clubs of a professional staff include providing an expert view into
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the behaviour of problem gamblers (and ways in which club staff could identify people at risk) and the range of clinical knowledge and interventions available within the counselling service.
The professional culture within the Clubs is shown by their reaction to the need for change in delivery of gambling to patrons. Over the past two years in the ACT we have seen the introduction of the following harm minimisation measures:
• Removal of ATM’s from gaming areas • Restrictions on note acceptors • New rigorous legislation/regulations and code of practice
Far from arguing that any of these measures are bad or unnecessary, the industry accepts them as facts of life and changing community attitudes, and complies.
Additionally (to required changes) Clubcare Clubs have requested new strategies. The Club Visitor scheme, described above, was initiated at the request of Clubs. Participation in the scheme is voluntary, however all clubs have asked to participate.
Integral part of ACT
Clubs are an integral part of Canberra’s social and sporting life. Many were formed in response to the need for recreation when the city was still a collection of government buildings dotted among paddocks and the street lights were turned off at 11pm each night. In both the provision of facilities to members, and the support of numerous sporting, cultural and charitable activities, Clubs are actively involved in almost every aspect of life in the ACT.
In a different way, LifeLine Canberra is also a part of the city. The name is well known and respected by both professionals and the wider community. Each year another 50 residents apply to train as telephone counsellors, from a population of 320,000, without the need of advertising. LifeLine’s opinion is sought by government, media and other groups on topics such as social isolation, suicidality and problem-gambling. The organization has a well-earned reputation for ethical behaviour, professionalism, and confidentiality. The goodwill and good reputation of LifeLine Canberra has been beneficial to the Clubcare program. For example the Community Service Announcements were made with the generous support of the actors, the tv stations and Bearcage Productions. The actors donated their time and expertise entirely.
Clubs’ increasing awareness of their responsibility
At the commencement of the program the majority of ACT Clubs were not prepared for the processes involved in providing a responsible gaming environment, and Clubs were somewhat slower than they should have been in implementing a formal holistic process for harm minimization. At that time there was no undue pressure from Government in relation to harm minimization and clubs operated in an environment of fairly light regulation overall.
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Learning of the extent of problem gambling in the ACT was eye opening for operators in our region. However while there were arguments and debate, generally Clubs were accepting of the need to improve. All Clubs became aware of their responsibilities to harm minimisation measures and the relationship with Clubcare in this process was vital to ensure the message was clear. The education of Club members has been efficiently and tactfully implemented to the point of general acceptance from members and the wider community, that Clubs are playing an important role in addressing the issue.
Benefits and Costs
The focus here is on the benefits and costs to the Clubcare partners. However it is important to consider the benefits to the wider community and this will briefly be described at the end of the section.
Benefits to Clubs
When examined against the original objectives of the program the scorecard for Clubcare looks reasonably good. The benefits to Clubs of the Clubcare program fall across three main areas: Improved service to members and guests; Staff support and education; Organizational benefits. Although there are links between these areas they will be discussed separately.
1. Improved services to club members and guests. A number of benefits congregate under this heading. The overall effect of them is that Clubs are much better equipped to offer help to any patron who is affected by problem-gambling. The Club environment is better equipped with Clubcare signs and cards easily available. Club staff are better equipped, with clear and straightforward procedures in place to help patrons. Staff know procedures for giving information, helping patrons to make a counselling referral and for processing self-exclusions. Staff have a much better idea of how counselling and financial counselling can help people.
Not only are staff more knowledgeable, they are also more skilled. Clubcare training builds on their existing (and often very well developed) customer-service skills, showing how these can be applied to patrons who may need assistance. Club operators are always conscious of their members’ needs and developing skills in handling these, sometimes delicate, situations is an important part of Clubs becoming better service providers.
The promotion of the Clubcare program, both within Clubs and in the wider Canberra community has contributed to increased awareness of problem-gambling in the ACT. This in itself has had a positive effect for Club patrons. We have found that as awareness of the program has grown, patrons are now more comfortable discussing their gambling habits. In some cases this discussion tends to lead to the member considering their gambling more sensibly and controlling their time spent in the Clubs.
2. Staff support and education. The staff training mentioned above is the starting point of Clubcare’s commitment to staff support and education. It is important to Clubs that the provision of training to front line staff is provided in a way that
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acknowledges the fact that most people who gamble do not have a problem with gambling, and that gambling is a legitimate recreational choice. Clubcare is able to recognise this need and accurately deliver the message of responsible service of gambling, while not sending staff home feeling de-motivated and guilty for working in a Club. Staff often report (during training, or after) that they feel better about working around gambling knowing that there is help available for people who need it, and that they themselves are able to assist people to access this help.
Included in that training is a recognition that some Club staff will themselves have a gambling problem, or may be at risk of developing a problem. The training is presented in such a way as to enable all staff to make informed choices about their own gambling, as well as ensuring that they do not accidentally mislead patrons. (Allingham and Caddy 2002) In 2004 Clubcare has begun running short refresher courses for staff to promote the retention of responsible gambling information.
Beyond the basic training, Clubcare provides additional training and ongoing support for Gambling Contact Officers (GCOs). This support includes group email contact, information meetings and individual telephone consultation to keep GCOs informed of their responsibilities, to answer any specific questions they may have and to allow them to obtain advice and/or debrief about interactions with patrons (Allingham and Caddy 2002). Another means of staff support is the option of having a counsellor present at a self-exclusion interview (if the patron wishes it, and time allows).
The direct connection available between club staff and counsellors also links them to relevant available research, for example on the behaviour of problem gamblers and ways of identifying patrons at risk (Allcock et al 2002).
3. Organizational benefits. The third area in which Clubcare has benefited participating Clubs is benefits to the organizations themselves. A fundamental benefit in this is the security of knowing that the Club is meeting its responsible gambling requirements. The Clubcare alliance has been a valuable resource to Clubs over the last three years and continues to assist Clubs in the provision of a responsible gambling environment. The relationship between Clubcare and the Licensed Clubs in the ACT has been a beneficial learning experience for both parties. All clubs became aware of their responsibilities to Harm Minimisation measures and the relationship with Clubcare in this process is vital to ensure the message is clear. The Club Visitor scheme supports this continued benefit.
Additionally, the Clubcare program allows participating Clubs to express their willingness to comply with, and to go beyond, mandated responsible gambling legislation, to assist the broader Canberra community and to openly offer assistance to people who may be experiencing a problem related to gambling.
Other organizational benefits include the association with the name and reputation of LifeLine and the forging of another positive link with the ACT Gambling and Racing Commission. The Commission regards the program very positively: ‘In order to meet these responsibilities, a number of gaming machine licensees in partnership with LifeLine Canberra, have taken up the challenge and established Clubcare. The Government is very pleased to see that the industry has accepted the challenge by
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taking a lead role in being proactive in its approach to problem gambling.’ (Jones 2004)
Finally, although identifying information cannot be shared, LifeLine is able to provide to Clubs accurate numbers of patrons requesting counselling for gambling problems.
Costs to clubs
The main cost to the Clubs in the program is the financial support of the program. Clubcare is not a cheap option, LifeLine is not prepared to provide a ‘façade’ of responsibility in exchange for money. Moreover the financial underwriting of the program is not the end of Clubs’ responsibilities. The program is genuinely a partnership where Clubs are expected to show commitment in their internal operation to the goal of providing a responsible gambling environment.
In coming into partnership with LifeLine, Clubs have had to expose themselves, and their staff, to hearing about the effects of problem-gambling in greater detail and frequency than was previously the case. The immediacy of this information is enhanced by having counsellors as trainers. All Clubcare staff see clients. Although this is recognized as a benefit of the program, there is an effort cost involved in having to see the LifeLine perspective. A related frustration for Clubs is that when they do refer someone to LifeLine, they receive no feedback on whether that person has taken up the referral, and, if so, how they are progressing. Clubs have accepted LifeLine’s non-negotiable stance on confidentiality without demure.
Finally there is a appreciable amount of time required to implement the program. Staff time for training, CEO time for meetings, manager time for consultation, GCO time for meetings, liaison, Club Visitors, and so on.
Benefits to LifeLine
1. Better client service. LifeLine Canberra’s most immediate benefit is in being able to provide an improved service to clients of the gambling and financial counselling service. Prior to the Clubcare program, clients were having to wait three weeks for an initial interview with a problem-gambling or financial counsellor. Now clients are able to access the service within a day. Given the nature of motivation to action, this makes a huge difference to client arrival – generally there is about a three to five day ‘window’ of motivation to seek help.
Additionally, the increased staffing levels means that clients who need it can get the longer-term counselling/therapy required to actually make a difference to their gambling problems. (Griffiths and McDonald 1999) Improved service to clients has been promoted indirectly by having the capacity to review and modify LifeLine’s internal practice to further improve client service. As well as providing a better counselling (and financial counselling) service the Clubcare program has meant providing a more holistic service to clients, for example counsellors are able to accompany clients to self-exclusion interviews, should the client so desire. Finally the program has improved community awareness of the counselling service via a shopfront office and publicity for the program.
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An additional and unforseen benefit in counselling has been the improved ‘street- cred’ for counsellors with clients who are patrons of the Clubcare clubs. Counsellor knowledge of their club, of who they can contact if they wish to arrange to self- exclude, or just who they might want to talk to in the Club not only provides an extension of the Clubs’ service to their patrons but shows the counsellor to be in touch with the client’s world.
2. Organizational benefits. LifeLine Canberra’s most immediate organizational benefit is in being able to provide an improved service to clients of the gambling and financial counselling service. Being able to benefit clients is the core value of LifeLine, the one by which the organization measures its worth in the community. Staff applying to work for LifeLine have self-selected for a strong motivation to help people. The morale of staff correlates directly with their ability to deliver a high quality service; described by Karasek and Theorell (1990 p171) as ‘motivating situations’: ‘those in which one has a perception of controlling procedures that affect an important set of outcomes’. Professionals usually have a strong drive for autonomy (Hunt 1992 p24) which cannot be met when demand is so high that all interactions are delayed, and then of short duration.
LifeLine’s profile in the community has grown, particularly in the area of problem- gambling. Previously there existed an awareness of LifeLine’s expertise in this area but the opportunity to contribute to community debate was limited. Now LifeLine is able to contribute at several levels (eg Community Advisory Group at the ANU Centre for Gambling Research, Social Work education at the Australian Catholic University, ACTCOSS Gambling Reference Group). All of which have contributed to LifeLine’s reputation as a professional and highly skilled organization.
Costs to LifeLine
An unavoidable effect of the integrated holistic service has meant that on occasion counsellors and clients of the counselling service will cross paths at Clubs. This is not necessarily a cost for the client but may be embarrassing for some, especially those who have said that they no longer go there. It requires the counsellors to be very clear about their boundaries and to make sure that clients know – in case it happens – that they will not initiate conversation under such circumstances. Of course, in a town of 320,000 people, accidental sightings are going to happen anyway, in the Clubs or elsewhere.
A related cost for counsellors is the impossibility of sharing with Clubs any helpful but identifying information about their patrons. The requirement of keeping client information confidential can put the counsellor in the situation of knowing that a client is still gambling in a very harmful way, and where they are doing so, without being able to alert the Club to assist them, or even to monitor their gambling.
In running the Clubcare program, LifeLine Canberra has had to undergo organizational change, both structural and cultural. Thanks to the program, LifeLine’s gambling counselling service has grown; the additional staffing has brought with it administrative costs, the need for more office space (including an outreach office), improved IT provision, support of the counselling team to ensure they continued to connect to other LifeLine staff and the organizational culture.
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In the same way that Clubs have had to make an effort to see the LifeLine perspective, LifeLine has had to alter its thinking about the Clubs. It has been possible in the past to think ‘LifeLine Good, Clubs Bad’ in relation to problem gambling. Clubs’ preparedness to support the Clubcare program, and the fact that Clubs initiated the program, has meant there is no longer room for this black and white thinking in the organization. Another LifeLine adaptation to Club culture are the styles of interaction found within Clubs. These range from respectful and encouraging to verbally aggressive. Dealing with some of these interactions carries a cost of wear and tear on the staff member involved.
Finally there have been some planning difficulties for LifeLine due to delayed payments by some Clubs. In particular the decision as to when they could take on extra staff, and consequent budget juggling. Planning and budgeting is also affected by Clubs changing (and adding to) their expectations of the program.
Benefits to ACT community
The Clubcare program makes a difference to the gambling and financial counselling that can be provided to the entire Canberra community. It also plays a part in raising community awareness of problem-gambling via community service announcements and other publicity opportunities. Making the risks of problem-gambling more visible in the community serves to reduce the associated stigma and to help people come forward and ask for help.
Managing the relationships
There are many different cultures within the Clubcare partners. Corporate culture, Club culture (different in each Club), helper culture, and so on. Clubcare is also surrounded by aspects of Australian culture that impact on the service of gambling, for example the discourse of individual responsibility vs consumer protection. In order to accomplish the program goal, quite disparate groups of people need to work together. And in order for that to happen, effort needs to be put into creating and maintaining positive relationships.
The work that Club managers and LifeLine do to understand each other’s perspectives, mentioned above, contributes greatly to relationship building and management. However we note the role of ClubsACT in facilitating good working relationships. ClubsACT is an organization established by (most of) the Clubs in Canberra to represent Clubs’ point of view to government and media. It has been strongly supportive of the Clubcare program since its inception.
Support from ClubsACT includes chairing the twice-yearly CEO meetings, negotiating the financial commitments of Clubs, mediating sensitive communications, troubleshooting misunderstandings and providing collective Club feedback to LifeLine. It is partly due to the work of ClubsACT that LifeLine now has a clearer understanding of the mindset of the clubs around people who have problems with gambling.
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ClubsACT supported LifeLine’s insistence that it remain free to criticise the club industry if it considered that necessary. This was seen by ClubsACT as an important factor in ensuring that the rights of problem gamblers would be protected. There was no way that LifeLine was ever going to peddle a ‘club industry line’ to the detriment of any person with a problem.
Over the three years of the program’s existence, there have been times when the absolute autonomy of LifeLine has caused friction, not always because clubs are sensitive to criticism. There has been the odd case of people from LifeLine, less well informed than the Clubcare operatives, who have not been prepared to acknowledge the efforts that Clubs are making to deal with this most complex problem. However with goodwill from senior people in both the Club industry and LifeLine calamities have been avoided.
Future developments
Clubs in the ACT and New South Wales are currently feeling besieged by changes to gambling legislation, at the recent ClubsACT conference the president of ClubsACT described the situation for Clubs as being ‘in the trenches, still.’ (Shonk 2004), and the Clubcare Clubs are no exception. In the past three years there has been a continuous process of revision of ACT legislation relating to gambling, introducing several new harm minimization measures and a mandatory Code of Practice. Some of these measures have impacted on the bottom line for licensed Clubs. The recent directive to exclude $50 and $100 notes from EGM note acceptors has resulted in a reduction of between 12%-20% of turnover for all surveyed Clubs. This in addition to increased Gaming Taxes and the imminent smoke free legislation is concerning to Clubs.
In these highly regulated times there is more than ever a role for Clubcare. As Clubs work to adapt to new regulation, the role of Clubcare as a consultant on responsible gambling requirements becomes more valuable. Clubcare is ideally placed to become the first port of call for Club management and staff who need advice, discussion, debriefing, referral or support in relation to problem gambling and responsible gambling.
Building a closer relationship will also serve to improve the referral path for patrons needing assistance. Currently, most clients refer themselves for counselling, and the levels of self-referral are at saturation point. That is, unless a huge wave of publicity is generated in the ACT, the counselling service is getting the maximum rate of self- referrals. (This proportion is the same, or better than, as in other parts of the world who have similar gambling environments and helping facilities, eg London (GamCare 2003 p14), and French-speaking Switzerland (Romailler et al 2004). In order to help more of the population who are affected by gambling problems, we need to increase the number of third-party referrals. The most effective location of third-party referrals is the gambling venues themselves (as done in Casino Holland venues and the Casino du Lac in Geneva), simply because that is where all problem-gamblers go. As regulation increasingly requires Clubs to take an active interest in patrons’ gambling and to intervene where they believe there to be a problem, the ability of Clubcare to support Club staff becomes increasingly valuable. In supporting Clubs’ response to
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regulations requiring active intervention, Clubcare is also making the referral path smoother for patrons who would like to get help.
The industry accepts these new regulations as representative of changing government and community attitudes. However the more rigorous regulatory environment impacts on Clubs in two important ways. First these measures have the impact of reducing revenue for the clubs. Second they have created a sharp divide between mandatory and discretionary harm minimization. Now despite the fact that clubs are community based and ‘not for profit’ organizations, for all sorts of reasons they must operated as efficient businesses. One very good reason is that most clubs have substantial debt to service. Another is that in the ACT pressure has been placed on clubs to be incorporated as companies under the companies Act. This places enormous governance and fiduciary obligations on Directors and senior managers to operated in the best interests of all members. Clubs will therefore increasingly examine their discretionary expenditure to ensure that it is as efficient as possible. These obligations will result in increased pressure for Clubcare to be more accountable than it has been in the past.
While no Club wants to take the focus off Harm Minimisation, economics becomes a real issue and decisions on where money is spent need to be made to ensure a real return to the business. As Clubs are now audited and held responsible by the ACT Government on compliance to responsible service of gambling measures, and as the provision of training for our staff is available from independent trainers, some Clubs are questioning whether an alliance with a program such as Clubcare is still feasible. Expectations of the program from the Club industry are rising to meet the demands of the new legislation. Expectation will be driven by Club Directors to ensure value for dollar to commercially competitive rates. Questions such as ‘where has the money gone?’, ‘what was it spent on?’, ‘how did it benefit us?’, are becoming much more frequent. Clubcare must be in a position to answer these questions and justify their place as a partner to Clubs that can provide a service well beyond the provision of counselling.
An area in which Clubs may be looking to Clubcare for assistance is in the growing administrative requirements to meet the regulations. It is in this area that Clubs may be looking at the Clubcare program to provide assistance. Some form of centralised management system for exclusion documentation and communication between clubs would be of enormous benefit to member Clubs.
It is important at this stage of the program to keep in mind the goal of Clubcare: To foster a responsible gambling environment for patrons who gamble. The program is designed to benefit Club patrons: Every strategy proposed for the program needs to be assessed for its contribution to this goal.
References
Allcock, C., Blaszczynski, A., Dickerson, M., Earl, K., Haw, J., Ladouceur, R., Lesieur, H., McCorriston, T., Milton, S. & Symond, P. (2002) Current issues related to identifying the problem gambler in the gambling venue. Australian Gaming Council.
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Allingham, P.K. & Caddy, A. (2002) Clubcare: A cooperative response to problem gambling. Proceedings of the 12th Annual NAGS Conference, Melbourne, Aust. GamCare (2003) GamCare Care Services 2003 Report. National Association for Gambling Care Education Resources and Training. London, UK Griffiths, M.D. & MacDonald, H.F. (1999). Counselling in the treatment of pathological gambling : An overview, British Journal of Guidance and Counselling, 27: 179-190. Jones, G. (2004) ACT Gambling and Racing Commission. Personal communication. Karasek, R. & Theorell, T. (1990) Healthy Work. Basic books. USA Hunt, J.W. (1992) Managing People at Work McGraw-Hill, London, UK Romailler, M., Szymanski, J., Horisberger, H., Besson, J., Aufrere, L. & Simon, O. (2004) First Outpatient Group of a Swiss Gambling Addiction Clinic. Centre du Jeu Excessif, Lausanne, Switzerland. Shonk, J. (2004) Outlook 2005, ClubsACT conference presentation.
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Table 1 below provides a quick overview of Clubcare activities and the contribution each makes to the different aspects of the program. (New activities are in bold print)
Providing Professional Club Publicity & Social Counselling & liaison external Policy community liaison education Active in professional ☺ ☺ ☺ association Counsellor Supervision ☺ Counsellor training ☺ ☺ Attentive to research ☺ ☺ Government. Submisions ☺ Clubcare News ☺ ☺ Training Club staff ☺ ☺ ☺ Gambling Contact Officer ☺ ☺ training & support Club CEO meetings ☺ ☺ Club visits, manager ☺ meetings ClubsACT liaison ☺ Regulator liaison ☺ ☺ CIT training ☺ ☺ Advise on training ☺ ☺ LifeLine connections ☺ Club Visitor scheme ☺ ☺ ACTCOSS Gambling ☺ ☺ Reference Group ANU Advisory group ☺ Clubcare Community ☺ ☺ ☺ ☺ Service Announcements Responsible Gambling ☺ ☺ ☺ Awareness week Counselling liaisons (Aust ☺ ☺ & Europe) NAGS membership ☺ Conferences ☺ ☺ ☺ Southern Cross Ad. ☺ ☺ Southside office ☺ ☺ ☺ Links to ACU Social ☺ ☺ Work
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YOUNG PEOPLE’S PERCEPTIONS AND ATTITUDES TOWARDS GAMBLING
Joanne Birkett
Social Strategy and Planning, Frankston City Council, Victoria, PO Box 490, Frankston, VIC 3199 Australia. Ph: (03) 9784 1938 Fax: (03) 9781 3117 Email: [email protected]
ABSTRACT
This paper reports on a project which examines young people’s perceptions and attitudes to gambling in a local government area of Victoria. Frankston City Council submitted a proposal to the Department of Human Services as part of the Local Community Partnership Projects. Funding was approved to conduct the project. The purpose of the project was to engage young people aged between 15 and 24 years by getting them to complete a survey or participate in a forum.
The primary outcome of the project is a report evaluating key issues and themes around young people’s perceptions and attitudes towards gambling. The report will contain recommendations and an action plan that identifies early prevention and intervention strategies to combat future potential problem gambling amongst young people. The findings from the report will be integrated into the review of Frankston City Council’s Gambling Policy. The report can also be used as an educational and information tool for Gambler’s Help, community organisations and teachers.
Context – Frankston City
This paper reports on a project which examines young people’s perceptions and attitudes to gambling in a local government area of Victoria, however, to do justice to the paper, the project needs to be put into context.
Frankston City is located on the eastern shore of Port Phillip Bay, approximately 40 km south of Melbourne, Victoria. Areas of Frankston City are not homogeneous there are areas of poverty and other areas of wealth. In the 2001 ABS Census, there were 109,808 residents living in Frankston City and 14,683 (13.4%) were aged 15-24 years (ABS 2001).
Years 1993 – 1997
Poker machines were introduced in Victoria in 1992. Poker machines were rolled out in Frankston City between 1993 and 1997 with the number of machines plateauing at 589 within the municipality. This number has not increased since. In this period there were 10 gaming venues, eight were existing infrastructure and two venues were built to accommodate poker machines.
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It was a period of significant change in local government with major reforms taking place initiated by the Kennett Liberal/National Coalition State Government. Councils were amalgamated and democratically elected Councillors were replaced by commissioners. From having 210 local councils in Victoria, the reforms meant the number of local councils was reduced to 78 by 1996 (Johnstone 1996: 34).
The City of Frankston, as it was formerly known, was greatly affected by the local government reforms. Mt Eliza joined what is now known as Mornington Peninsula Shire. Carrum Downs, Skye, Langwarrin and Langwarrin South, formerly part of the City of Cranbourne, became part of Frankston City. In the 1980s and 1990s, significant residential development occurred in both Carrum Downs and Langwarrin. With the excising of Mt Eliza, an established wealthy and prestigious suburb of Melbourne, and the inclusion of Carrum Downs, Skye and Langwarrin, all newly developed areas with young families, the social dynamics of Frankston City changed. As a result, the needs of the community changed. Residents lost continuity in the services that they were provided. Local government reforms also led to the privatisation and/or outsourcing of many of the community services that residents were provided with.
Frankston City Council had to deal with many issues associated with the reforms, and it would be fair to say that gambling was not seen as a priority policy area. Gambling did not become an issue for the local government until 2000.
In general, poker machines became an issue for local governments when long term social problems began to emerge. As a result, the Victorian Local Governance Association (VLGA) supported the sectors move to establish a Local Government Working Group on Gambling (LGWGOG) to ‘identify and manage the economic and social impact of poker machine gambling in our communities’ (VLGA 2002: 1). Moreover, media outlets were beginning to report on newsworthy stories such as child abandonment, family breakdown and theft.
In response to the perceived problems that were emerging from poker machines, local governments recognised the need to have their own view on gambling via their own gambling policies for their municipality. Early gambling policies were predominately written by recreational planners within councils, however, as time went on, gambling began to be understood as a community and social issue, and as a result community and social planners took responsibility for writing gambling policies across councils around Victoria.
Year 2000 - 2002
In 2000, for the first time Frankston City Council attempted to find out resident views about gambling by conducting a resident survey to identify the social and economic impacts of gambling, particularly poker machines in Frankston City. The survey data provided Council with valuable information that then formed part of the principles that were used to develop the Frankston City Council Gambling Policy (Electronic Gaming Machines), adopted in December 2000.
In reflection, this policy was as comprehensive as others written around the same time. The salient point of the policy was that any request for an increase in gaming
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had to demonstrate there was a net social and economic benefit of poker machines to the local area. The Gambling Policy provided Council with a referral point if gaming issues arose in the municipality.
What emerged from Council’s Gambling Policy was the, Gambling Policy (Electronic Gaming Machines) Action Plan, adopted in January 2001. One of the main strategies identified was to develop a Responsible Gaming Charter. As part of the Frankston City Council Responsible Gaming Charter, adopted in February 2002, it was recommended that a Responsible Gaming Committee be formed. The committee would bring together representatives from venue operators, community welfare organisations, gambling and financial counsellors, Councillors and Council officers. This Committee was established as recommended in the Action Plan and continues to meet on a quarterly basis.
Year 2003
In 2003, Frankston City Council had changes within its management team, including the resignation of the Chief Executive Officer. There was also a change in management of Social Strategy and Planning. The newly appointed manager of this department received a mandate from the management group to critically position Social Strategy and Planning as a key function and focus of the organisation.
The re-election of the Bracks Government in November 2002 also witnessed significant legislative changes to gambling. Changes to state gambling legislation superseded many of the policy statements featured in gambling policies adopted by local governments across Victoria.
Year 2004
Council’s current gambling policy is now four years old and has been superseded by the decision on planning authority, the abolition of the Victorian Casino and Gaming Authority (VCGA), consolidation of eight different Acts of Parliament controlling gambling – Gambling Regulation Act as well as other legislative changes.
As a result, it was agreed by Council and the Responsible Gambling Committee that Council should update its gambling policy. Council allocated $20,000 of the 2004- 2005 budget to the review of Frankston City Council’s Gambling Policy. It had also been four years since a resident survey had been conducted. As part of the policy development process before undertaking a gambling policy issues paper, a resident population survey was conducted in June 2004. This survey enabled a longitudinal perspective of resident attitudes to gambling to be ascertained.
Poker Machines in Frankston City 2004
In 2004 there were 589 poker machines spread across 10 venues which supplied 6.7 machines for every 1000 adults aged 18 years and over. There was also a disproportionate number of hotel gaming venues compared to club gaming venues. In 2003-2004, net expenditure on poker machines in Frankston City was just over $61 million dollars, with a loss of $694.22 for every adult aged 18 years and over. The total amount lost on poker machines from 1992 when they were first introduced in
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Frankston City to June 2004 was $530,992,276. In the last five years from 1999-2004 the total amount lost on poker machines in Frankston City was $309,984,040. The following table presents the data for the past five years, and also shows that there has been a gradual decline in machine net expenditure as a result of smoking bans in gaming venues.
Table 1: Frankston City Poker Machine Net Expenditure 1999-2004
Machines Annual Machine Net Machine Loss/adult per 1000 Growth in Year Expenditure Numbers 18+ ($) adults 18+ Losses (%) 1999 -2000 $55,324,841 589 $734,87 7.8 14.36% 2000 -2001 $61,841,398 589 $821.43 7.8 11.78% 2001 -2002 $67,686,740 589 $835.76 6.7 9.45% 2002 -2003 $64,046,600 589 $790.82 6.7 -5.38% 2003 -2004 $61,084,461 589 $694.22 6.7 -4.62% TOTAL $309,984,040 Source: Office of Gambling Regulation, http://www.ogr.vic.gov.au.
Resident Survey - Attitudes and Behaviours: Gambling in Frankston City
In June 2004, 402 residents in Frankston City aged 18 years and over were surveyed by telephone and asked a series of questions about their attitudes towards gambling and their gambling behaviour. Some of the key results included:
• A high percentage of participants (75.4% agreed mildly and agreed strongly) with the statement ‘There are too many pokie machines in Frankston’.
• The majority of survey participants (51.6%) ‘disagreed strongly’ with the statement: ‘It would NOT worry me if a gambling facility for pokies was approved nearby the area I live’.
• A large percentage (89.2%) ‘agreed’ and ‘agreed strongly’ with the following statement: ‘If people want to gamble, there are plenty of places in other parts of Melbourne’.
• There were 37.8% of residents who participated in this survey that did not participate in any form of gambling. A considerable percentage, 93% of participants said that there were no people in their household that regularly played poker machines.
• Only 16.7% of participants said that they had played a poker machine in the last month. Of the participants who had played poker machines (n=68), on average they played 2.3 times per month. Only a quarter of the sample (25.87%) had played poker machines in the last six months.
• Just over half of the survey participants (51.5%) bought a Tattslotto ticket in the last month. Another popular form of gambling by residents was purchasing scratchie tickets (13.2%).
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What these survey findings indicate is that the popular forms of gambling are also the most quick and convenient. The Productivity Commission (1999: 8.1) pointed out that the relationship between gambling and accessibility was not essentially about the proximity of gambling options, but also about ‘mass appeal’, conditions of entering a gaming venue, ease of play and the initial outlay that was needed to participate in a particular form of gambling.
However, having said that, proximity is an important consideration for those who gamble. This was evident in the survey results that found a large percentage (62.5%) of those residents who played poker machines, played in Frankston gaming venues only.
Since 2000, Frankston City resident’s gambling behaviour has changed. The 2000 Frankston City survey showed that only 36% of residents surveyed played poker machines in Frankston City. Instead a larger percentage (38%) of participants played poker machines both in Frankston City and elsewhere. The 2004 survey found that only 17.3% played in Frankston City and elsewhere.
A limitation associated with the survey was the low percentage of those aged 18-24 (12.9%) who participated in the telephone survey. The survey provided some idea about the perceptions that adults had about gambling, but not about how young people in the municipality felt about gambling. Council needed to be creative about how it could develop a full and rounded local government gambling policy that represented the views of all residents. The issue of young people and gambling in Frankston City had not been fully researched, yet there were many reasons why it should be.
Young People’s Perceptions and Attitudes towards Gambling
The Victorian Department of Human Services (DHS) advertised funding to organisations offering them funding for gambling based projects under the Community Partnership Project Grants Scheme. Social Strategy and Planning in partnership with Youth and Family Services at Frankston City Council submitted an application to conduct a youth based gambling project and successfully received a grant of $17,000 from DHS to conduct the project.
Aims of this project were to:
1. Engage young people aged 15-24 years to learn about their perceptions and attitudes towards gambling; 2. Feed these views into the review of Council’s Responsible Gambling Policy so that the policy is comprehensive and represents the views of all residents; 3. Address gaps left by previous research on youth gambling, including the role that technology plays in young people gambling.
To achieve the aims of the project Council sought to engage young people by going to them and getting them to either participate in the project in one of two ways. Either complete a survey or participate in a forum in the form of a group discussion facilitated by a professional facilitator. The rationale behind employing a professional facilitator was to ensure the best possible outcome and that was getting young people to speak freely and openly about what they thought about in relation to gambling.
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Forum discussion groups or ‘focus groups’ as they are also known as have been noted as a particularly useful methodology when engaging young people (Berg 2004: 123).
The author’s role in the project has been to coordinate the project, attend each of the forums and scribe what was said, engage with the consultant who created the survey, engage with the facilitator and work with the Youth Resource Centre. The role of the Youth Resource Centre (part of Youth and Family Services at Frankston City Council) has been to engage with local schools, the local Chisholm TAFE, Monash University peninsula campus and hold a forum at the Youth Resource Centre so that young people who did not attend school or a further education institution within Frankston City would also have the opportunity to participate in the project. Gambler’s Help Southern have also been involved with the project from the outset so that they had input into the project and that their work was not repeated in any way. Moreover, Gambler’s Help was able to provide kits with information that was provided to participants in the forums so that they had information about gambling services in Victoria.
Learning about Young People’s Perceptions of Gambling
The purpose of the youth forums in the form of facilitated group discussion was to take an in depth look and learn about young people’s perceptions and attitudes to gambling, including: how young people defined gambling, their level of participation in forms of gambling, the factors that influenced their participation, including the role that technology played. Council was also interested in finding out from the young people who participated in the discussions, what forms of gambling young people their age were playing and whether being male or female made a difference to participation in forms of gambling at a young age. Council also wanted to identify what other activities young people were engaging in during the same outing as gambling, such as going to movies, eating out, drinking or clubbing. If young people were gambling, Council wanted to find out approximately how much they were spending and if they did not participate in any form of gambling, what their reasons for not gambling were.
‘Tell Us What You Think About Gambling’ – Youth Gambling Survey
A survey consisting of questions relating to how young people defined gambling, their participation in gambling activities, their knowledge of gambling activities, the role that technology played in their participation in gambling activities, family and peer influences was constructed. The purpose of the survey was to engage young people in the project that were not participating in the forum. The survey was comprehensive, yet was relatively quick to complete. As part of the survey, respondents were asked questions about themselves to understand the survey results. The surveys were distributed to the Youth Resource Centre and schools that were interested in participating in the project, but did not want to be part of the forums.
Results to Date
Council is nearing the end of data collection. So far, four forums have taken place. It must be noted that it has been a difficult process in getting young people to talk about gambling. Young people did not appear to want to talk about gambling for whatever
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reason, whether it was that they thought that gambling did not affect them, they didn’t have an opinion or did not want to talk because of the sensitivity of the issue. Attendance at the forums has varied and there have been some very interesting results. I must stress though that these findings I am about to present to you are only very preliminary.
Young people had the opportunity to articulate what gambling meant to them. Those that participated in the forums tended to have a negative perception of gambling, linking it to problem gambling, stealing, debt, a waste of money, addiction, loneliness, other addictions such as alcohol and the problems that it causes the families and everyone around them. On the other hand, they could also see that it was okay to gamble if people limited themselves to spending a certain amount of money and sticking to the limit - it could then be fun. Young people also recognised that gambling raised revenue for the government, hence they were aware of the ‘politics’ of gambling.
Young people identified conventional forms of gambling and other activities as gambling. Conventional forms of gambling identified as ‘gambling’ by young people were pokies (poker machines), casino gambling, poker, scratchie tickets, Tattslotto, bingo, online gaming, the races, sports bet. Other activities defined as forms of gambling were TV game shows, mobile phone games because they included games such as poker machines and card games including the game ‘21’. Interestingly Time Zone games were considered to be a gambling activity, as were show fair games and even the soft toy machines where you try to pick the toy up with mechanical arms. Their rational behind this line of thought was that those activities involved the element of ‘chance’ that was associated also with gambling. While some participants thought that the stock market was a form of gambling, one forum participant defined it as a form of investment.
Forms of gambling that forum participants identified as activities that people their age participated in, included card games for money, poker machines, on-line casinos, footy tipping, tipping horse races and scratchie tickets. When participants were asked if there were any gender differences that influenced gambling participation, male participants thought that males were more likely to gamble and the types of gambling that their gender would participate in were card games, poker machines and sports betting. On the other hand, female participants felt that females were more likely to play Tattslotto, bingo, card games including poker and were more likely to buy raffle tickets. Other activities that young people participated in included shopping, going to the movies, entertainment, buying food, going out for dinner and buying alcohol.
Forum participants said that young people would be influenced by their family and whether their parents gambled as – it was thought that if parents did it young people would be more likely to think ‘why not!’ One participant referred to peer pressure and how this influenced young people’s participation in drinking and smoking. It was suggested that young people would sometimes do the opposite to what the rest of the public did. For instance, a reaction to what the rest of the world thought – if something is thought of as fun, then young people wouldn’t do it. This could explain the negative perceptions of gambling articulated by participants. Other reasons included what money the young people had and whether they were earning their own money i.e. whether they had a part-time job and had to ‘work’ for their money.
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Moreover, a reason why young people might gamble is if they thought they were likely to win, their attitude to money and whether they were inclined to save money.
When asked about advertising, young people who participated in the forums said that they were influenced by advertising as opportunities to gamble came up on the Net when they were online. Moreover, young people thought that video games, such as those at Time Zone gave them ‘practice’ so they knew how to play and participate in forms of adult gambling.
Gambling was experienced by young people as an activity that they did with other people their own age or with their parents. Gambling was perceived as an activity that was done alone if a person was ’serious’ and addicted to gambling. Young people would ‘fill in time’ and gamble before the doors opened at a night club or do it with particular friends and continue to do it with the same friends. A participant would buy scratchies when they had spare change. They would spend $2-$3 dollars, however this amount would vary depending on how much spare change they had and how bored they were – buying scratchie tickets was perceived as a way to fill in time. A participant would go to the ‘pokies’ socially every two weeks and spend $5 and said that they stuck to their limit. They then went on to say that they thought gambling was ‘stupid’ because of the uncertainty of winning and preferred to drink coffee at one of the local cafés.
Younger people under the age of 15 years would go to places like Time Zone and Intensity that had various video games and other entertainment activities, however from the ages of 15 to 18 before they could legally gamble some young people would create their own games and play them online with other players without playing for money.
Young people were asked to sum up how they felt about gambling in a couple of words. Here are some of their thoughts about gambling:
Try limiting yourself before hand.
Whenever I think about gambling I remember back to my last holiday where, for fun, my friend and her dad and I put $1 in a pokies machine – sitting next to us was an old man who every 10 minutes fed a machine a 50 dollar note!!! It just made me feel really sad and sorry for him that he had nothing else better to do or spend the money on.
Gambling…It’s okay in moderation.
Gambling is something to do for fun on occasion! I know that when I am old enough I will buy lotto tickets now & then but I wouldn’t go to the pokies because people can get carried away with them. Gambling can ruin your life.
Gambling can be fun if you set your limits, be responsible and can live with the consequences.
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Conclusion
Once all of the data has been collected, data from the forum and survey will be analysed and written up in the form of a report. The report will focus on the identification of young people’s perceptions towards gambling and their gambling behaviour and hopefully fill any gaps in the current academic literature on youth gambling. The report will be released early in 2005.
An evaluation report will be written to document the research process that occurred to do this project and any limitations, problems and successes that occurred will be documented to validate the project. Recommendations that are made will assist in the development of an action plan that will outline strategies for early prevention and intervention in young people’s problem gambling. Recommendations from the action plan will be incorporated into the review of Frankston City Council’s Responsible Gambling Policy.
There are several long and short term benefits of the project and they include engaging young people as part of the policy making process so that the newly created gambling policy will be relevant to them. The evaluation report, research report and action plan has the potential to be used as a template for other local councils to enable them to carry out similar research. Finally, the report can be used as an educational tool for Gambler’s Help, schools, further educational institutions, community organisations and will help others to understand the perspective of young people to further our conceptualisation of what it is to gamble.
References
Australian Bureau of Statistics (2001), 2001 Census of Population and Housing – Frankston, ABS, Canberra. Berg, B. L. (2004), Qualitative Research Methods for the Social Sciences 5th edn., Allyn and Bacon, Boston. Johnstone, P. (1996), ‘An Administrator’s Perspective’ in P. Johnstone and R. Kiss (eds), Governing Local Communities – the future begins, The Centre for Public Policy, Melbourne. Frankston City Council (2000a), Report on Effects of Electronic Gaming Machines, accessible via www.frankston.vic.gov.au. ___ (2000b), Gambling Policy (Electronic Gaming Machines), accessible via www.frankston.vic.gov.au. ___ (2001), Gambling Policy (Electronic Gaming Machines) Action Plan, accessible via www.frankston.vic.gov.au. ___ (2002), Frankston City Council Responsible Gaming Charter, accessible via www.frankston.vic.gov.au. ___ (2004), Attitudes & Behaviours: Gambling in Frankston City (Please contact author) Office of Gambling Regulation, Regional Statistics, accessed from http://www.ogr.vic.gov.au. Productivity Commission (1999), Australia’s Gambling Industries – Report No. 10, AusInfo, Canberra. Victorian Local Governance Association (2002), ‘Introduction – Local Governments and Poker Machines: A Study of Effective Advocacy’, in Gambling: Counting the
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Costs – Research for local governments on assessing the community impacts of gambling, VLGA, Melbourne.
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FINANCIAL COUNSELLING: THE PIVOTAL PROCESS
Dennis Borham1 and Annabel Mayo2
1. 1/14 Garrong Rd. Lakemba NSW 2195 Phone/fax: 61 2 9750 7747 2. 18 Junction Rd. Summer Hill NSW 2130 Phone: 61 2 9799 3548 [email protected]
ABSTRACT
Financial Counselling is a little known and often poorly understood profession. Services offering help with finances exist all over the world but in different forms. In Australia, financial counselling has taken on the responsibility of supporting those in financial distress with an intervention which is both therapeutic and practical, merging the psychological and paralegal aspects.
The skill of the financial counsellor rests in orchestrating a balance between work that needs to be done at the utilitarian level and at the emotional level. On the one hand this involves organising a person’s finances in such a way as to reduce the current stresses and, to enhance the quality of their future financial wellbeing. On the other hand, on the more subtle internal level, there is the need to heal the emotional damage and to restructure the client’s understanding of the role money plays in his/her life.
The two processes go hand in hand. Clients are encouraged to make their own decisions from a range of options presented to them. But there is a balancing act: the counsellor needs to have assessed the client’s capacity for dealing with any option chosen.
There are various models describing the different levels of intervention and decision- making by the counsellor. Whilst there are philosophical differences about the level of intervention, the current New South Wales view seems to be that the counsellor is respectful of the client’s right to determine as much of their own future as possible. This means that the client, carrying out some of the corrective work himself or herself, learns new skills and experiences empowerment.
In addition, financial counselling recognises the intrapersonal and interpersonal dimensions of the client’s situation and so, seeks to operate both from the perspective of our client’s and the community’s concerns about an individual’s financial difficulties.
It appears that the role is not always well understood by other disciplines working in the same or kindred fields. The purpose of presenting this paper is to clarify the functions of a financial counsellor in assisting those affected by problem gambling and to give a clearer perspective of the broad options available to these clients.
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Introduction
It is a reasonable prediction that most people will have a problem with finances sometime in their life. For some this is a chronic condition; others may be shocked out of their security by unemployment or business collapse, marriage failure, accident or ill health. Chronic conditions vary from mental incapacity or illness (including addiction or compulsion) to long-term poverty and low financial literacy or just result from a person’s unconstructive beliefs, values and life imbalances.
Finance is a complex area, confusing at times even to those with legal and accounting expertise, but it is made more so by the fact that so many financial decisions are a collision between the financial facts and perceived monetary threats or benefits on the one side, and the beliefs, values and emotional state of the decider on the other.
In addition to this intrapersonal dimension of financial decisions, there is a social context through which all decisions must be filtered. They might have to be tested against the rules and values of the family microcommunity, which has historically been an economic unit as much as it has been a self-protective unit. That is, the decider may sometimes have personal needs and ideas at odds with the interests of other family members or the benefit of the family unit as a whole.
The decisions made by a person (or a person-family unit) have to be weighed up in terms of their benefit or detriment to the community as a whole. For this reason we have a raft of legislation to try to control for the negative consequences of any financial decisions; and we pay for a clutch of regulators who are always clambering to catch up with those wishing to put their own interests ahead of what has been ruled as best for the community. The person, whether in his or her own right or as an agent of community interests, must eventually be set against powerful, even global, market forces.
It is apparent that money is the blood that flows through the veins of the community and those veins can sometimes become blocked. The consequences of financial chaos in the person spread like ripples into the larger community.
Financial Counselling
Who can take on the task of restoring a healthy blood flow? That challenge has been taken on by the professional group described as financial counsellors; their great value comes from offering benefits that are felt within the person, the family and within the larger community as the financial counsellor operates to support a client on all these levels.
Services offering help with finances exist all over the world but in different forms. In Australia financial counselling has taken on the responsibility of supporting those in financial distress or confusion with an intervention that is both therapeutic and practical, operating both from the perspective of our client’s and the community’s concerns about an individual’s financial difficulties.
The purpose of presenting this paper is to clarify the functions of a financial counsellor in assisting clients, especially those affected by problem gambling, a role
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that is not always well understood by other disciplines working in the same or kindred fields.
What is financial counselling?
Traditional support services paid or unpaid which might help people in financial distress are:
Family Friends Lawyers
Accountants Psychologists Social Workers
Welfare Workers
Financial Planners Church Organisations Community Organisations
Financial counselling has aspects of all these groups or disciplines but what makes it distinctive is that it provides a uniquely efficient and effective package of professional support, experienced by the client holistically, to address their financial difficulties.
Financial Counsellors are trained and annually accredited by the Financial Counsellors Associations of each state. In NSW this has been an active profession for twenty-five years, and has grown (not surprisingly) alongside the widespread growth of credit products.
The service is available free of charge to anyone who seeks it and not restricted by any means testing. This is an important recognition of the emotional nature of crisis (with money), which can be suffered at any level of the socio-economic scale.
Another dimension of the financial counselling process is that it is deemed to be independent. This means that, because government or charitable institutions fund financial counselling agencies, they retain no loyalties to financial institutions or dependence upon them that might affect their capacity to assist the client. The fact that financial institutions often benefit from the involvement of a financial counsellor in a debt recovery process must remain no more than a bargaining chip for the client.
In addition to the casework dimensions which are described below, financial counsellors have important social roles as consumer educators, and contribute to social policy and law reform advocating on behalf of individual clients or generic issues raised in casework. By being uniquely positioned to discover systematic abuses, financial counsellors may act as de facto consumer “police”.
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Financial counsellors are to be clearly distinguished from licensed financial planners, who (although they undoubtedly come up against their client’s psychological idiosyncrasies) are focused on advising clients about their investment choices and usually provide this service for a fee and often without clear independence from financial institutions. Financial planners do not generally operate from any therapeutic or social justice model.
Casework dimensions
As mentioned at the outset, financial counsellors will have clients who live with chronic poverty, or those who are catapulted into crisis by life events; others may have been financially exploited by unscrupulous lenders. Others may just want advice on how to organize their household finances, considering different personalities and values. Some clients present with the financial consequences of addiction or disability; this might be physical, intellectual or psychological.
Financial counsellors assess the presented financial information and offer practical strategies, which are sensitive to the legal dimensions of the situation. The counsellor analyses the presenting information using paralegal skills and, teaching the client as they go through the process, describes the reality of the position the client is in. Financial counsellors have quite expert knowledge on the law relating to banking, credit and debt and bankruptcy. Where they find a gap in their knowledge, they are well-equipped with contacts who can provide them that knowledge. Sometimes there are very few options for the clients, sometimes there are several. There may be a practical evaluation of the costs of different strategies.
There are various models describing the different level of intervention and decision- making by the counsellor. Whilst there are philosophical differences about the level of intervention, the current New South Wales view seems to be that the counsellor is respectful of the client’s right to determine as much of their own future as possible. This usually means that the clients make the choices from the options presented and carry out much of the corrective work themselves to learn new skills and experience empowerment. At some level, though, the financial counsellor may determine that he/she needs to act or advocate on a client’s behalf. They may need to model an appropriate way of speaking to a difficult creditor on the telephone, because there is no other way to teach the client. They may draft a letter to be sent by the client.
The counsellor may have to accept some limitations by the client in being able to act well on their own behalf. Unfortunately, the role of a third party intervening in a dispute may mean a better outcome than if the client acts on their own behalf. In this case the financial counsellor may have to make a delicate decision about the most appropriate course of action, balancing the client’s different needs.
For example, such a dilemma may come about where the counsellor sees that a client would be better off in many ways to take or defend legal action or to enter bankruptcy, but the client is choosing instead a repayment plan that appears to be unsustainable.
Where the client has borrowed from a lender who was quite aware that the client might become over-committed but still went ahead with it anyway, the financial
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counsellor may be able to intervene to remind the lender of unconscionable conduct provisions in the law which they have breached. This might lead to relief from liability or a settlement, which would avoid the need for bankruptcy or for a protracted and onerous repayment plan; yet the counsellor may have to reassure the client about the process.
Because of these sorts of casework dilemmas, financial counsellors value the professional network and peer supervision process that allows them to explore these potential conflicts between a client’s rights and a client’s best interests with an experienced colleague.
All the best, most carefully balanced plans mean nothing unless the client is able to cope with the situation he/she is in and is able to make the necessary decisions and changes. Thus the financial counsellor must wear a therapeutic hat.
It is the therapeutic basis of financial counselling which is perhaps the most important but least understood dimension of the work and which balances the nuts and bolts of whatever money situation the client is in.
All financial counsellors in NSW must have counselling training and experience before they can be accepted into initial training in financial counselling. Many of the early financial counsellors (in the early 1980s) were drawn from the ranks of Lifeline counsellors who could see how devastating financial difficulties were to callers who often lacked important knowledge that could easily change their lives.
Highly skilled listening and the ability to engage the client are vital in financial counselling. In the first place there are important reasons, both legal and financial, for getting what the client has to say, right. But in the second place, it is recognition of the fact that money matters, especially a failure or perceived dysfunction, are sources of painful shame and humiliating guilt to many clients. Without an accepting, non- judgmental environment, clients will simply not feel comfortable about laying their cards on the table. The text and context of the client’s story provide the financial therapist with material for examination, clues to beliefs to be challenged, behaviours which might be modified, the narrative containing the markers to meaning of the client’s money experience and solutions. The process of the therapy provides an energy to power necessary change.
The peculiar psychological dimensions of the money experience have been outlined well by Dr. Valerie Wilson in The Secret Life of Money and Dr. Dorothy Rowe in The Meaning of Money. Both are at pains to emphasize the secrecy and shame attached to so many personal money transactions, that prevents people seeking appropriate or timely help and makes them prey for the glib-tongued spruiker and the unscrupulous financial advisor, causing them to dig themselves deeper into embarrassment.
Financial counsellors have been known to observe clients who prefer to tell the counsellor all the deepest darkest secrets of their lives, such as sexual issues, before feeling safe enough to reveal the truth about their “money mess”. Experienced financial counsellors accept the many clients who feel unable to tell the whole story at the first session. Money is intimately tied up with feelings of shame and guilt and self
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worth generally. In the case of problem gambling clients, this is a very common situation.
Financial counselling clients are also very often affected by loss and show all the symptoms of grief that you would attribute to a person who has just buried a loved one. The loss of money represents the loss of the hours of life they lived to earn the money, perhaps they have lost a home, a business, or a hopeful dream that sustained them and can no longer. They may have blown an inheritance and feel that they are no longer entitled to the love of that relationship. A handful of clients have lost their moral boundaries as they ventured into deception and crime to fix up the mess. They have almost certainly lost their self-respect and sometimes the respect and support of those they love. Even those who have a residue of confidence and hope for the future will have a feeling of having lost their way in the world, being unsure where to turn for guidance and not trusting it when it is offered. The greatest loss of all, however, is the bitter loss of identity and this is the hardest thing to help a person regain.
The skill of the financial counsellor rests in orchestrating a balance between work at the practical level and the emotional level, between the public world of money and the private world of money. A good counselling outcome seeks to reduce or remove the current stresses, to heal the emotional damage, to enhance the quality of the client’s future financial wellbeing.
Having looked at the context in which financial counselling sits, we will now move to look at the intrapersonal experience of money.
What does psychological theory tell us about money?
The psychodynamic view
Freud believed that the personality trait making us either a saver or a spender is developed at an early age, depending on what occurs when we are in the oral and anal stages of development. What do we find to back that up? Dr. Valerie Wilson writing in Victoria, Australia on this subject has analysed some of the language we use about money and shows that much of it falls easily into money being either a hallowed source of nourishment (oral) or a despised waste product (anal).
(See Table 1 below : Everyday Money Language)
This view suggests that the id wants us to experience pleasure so the spender is enjoying money’s nourishment as often as possible, whereas the anally fixated person has pleasure in retaining money. Freud was particularly interested in this because he was apparently very tight with his own cash.
Later psychodynamic therapist Erik Erikson gave us further insights into this as he described the different stages in terms of inner conflict. The mental and emotional conflicts of the anal stage are described in terms of autonomy vs. shame and doubt. It is clear that money is an important representation of autonomy, the capacity to do what we need to do when we need to do it, for ourselves. The dreams of wealth (which are so universally pursued) are usually dreams of freedom and autonomy – we would no longer be “wage slaves”, chained like Sisyphus to employers and banks,
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rolling a ball uphill. We talk about being financially “independent”. On the flip side, those of us who have experienced poverty and financial powerlessness may know only too well the shame of a shabby home or car, dressing in worn or cheap clothing or being unable to care for our loved ones in some way, especially in terms of health and education, because there is not enough money to do it. It is this shame on which consumerism is so dependent.
Erikson maintained that dealing with these conflicts at each of the psychosocial stages gives us progressive self- mastery. With the exception of the financial counsellor there are no community structures that support a person to deal with these conflicts. People continue to act out the shame and doubt in a variety of ways: chronic debting, compulsive spending, even gambling as they try to get a handle on it. The financial counsellor can understand that these behaviours, as crazy and destructive as they may seem, may actually be part of the struggle to heal and master oneself.
The Behaviourists
The second force theorists focus on the well-developed notion of money as a reward, reinforcing whatever behaviour we did to get it even if it involves working hard all week in a boring, dirty or dangerous job. Much of our economic structure is based on this sort of thinking. Loss of money or non-payment is regarded as aversive. This approach has some usefulness, but it doesn’t explain many other aspects of money behaviour. Furthermore, considerable research has shown that there are many pay-offs for working and money is just one of them and often not the most important.
It is nevertheless a therapeutic intervention to help clients clarify what the pay-offs are in any given situation so that they can become clearer about their own motivations in financial behaviour.
The learning theorists point out that much of our understanding of money is learnt from our observing families and environments, especially those in childhood. Helping clients to become aware of this can bring some relief.
This fits nicely with the cognitive behavioural therapists looking at our beliefs about money and the way we attribute them, often “irrationally”. The beliefs may have been taught to us as family slogans or have been interpretations we have made of money and things financial.
Humanist/Existential
The existentialists are looking at the meaning money has for us and this is a particularly fruitful area for the financial counsellor as it leads quite comfortably into clinical work.
Maslow, when formulating his Hierarchy of Needs, addressed the physical needs that underpin the ability to achieve self-actualisation. Other theorists did not focus on money as such but provided counselling tools that work well in financial counselling. The Rogerian understanding of the need to provide safety for the client in the counselling situation is brought into heightened focus in financial counselling. We have already described how embarrassed many clients feel coming to discuss their
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circumstances. The financial counsellor must put their clients at ease, develop unconditional positive regard and with this support, change is effected. A common example of this is the money plan. This is a budget-type summary of actual or ideal expenditure which becomes a primary counselling tool. Some clients will take the forms and some instructions away with them and complete them well; however, the majority need the metaphorical handholding of the counsellor’s presence to actually face reality and write out a reliable plan.
Gestalt theory helps us work with perceptions. The whole affects the perception of the parts. For instance, a person’s view of the world affects the way they see the money they have; the money itself doesn’t construct the world. The amount of money a person has is irrelevant – it is the perception of the relationship of “what you have” to “what you believe you need” which is important. People often struggle to manage on an unemployment benefit and think of how rich they will be when they finally land a job. Three months later they land a job paying $50,000 p.a. and they are surprised to find that they are still struggling.
Client-centered therapies that have been developed in relatively recent times are almost instinctive ways for the financial counsellor to progress. Counsellors explore the narrative to extract themes and these are especially powerful when identified and turned on their head so that the very thinking that has led someone into difficulty can also lead them out.
Solution-focused therapy has many useful aspects, not the least of which is the presumption that the client is the expert, who (given certain information and strategic options) is capable of securing desired outcomes. Looking for the exceptions in chaotic money management often brings great relief to clients who realize that it is possible to step outside patterns, that they are not totally “defective” in the way they conduct their financial life. Last, but not least, the insertion of a miracle question is important as a determinant of what will be different when their financial life has improved. How will the client know that he/she has succeeded? Because our interaction with money is necessarily an ongoing one, this is very important. A visit to the financial counsellor may help a person to sort out all their immediate money problems; but if this is just a bandage on an infected wound it will not be enough and the client may reappear with a new set of problems a year later.
Transpersonal
Financial counsellors have to be aware of cultural determinants, too. These must be weighed in the overall mix of a solution. Aboriginal communities have emotional/social financial obligations that cover a very extended community. Some NESB communities have money-lending circles that operate a little like a Starr- Bowkett society. Money is regularly contributed to the pool and spent on different members’ needs as they arise. The circle “debt” is regarded by members as a “preferential creditor”, morally and socially, whereas the law does not provide for it as being more important than a debt to, say, Telstra or Mastercard.
Cultural factors also include the culture of family. This theoretical approach helps understand family dynamics in managing money.
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This approach also helps us to explore the spiritual aspects of money.
•Religious teachings often underlie the confusion about money: ‘noble poverty’ on one side vs. ‘praying for financial blessings and being grateful for abundance’ on the other side. •What is the role of tithing and why does it bring benefits? •The effectiveness of a twelve-step program (Gamblers Anonymous or Debtors Anonymous) can possibly be explained this way.
From all the above, you see that financial counsellors will mostly use an eclectic mix of therapeutic approaches in helping clients. Blending all these counselling elements to respond to an individual client is indeed a balancing act, challenging and enriching the therapeutic alliance.
After exploring the relationship our client has to money, there is another task ahead for the financial counsellor. This is the formulation of a practical long-term approach to the actual money circumstances.
The balancing act then is matching the clients’ options with their emotional capacity to act to change their circumstances and to enhance both sides of the equation where possible. This integrated approach is both holistic and realistic.
To illustrate this we can tell a story about a woman who had six months of relationship counselling before deciding to end her marriage to her gambling husband and was then referred to the financial counsellor to help her with the money details of moving out of home with her three children.
When it became obvious what a struggle it would be financially and that she might not be able to afford a four bedroom home with a swimming pool and regular holidays she started to have some second thoughts on whether her husband was that bad after all. Reality really set in, however, when she realised that her financial demands could only be met by selling the house, heavily mortgaged to support her husband’s business. Without the house, there would be no business. Without the business, he would not be able to pay child support. She found the situation very frustrating and unfair and wondered how other people could walk away from everything and just start again. “I guess they must just really want to leave, more than anything” she said realising for the first time that she, in fact, did not. After receiving some education on ways to protect her assets or to improve her financial circumstances, and after being made aware of some of her own driving beliefs and values, she was referred back to her relationship counsellor to work in depth on her new found understanding.
Having outlined some of what financial counsellors do it may be obvious that 1) counselling problem gamblers and their families can be easily absorbed as part of a financial counsellor’s workload, and 2) a holistic intervention can be provided without recourse to any other sort of counselling. In fact, for many years prior to the CCBF funding in NSW, financial counsellors were the major providers of such gambling counselling as was available. It is still an appropriate service for dealing with problem gambling and dealing with other money psychopathology such as compulsive spending and chronic debting.
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This brings up a point that most gambling counsellors, who are not financial counsellors, will be asking at some time. Where, in the gambling counselling process should there be a financial counselling intervention? It certainly varies from person to person but, as a general rule, where the client presents with an immediate or imminent financial crisis, they should be sent first to the financial counsellor who will assess what, if anything, can be done. The financial counsellor will act to stabilise the situation so that the client is receptive to general longer-term counselling. The financial counsellor is usually quite happy to refer a client off to someone else for longer term or maintenance therapy but the non-financial gambling counsellor will gain considerable insight from the financial counsellor as to what might be an effective counselling approach with the particular client. There may also be a need for a parallel intervention because there are sometimes ongoing aspects of a client’s circumstances that are financial. It is in the client’s best interests that there is a three- way therapeutic alliance: the client, the financial counsellor and other gambling counsellor. This is perhaps the most delicate balancing act of all.
Reading
Rogers, Carl Client Centred Therapy Rowe, Dorothy (1998) The Real Meaning of Money Harper Collins, London Wilson, Valerie (1999) The Secret Life of Money Allen & Unwin, Sydney
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Table 1. Everyday Money Language (The Secret Life of Money by Dr.Valerie Wilson, p.183)
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COGNITIVE COUNSELLING TECHNIQUES FOR PROBLEM GAMBLING
Gregory Coman PhD
Australian Centre for Posttraumatic Mental Health PO Box 5444 West Heidelberg 3081 AUSTRALIA Email: [email protected] Phone 61 3 9496 4015 Fax 61 3 9496 2830
ABSTRACT
A number of specialised counselling services are now available to assist individuals who experience difficulties as a result of problem gambling behaviour. Clinicians within these services may utilise one or a number of counselling approaches depending on their own preferences and their assessment of the counselling style suitable for use with particular clients.
The purpose of this paper is twofold. The first to describe the range of specialised gambling counselling services now available in Australia. The second aim is to provide clinicians in the field with a range of practical cognitive counselling strategies that may be used to good effect to assist clients reassess their attitudes towards and thoughts about gambling.
Introduction
Problem gambling continues to elicit significant media, public, academic attention and is the term used to describe gambling behaviour that is no longer under the control of the individual and which causes subsequent personal and social difficulties and economic losses. The extent of gambling in the community and the incidence of gambling problems have become issues of great concern to many in the Australian community and throughout the world. In Australia, gambling topics have been reported with greater frequency in the print media over the last five years and gambling has become a significant social and political topic, with at least one member of a State Government elected to office on a “no pokies” platform. Partially in response to these social and political pressures, the Australian Federal Government recently asked the Productivity Commission to investigate gambling in Australia, to gauge the effect of gambling on the community (Productivity Commission, 1999a, 1999b).
Factory Roof line graph
Many problem gamblers report chasing losses as a motivating factor to continue gambling. They express the belief that because they have had gambling wins in the past, sometimes substantial, they need to gamble until the next big win in order to get ahead financially. Those who have lost considerable sums of money, often in the tens or hundreds of thousands of dollars, realize that no single win is going to compensate them for their losses. Nevertheless, they continue to gamble in the hope of minimizing the extent of overall loss before they quit for good. The factory roof line
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graph, described below, is a useful visual tool which helps clients in this situation to better understand their gambling history and projected current future gambling behaviour.
Use of a whiteboard or other means for visual representation is required. First, an open ended graph with X and Y axes is drawn, with Time represented along the horizontal axis and financial status or wealth represented on the vertical axis. Clients are then asked to determine their approximate financial value before they commenced gambling or before gambling became a problem. In calculating this figure, they should sum the value of all assets and subtract the value of all liabilities. Assets obviously refer to share of the home if owned or being purchased, motor vehicles, bank deposits, personal possessions and the like. Liabilities include mortgages, bank loans and debts to others The level of detail is arbitrary and may vary from client to client. The important issue is to be consistent: the items considered at the beginning must the same throughout the time line considered. Unusual financial events, either positive (eg. inheritance) or negative (eg. failed business) may negatively impact on the use of the graph and should not be included if possible.
Once the client has identified their financial value at the point in time either prior to gambling or at commencement of problem gambling this figure is recorded on the vertical axis at time zero. The client is then asked to calculate their net worth at the present time. For those clients whose gambling has led to significant financial losses over time, this figure will be significantly less that the first. Those whose losses have not been as great will report a figure closer to the first than heavier gamblers, only slightly less, around the same or slightly more than their original amount. The value of this graph is best for clients in these categories and not as great for those clients whose financial status has continued to increase over time despite their gambling activity.
The second financial value figure is drawn on the graph somewhere to the right of the first figure, adjacent to an appropriate scale on the vertical axis and at an arbitrary point on the horizontal axis labeled “now”. Rather than draw a straight line to join the two, a zig-zag line, similar to that shown in Figure 1 and which the author likens to a factory roof line, should be drawn. This more accurately reflects the cycle of wins and losses the client is likely to have experienced and this fact should be made clear to the client as the line is drawn. Questions that probe the client’s actual history of wins and losses, if not already ascertained, should be asked at this time. The peaks represent substantial wins (substantial with respect to the clients gambling behaviour) followed by periods of loss.
The client is then asked to approximate their financial value now had they not participated in gambling during the intervening period. The process is essentially the same as calculating the accumulated losses over the time period, the end result being they will identify a financial value higher than their current value
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$60,000
Financial Amount wealth/ $40,000 value lost
$20,000
Time
now
Many people with gambling difficulties describe erroneous beliefs and myths associated with their gambling activity. Some of these are translated into behaviours. For example card players sometimes knock the table when being dealt a card, hoping it will bring a particular card. Electronic gaming machine players often operate favourite machines or may engage in such self-talk as “This machine is going to be good to me today” or “I haven't won for a while. I deserve to win today” or “This machine feels lucky to me”. Players will also talk to the machine as if it were a person: “Why didn't you pay me that time” or “Thank you” when a payout is made. These gamblers also engage in rituals: about the number of coins to insert prior to play, whether to allow credits to accumulate or be returned, the strength of handle pull or button push and the number of lines or coins played per game. These behaviours are based on beliefs the player has about their influence over the gambling outcome (Griffiths, 1993; Ladouceur et al., 1995; Ladouceur et al., 1998; Sylvain et al., 1997; Toneatto & Sobel, 1990; Toneatto et al., 1997).
Cognitive restructuring focuses on changing clients’ dysfunctional beliefs and attitudes that cause difficulties with gambling (Bujold et al., 1994; Coman & Burrows, 1999; Corless & Dickerson, 1989; Langer, 1975; Walker et al., 1994). Specific techniques assist in the development of appropriate beliefs and help provide accurate information regarding gambling.
The counsellor examines the gambler’s thoughts immediately prior to, during and following a gambling session (Griffiths, 1993; Ladouceur et al., 1995; Sylvain et al., 1997). Once the range of erroneous or superstitious beliefs and behaviours has been established, the client’s cognitions can be corrected. This involves challenging the individual’s beliefs and behaviours and replacing these with more reasonable beliefs and behaviours. The Funnel diagram
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Many clients with problem gambling behaviour associated with electronic gaming machines report the belief that “you have to spend big to win big”. These clients typically gamble on a number of lines on a machine and bet multiple credits per line. Anecdotal evidence from clients suggests the most popular denomination machine is a 5-cent machine and that preferred number of credits bet per line is 3 credits per line. Some clients may gamble 1 credit per line, while others gamble 5 or more credits per line. For the purpose of this example, 3 credits per line will be used but during assessment it is important to determine the exact nature of the client’s gambling behaviour, for example, the number of lines on which bets are placed and the number of credits bet per line. Most machines in Victoria, Australia, allow bets on up to 9 lines, with some allowing 20 lines of bets.
Individuals who experience difficulties with electronic gaming machines have indicated that raising their awareness of the rate at which gaming machines consume money during a normal gambling session is a helpful cognitive strategy. Clients often express surprise when they are shown that gambling 3 credits (on a 5 cent machine) on 9 lines equates to $1.35 per spin. They are usually able to correctly estimate that a “spin” takes between 3 and 5 seconds to complete. Thus, were a machine not to award any prizes or “free spins”, an initial $50 investment would be consumed in 37 spins, which would take approximately 3 minutes. Even if the machine awarded prizes that equalled the amount of the original $50 investment during the initial 3- minute period, this would double to a total of 6 minutes the amount of time available for play.
The funnel diagram is then drawn as follows:
Water flows in at 10 litres per minute. Water level rises at 1 litre per minute. Water flows out at 9 litres per minute.
The client is asked to imagine, with the aid of the diagram, a faucet or tap letting water run into a funnel. The tap flows constantly at a rate of 10 litres per minute. The outlet from the funnel is shaped so that it allows water to escape at the rate of 9 litres per minute. Clients are asked to describe what happens to the water level in the funnel. Most correctly identify that the level will rise at the rate of 1 litre per minute.
The same diagram is then drawn, but to a larger scale. This time, water flows into the funnel from the tap at the rate of 100 litres per minute. The outlet of the larger funnel is shaped so that it allows water to escape at the rate of 90 litres per minute.
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Water flows in at 100 litres per minute.
Water level rises at 10 litres per minute.
Water flows out at 90 litres per minute.
Clients identify that the water level in the funnel will rise at the rate of 10 litres per minute. They can identify that while the quantity of water coming out of the larger funnel is greater than the amount coming out of the smaller funnel, this is only because a greater amount is going into the larger one. Regardless of the quantity, the rate at which both funnels release water is the same, 90% of the amount that flows in.
Comparing the funnels with electronic gaming machines then completes the analogy. The smaller funnel illustrates betting a single credit per line and the larger funnel illustrates betting more than one credit per line. In both examples, the rising water level in both funnels represents the accumulation of funds by the gaming machine. Regardless of the amount wagered, the machines, on average, store approximately 10% of the amount of money invested. The diagrams enable clients to quickly identify that placing bets larger than a single credit per line only increases the quantity of money collected by the machine. Any increased winnings that occur as a result of the increased outlay are still, on average, less than the amount invested.
Conclusion
Many clients have expressed amazement following the provision of some or all of the above cognitive strategies to address problem gambling. These strategies have enabled them to reappraise and change their gambling. Their subsequent gambling behaviour is modified to reflect their newly acquired knowledge regarding gambling probabilities, rates of return, and the destination of gambling losses.
These strategies are by no means a cure all for all clients with gambling difficulties. They in no way address the many potential psychiatric, psychological or social issues which may contribute to an individual developing and maintaining problem gambling behaviour. However, when added to or utilised within a clinician's wider repertoire of counselling strategies, they can prove very helpful in changing client gambling behaviour.
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References
ARMSTRONG, M. (1993). Melbourne City Guide. Hawthorn, Australia: Lonely Planet Publications. BLASZCZYNSKI, A.P. (1995). Workshop on the assessment and treatment of pathological gambling. Australia and New Zealand Association of Psychiatry, Psychology and Law (ANZAPPL) Conference, Melbourne: May. BLASZCZYNSKI, A.P. (1998). Overcoming Compulsive Gambling: A Self–Help Guide using Cognitive Behavioral Techniques. London: Robinson Publishing Ltd. BLASZCZYNSKI, A.P. & SILOVE, D. (1995). Cognitive and behavioral therapies for pathological gambling. Journal of Gambling Studies, 11(2), 195-220. BRAMMER, L.M., ABREGO, P.J. & SHOSTROM, E.L. (1993). Therapeutic Counseling and Psychotherapy. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall. BUJOLD, A., LADOUCEUR, R., SYLVAIN, C. & BOISVERT, J. (1994). Treatment of pathological gamblers: an experimental study. Journal of Behavior Therapy and Experimental Psychiatry, 25(4), 275-282. BURKE, J.F. (1989). Contemporary Approaches to Psychotherapy and Counseling. Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole Publishing Company. CARSON, R.C., BUTCHER, J.N. & COLEMAN, J.C. (1988). Abnormal Psychology and Modern Life. United States of America: Harper Collins Publishers. COMAN, G.J. & BURROWS, G.D. (1999). Your Guide to Responsible Gambling. Melbourne: Mental Health Foundation. COMAN, G.J., SINGER, G., BURROWS, G.D., & SINGER, L. (1996a). A Self-Help Guide for Problem Gamblers. Melbourne: Addiction Research Institute. COMAN, G.J., EVANS, B.J., & BURROWS, G.D. (1996b). Problem gambling: treatment strategies and rationale for the use of hypnosis. Australian Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 24, 73-91. CORLESS, A. & DICKERSON, M. (1989). Gamblers’ self-perceptions of the determinants of impaired control. British Journal of Addictions, 84, 1527-1537. DICKERSON, M.G. (1989). Gambling: dependence without a drug. International Review of Psychiatry, 1, 157-172. DICKERSON, M.G. & HINCHY, J. (1988). The prevalence of excessive and pathological gambling in Australia. Journal of Gambling Behavior, 4, 135-151. DOWNING, L.N. (1977). Counselling Theories and Techniques: Summarized and Critiqued. Chicago: Nelson-Hall. EGAN, G. (1994). The Skilled Helper. Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole Publishing Company. ENCYCLOPAEDIA BRITTANICA (1998). Chicago: Author. GILLILAND, B.E., JAMES, R.K. & BOWMAN, J.T. (1989). Theories and Strategies in Counseling and Psychotherapy. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall. GLASSER, W. (1983). Stations of the Mind. New York: Harper & Row. GRIFFITHS, M. (1993). Pathological gambling: possible treatment using an audio playback technique. Journal of Gambling Studies, 9(3), 295-296. IVEY, A. E., IVEY, M. B. & SIMEK-DOWNING, L. (1987). Counselling and Psychotherapy: Integrating Skills, Theory and Practice. New Jersey: Prentice Hall International Inc. LADOUCEUR, R., DUBE, D., GIROUX, I., LEGENDRE, N. et al., (1995). Cognitive biases in gambling: American roulette and 6/49 lottery. Journal of Social Behavior and Personality, 10(2), 473-479.
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LADOUCEUR, R., SYLVAIN, C., LETARTE, H., GIROUX, I. & JACQUES, C. (1998). Cognitive treatment of pathological gamblers. Behaviour Research and Therapy, 36(12), 1111-1119. LANGER, E.J. (1975). The illusion of control. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 32, 311-328. MCCONAGHY, N., BLASZCZYNSKI, A.P., & FRANKOVA, A. (1991). Comparison of imaginal desensitisation with other behavioural treatments of pathological gambling: A two- to nine-year follow-up. British Journal of Psychiatry, 159, 390-393. MCCONVILLE, C. (1996). A short history of the tote. In M. CATHCART & K. DARIAN-SMITH (Eds), Place your Bets: Gambling in Victoria. Melbourne: The Australian Centre, University of Melbourne. MCMILLEN, J. (1996). The nexus between social policy, gambling and the provision of services. In M. MARQUASS, Z. FULLER, P. VODDEN & H. ROEL (Eds), Emerging Practices in Working with Gambling Problems (pp. 4-13). Proceedings of the Break Even National Practitioners Conference. Mermaid Beach, Queensland: Relationships Australia Queensland. MCMILLEN, J. (1997). The state of play: policy issues in Australian gambling. In B. TOLCHARD (Ed.), Towards 2000: The Future of Gambling (pp. 1-9). Proceedings of the Seventh National Association for Gambling Studies Conference. Adelaide: National Association for Gambling Studies. Meador, B.D & Rogers, C. (1973). Person-centred therapy. In R.J. Corsini (Ed.), Current psychotherapies (pp. 142-195). Itasca, Ill: FE. Peacock. MISCHEL, W. (1981). Introduction to Personality. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. NATIONAL CENTRE FOR EDUCATION AND TRAINING ON ADDICTION [NCETA], (2000). Current “Best Practice” Interventions for Gambling Problems: A Theoretical and Empirical Review. Melbourne: Victorian Department of Human Services. O’HARA, J. (1988). A Mug’s Game: A History of Gaming and Betting in Australia. Kensington, New South Wales: University of New South Wales Press. PRODUCTIVITY COMMISSION (1999a). Australia’s Gambling Industries (draft report). Canberra: Author. PRODUCTIVITY COMMISSION (1999b). Australia’s Gambling industries Inquiry Report. Canberra: Author. SHERTZER, B. AND STONE, S.C. (1980). Fundamentals of Counseling. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. SYLVAIN, C., LADOUCEUR, R. & BOISVERT, J. (1997). Cognitive and behavioral treatment of pathological gambling: A controlled study. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 65(5), 727-732. TONEATTO, T., BLITZ-MILLER, T., CALDERWOOD, K., DRAGONETTI, R. & TSANOS, A. (1997). Cognitive distortions in heavy gambling. Journal of Gambling Studies, 13(3), 253-266. TONEATTO, T. & SOBEL, L.C. (1990). Pathological gambling treated with cognitive behavior therapy: A case report. Addictive Research Foundation. VICTORIAN DEPARTMENT OF HUMAN SERVICES (2000). Client and Service Analysis Report Number 5: Analysis of Clients presenting to Break Even Problem Gambling Services July 1, 1998 to June 30, 1999. Melbourne: Author. WALKER, M.B. (1992). The Psychology of Gambling. Oxford: Pergamon Press.
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WALKER, M.B. (2000). Strategies for solving the insoluble: playing to win Queen Of The Nile. Paper presented at the 10th National Association for Gambling Studies Conference, Mildura, Australia. WALKER, M., BURNHAM, D. & BORLAND, R. (1994). Psychology. Brisbane: John Wiley & Sons. WILLIAMS, P. (1996). A hardy bet: Gambling in Australian literature. In J. MCMILLEN (Ed), Gambling Cultures: Studies in History and Interpretation (pp. 67- 84). London: Routledge. WOTHERSPOON, N.A. (1998). Gold fever circa 1850s: Gambling fever circa 1990s. In G. COMAN, B. EVANS. & R. WOOTTON (Eds), Responsible Gambling: A Future Winner (pp. 396-407). Proceedings of the Eighth National Association for Gambling Studies Conference. Melbourne: National Association for Gambling Studies.
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PUTTING THE CARDS ON THE TABLE: AN ADVOCATE’S EXPERIENCE
Kerrie Cross
Advocate for Responsible Gambling, Department of Justice, State of Victoria, Australia. Level 7/ 35 Spring Street, Melbourne. 3000 Phone 613 9651 4908 Email: [email protected]
ABSTRACT
‘Striking a Balance’, the title of the 2004 NAGS Conference, effectively describes one of the challenges of the role of Advocate for Responsible Gambling in Victoria; the Australian state where gambling has an exceptionally high public profile and has polarised community attitudes and opinions.
Twelve years on from the opening of the Casino and the introduction of 30,000 poker machines in Victoria, I have a role that requires me to listen and to persuade; to understand, negotiate, and at times interpret, a wide spectrum of divergent yet valid perspectives on crucial gambling related issues; issues that evoke strong antipathy towards and between proponents.
Gambling, in particular gambling on poker machines, has emerged as perhaps, the great moral issue of our age; an age in which concern for the wellbeing of individuals and communities, particularly the most vulnerable, coexists uncomfortably with the free market values of an enterprising society.
This discussion compares community attitudes to gambling with a range of social issues and locates the problem of gambling alongside other problems generated by a consumption based economy.
Introduction
The State of Victoria appointed me as Advocate for Responsible Gambling in August 2003. I have to confess that finding myself in this role was as surprising to me as it was to the colleagues and friends with whom I worked in health and human services in the not-for-profit and public sectors for nearly 30 years.
Along with many people, I was at first bewildered by the title for the position, but it has proved to be a wonderful conversation starter. It has led to many deep and meaningful discussions with close friends and complete strangers. It has exposed people’s values and their personal histories. It seems everyone I meet has a problem gambler in their family somewhere, just as I expect they have someone in their extended family with alcoholism, depression, or an eating disorder. At 1 – 2 % prevalence for each of these conditions, this is not surprising.
Many of these deep and meaningful conversations have taken place on Melbourne’s trams. Melbourne’s trams are unique. You find yourself touching knees with some
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very interesting people. It takes years of practice to ensure your boundary is impermeable and then, every so often, you or your intimate companion will let the guard down, and you hear another life history between the top and the bottom end of Collins or Bourke.
My usual route from home to office passes the Casino which happens to be opposite The Melbourne Exhibition Centre, affectionately nicknamed Jeff’s Shed after one of Victoria’s more charismatic and colourful State Premiers. Sometimes I wonder whether the driver is expressing his or her personal values when they call the stop. Some will call both venues, some, only the Casino; and some with what I suspect is a note of defiance in the voice when outbound; ‘the Melbourne Exhibition Centre is on the right’.
I was on a Melbourne tram when I received a call about this position from the search consultant. How could one be an Advocate for Responsible Gambling? Surely that is an oxymoron. Can there be responsible gambling? Could one advocate for gambling? Is that the intent of the position?
The 2003 NAGS Conference in Canberra was my introduction to the world of responsible gambling I am deeply appreciative of that opportunity to learn about what was for me, an entirely new field of endeavour. I am appreciative also of Leigh Barrett, well known in Australia as a pioneer in the field of problem gambling and a founder of NAGS who manages my office, as well as the people working in this field across Australia and overseas who gave their time generously to help me think through these very complex issues.
Background to the position
The position was established:
• To encourage, facilitate and promote responsible gambling; • To be an information conduit between government and gambling stakeholders, including community groups, industry participants and local government; • To participate in developing community education programs and training initiatives; • To provide input into the preparation of information campaigns and social marketing initiatives designed to promote responsible gambling; and • To be involved in early identification of emerging issues in the State's gambling arena and their likely social and regulatory impacts.
The Advocate was also appointed to chair the Problem Gambling Roundtable, a forum of industry, community and government representatives that discussed and debated strategies that might reduce the impact of problem gambling on individuals and communities. From the outset, the role was controversial. The community had lobbied for a position independent of government, a position analogous to an ombudsman or commissioner; a position with the freedom to be critical of government about its dependence on gambling revenue and electronic gaming machine (EGM) revenue in particular. My National Association for Gambling Studies (Australia) 57 2004 Conference Proceedings
first task was to win confidence. I had read the report that considered all options for the establishment of the role and could see the wisdom behind the decision to appoint the Advocate as a public servant.
I sought, with limited success, to persuade the critics, of the value of an ‘in house’ role by drawing on my experience as a health administrator in many other complex situations; the threatened relocation of St Vincent’s Hospital Melbourne, the closure of rural health services, the government’s reluctance to provide medical high technology in provincial cities. From all these experiences I knew that quiet conversations around the Parliament were as important, and in most circumstances, more effective, than carrying banners through the streets.
Interpretation of the role
Against this background, my task was to make sense of the role, for myself and for others; to interpret it and ensure that it made a useful contribution alongside the work of many other people who have been intensely engaged with these issues for a very long time.
I started with the dictionary and found a helpful meaning;
‘The role of an Advocate is to listen and to persuade’.
I listen to the concerns of the community and to the claims of the industry. I seek to persuade across the whole spectrum of prevention, protection and treatment; seeking commitment from community, operators, and venues, to strategies that will better inform, protect, and help.
In this role I have travelled hundreds of kilometres across the length and breadth of Victoria from Portland to Bairnsdale, from Geelong to Mildura, interstate and overseas. I have listened to community groups and individuals, sat with industry and community peak bodies, visited other states, met with foreign delegations and local governments and talked with senior people in other government departments and with Ministers.
This discussion has two strands; first are some of the challenges of developing an Advocate role within an area that has elements of ‘moral hazard’ and second are the cards that must be put on the table with government, industry, individuals and communities.
It was quite a challenge to come to terms with the element of ‘moral hazard’. For 25 years I was married to a Uniting Church minister who at the time he died, was the Executive Secretary of the Victorian Synod’s Division of Community Services. As a parish minister’s wife in Shepparton, Victoria in the late 1970’s and early 1980’s I watched the church’s crusade against establishing a casino. I did not march in the streets, but I certainly held views in sympathy with the majority of good church people.
At this time, I began my own career in health and human services, first in the field of child abuse and neglect, then in welfare, and later health administration ending my
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formal career as the state CEO of a large catholic private and public health system in Victoria. My role as Advocate for Responsible Gambling was to be my down sizing job. In some ways it was a shift from a ‘do good’, ‘feel good’ role, to an industry that some consider to be frivolous at its best, and noxious at its worst. At my farewell from St Vincent’s Health in July 2002, I said that I would look for roles that would allow me be or become a ‘wise old woman of the tribe’. Be careful what you wish for.
In a recent report released by the Gambling Research Panel in Victoria, 85% of people surveyed considered that EGM gambling is a serious social issue and that associated problems have worsened in the last three years. Earlier this year in Boston, I had a helpful conversation with Dr Howard Shaffer, the head of the School of Addiction Medicine at Harvard University. He suggested to me that EGM gambling was one of the great moral issues of our age, likening the fervour that surrounds it to the passionately held beliefs that led to the alcohol prohibition movement in America in the 1920’s. It seems that I have found a role that calls for wisdom.
So, how can we better understand and respond to problem gambling? By regarding it as a personal pathology, a consequence of the introduction of yet another social evil, or something else? Is it a distinctive and new problem, or a natural consequence of social change, consumerism and change in personal aspirations?
I decided to invite a group of media students from the Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology to help me prepare some visual images to illustrate this presentation and at the same time to engage with me and Leigh Barrett in some conversations about problem gambling. I think it is fair to say we had lot of fun and that the experience was an eye opener for all of us.
Society’s struggle to come to terms with gambling and the impact of problem gambling in particular can be understood as part of the desire for a ‘good’ life. A good life is no longer defined as mere survival; that is, food in our bellies, warm clothing in winter, and shelter. Our aspirations and hopes are increasingly for the good life as portrayed through the media and the advertising industry. As I finalised this talk for the publication deadline of 31st December, the post Christmas sales were in full swing. What better illustration of our prevailing values than the advertising hype, the crowds, the queues; and this in the midst of extreme poverty and the global crisis of the tsunami in the Indian Ocean. As (de Botton, 2004) has identified in his recent book, ‘Status Anxiety’, there is an almost universal anxiety about what others think of us. We yearn for those things that will improve our status and place, in whatever social group to which we belong, or aspire to join.
Drawing on William James in ‘Principles of Psychology’, de Botton notes that we are vulnerable to suggestions that we must look right, do the right things, be contactable at all times, have possessions that mark our status, and all the visible cues that we belong.
Success As William James concluded: Self-esteem = ------Pretensions
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Our vulnerability to dreams, aspirations and pretensions is well illustrated in an article in the Melbourne Herald Sun on October 24th this year. A survey conducted by YAHOO Australia, and New Zealand and Citibank found that the average cost of happiness for Australians was $9.05m. What is perhaps even more surprising is that of the individuals named, one Victorian who is a legend of compassion, concern and advocacy for the poor and disadvantaged, has dreams that would cost $2.1 m to materialise. With few if any of us it would seem, immune to these aspirations, is it any wonder we are a nation of gamblers?
Gambling is widely condemned but it is important to look at other accepted habits that are also potentially destructive of individual and social wellbeing. All these habits also deliver significant economic and employment benefits to societies that are arguably ‘good’. Lets consider other problem habits; problem fashion, for example.
Fashion is a trap for all ages, male and female and is related to what (de Botton, 2004) calls Status Anxiety. It is not a trap for everyone, but like gambling can be a problem for many.
The fashion industry is celebrated in about 40 ‘Fashion Weeks’ around Australia every year. It is a significant contributor to our economy and major events are attended by senior politicians and celebrities. It produces garments at huge cost that are essentially unwearable by ordinary people but which the young especially aspire to own. Many of these garments are produced in developing nations or in garages in our inner suburbs by garment worker sub contractors in conditions that are not dissimilar to the notorious manufacturing conditions of the 19th century. These adult garments are modelled by children as young as 13 whose Lolita-like qualities are celebrated and promoted as desirable, in a society bedevilled by paedophilia. These immature bodies also set the ‘standard’ for young women, contributing to at least some proportion of the prevalence of eating disorders.
Planned obsolescence is at the heart of this industry and it contributes to significant indebtedness. For some it is the source of a recognised pathological addiction, compulsive spending.
I hope it is not drawing too long a bow to suggest that the fashion industry causes as much grief in faded dreams and credit card debt as unsuccessful wagers. This would almost certainly be true of the 2004 racing season in Melbourne. I recall listening to a graphic description by the ABC’s Fashion commentator of scenes from the height of the gale that swept across Flemington Racecourse on Cup Day. Although photographed, hopefully these images of unfortunate fashion victims caught in a gale and a rainstorm will never appear in print or on television.
Consider Problem Mobile Phones. Imagine a product that returned $8.8 billion in revenue July 2002 – June 30 2003, growing from $6.1 Billion in 1999 – 2000 (Telstra Annual Report, 2003-2004).
This product has introduced innovation at an astonishing rate and has built in a number of very subtle tricks to maximise use and expenditure. It is promoted in a way that suggests it will keep children and young people safe, and at the same time enables them to always be part of the crowd. It is constantly developing new
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gimmicks that enhance the owner’s status. As well, this product is known to be addictive. Some people show symptoms of anxiety after quite short periods of time when it is not in use.
No, you are not surprised, you know this product; if you have teenagers you have probably paid some of these bills. You will be aware of the ‘tricks’ that add to your mobile carrier’s revenue without you recognising the significance of it. The time it takes to retrieve your messages and follow the long….slow…instructions. The fact that you cannot change the ring cycle from short to long without making a special journey to a dealer who has the secret code.
Mobiles are now being developed for marketing to the parents of pre- schoolers so that they can raise the alarm if they feel threatened by an adult.
Here is a product that exploits our vulnerability, sometimes leads to psychological dependence, is a factor in incurring significant debt especially by young people, has features that are exploitative and is strongly marketed and promoted to the young.
People who develop a dependency on this product often incur significant debt, usually on credit cards. It is not uncommon, even for young people with negligible earnings to incur debts exceeding $10,000. I suggest that if this level of debt was gambling related there would be significant community outrage.
We might further consider the ease of obtaining consumer credit, the methods used to promote the use of credit cards and to load people with unmanageable debt.
As gambling counsellors are all aware, there is very little protection by the finance industry for vulnerable people. Bad debts are accepted as part of the business strategy and offset against the profits from interest and fees from reliable customers. The financial institution’s risk is minimised by the careful valuing of mortgage securities.
What sets gambling apart from this social context?
We could ask the question, is gambling more or less ‘evil’ than other commercial enterprises that entice us to purchase non necessitous goods for profit. Every reader will know that gambling in some form or other has had a place in every society for eons and that museums the world over have collections that show this to be true. There are dice from ancient Egypt, games and toys from North American civilisations, early Greek and Roman examples.
In our society, gambling has made the transition from a social activity to a consumer product that takes its place with all other products that we are enticed to buy. The economic basis of modern human society in all but the least developed remnants of earlier civilisations depends on the production and sale of consumer goods including entertainment. Undeniably, gambling fits within this context. Not surprisingly, the industry is angered by suggestions that it is in any way an immoral or ‘illegitimate’ industry. Imagine the outcry if one was to crusade against the fashion industry even though arguably there may be at least as many strong reasons to do so.
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So what does this mean for how I make sense of the role of Advocate, especially how I reconcile the value conflicts that are inherent in the gambling industry? This leads me to the next theme.
What are the cards that must be laid on the table?
My first strand of argument was essentially about my struggle to reconcile personal values and a lifetimes’ commitment to ‘healing’, with working in a role connected with a product that, without any doubt at all, destroys the enjoyment of life for many people.
Just as, when a young social worker, I learned that I could not judge the mothers of hungry, poorly clothed and emotionally deprived children for choosing to spend a high proportion of their meagre resources on cigarettes, beer, chips and soft drink, I cannot judge people who become addicted to gambling, or who chose this set of thrills and spills for recreation, or who gamble in the vain hope that this will change their life’s path.
I have developed a set of opinions that guide my work and underpin my conversations with colleagues, with people in state and local government, with the industry, with consumers, with service providers, and with concerned community groups all over Victoria.
• It is important to understand problem gambling as a consequence of the availability of a consumer product that, like alcohol, is potentially harmful for some people; in fact, with regard to EGM’s most likely many people.
• Gambling is exciting, fun, sociable, risky and, for some, dangerous.
• The risks need to be understood within the context of our ‘whole of society values’ and the incentives and drivers to acquire and succeed, that leave many people vulnerable and exposed to the purveyors of all kinds of goods and services from refrigerators and carpets to fashion and mobile phones.
• The desire to gamble is linked, perhaps strongly so, to social impoverishment and the phenomenon of loneliness, now so pervasive in our society.
• The incentives to gamble and thus to risk becoming addicted arise from an interplay of personal and social factors. But undoubtedly there are people who are more vulnerable to risk for all the reasons that are understood by those who provide the products, and those who work to reduce the risk and treat the casualties.
So what is on the cards for government, industry, community and individuals?
For industry:
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I was pleased to find that I was to share a platform with Dr Rufus Black. The Ethics of Gambling, (Black and Ramsay, 2003), has enriched the discussion of these issues and has articulated some real challenges for the conduct of gambling.
The call to ‘do no harm’ is explicit throughout that paper and is expressed in statements such as
‘Their (industry’s) actions must avoid being likely to ...take advantage of people whose decision-making processes are in some way impaired or particularly vulnerable to distortion’
In putting the cards on the table, I operate in the belief that most industry operators, venue owners, and managers, have a real and genuine concern about the harm created by this product. Despite this, they have a range of different views about cause and effect and to varying degrees, rationalise away the more disturbing and challenging facts.
‘Putting the cards on the Table’ is simply to say, ‘You tell me that you do not want to derive your revenue from problem gamblers, lets see what that might mean in practice and let’s work together to ensure that we do all we can to minimise that risk’.
It’s a big call. It is essentially the ongoing work of all the processes we have in place and the new Responsible Gambling Ministerial Advisory Council in Victoria must give expression to this commitment.
There will be some big challenges.
• For example, the responsible service of alcohol is much more interventionist than is customary or supported for gambling. How long will venue operators be able to stay at arms length on the grounds that there are no reliable indicators that a gambler is ‘over the limit’? Imagine messages with the strength of the ‘Bloody Idiot’ drink driving campaign about poker machines!
• The limitations of the current self-exclusion schemes must be faced and committed effort given to improving them.
• The industry will need to work with the community sector and government on hard edged research that is methodologically sound, that accesses industry data and that is used to shape industry behaviour and government policy.
There is a challenge for venue operators to recognise that if they are the safe, warm, welcoming place for people who have little other joy and comfort in their life, there is a responsibility to provide a range of choices in the manner of some of the better clubs. The message needs to be, “You are welcome here, and you can spend your money getting real benefits such as friendship, socialisation and a range of entertainment and activity.”
For individuals:
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I have been concerned about the extent to which debates about society’s response to problem gambling are polarised around whether it is about personal pathology or about structural/societal issues. This polarisation divides industry and community and adds complexity to all attempts to collaborate on harm reduction strategies.
As social planners, and educators, as health and welfare practitioners, whatever our focus, skill, experience, theoretical understanding or values, we must recognise that the human incentive and desire to gamble, even when we know the odds, lies at the heart of the matter.
Personal strategies including risk awareness, informed choice, pre-commitment and individual treatment or therapy still need a great deal of attention and effort.
• In this area, the cards that must be put on the table include the request for a place in life skills education, for more research into the relative efficacy of treatment methods, and greater understanding and capacity to address the reasons few problem gamblers seek or stay in treatment.
For government:
I believe that the structural/societal factors and the individual and personal factors are equally significant in the whole landscape of this problem and that our hopes for prevention, protection and treatment, rely on collaboration across all levels and many functions of government and community.
It is also the Advocate’s role to work with government to ensure that there is adequate protection built in to the organisation and regulation of the industry. Recognising the importance of respecting individual rights and freedoms, the state has a responsibility to protect vulnerable members of society and to restrict or control opportunities for exploitation.
Many are cynical about the state’s commitment to strong regulation. Here again, it is useful to make some comparisons and to consider the efforts, short of prohibition, that have been put into modifying risk behaviour with regard to smoking and alcohol and link it to revenue comparison from these sources.
Total Australian Taxation Revenue from high risk, potentially harmful activity derived from the Australian Bureau of Statistics Time Series Spread Sheet 5204.0.
2002-2003
Alcohol consumption $2,860 million Tobacco consumption $5,140 million Gambling $3,950 million
In the first year of the Advocate role it became apparent that government responses to problem gambling, at least in Victoria were fragmented and that the important research, policy and advocacy continuum was not properly in place. I am concerned that opportunities are lost whenever the Australian Government and the states are
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diverted by political point scoring. There is much more that can be done in a collaborative environment.
Victoria has now agreed to some changes in its structural response to problem gambling and responsible gambling that are illustrated in this diagram and that will hopefully deliver better outcomes.
Coordination Community Research PREVENTION Engagement •Knowledge & Awareness •Informed Choice •Life Skills Education •Community Strengthening •Healthy Communities
•Research
PROTECTION RGMAC Engagement Cross Responsible Gambling with Research Agenda •Code of Conduct Departmental Ministerial Advisory Committee Committee Linking Research to •Product Measures Policy Equal representation from Access to Cash DOJ • DVC industry and Community Expert Review Panel
•Family Protection DHS DET •Credit Policy & Practices
•Research
TREATMENT •Crisis Line • Face to Face Counselling •Financial Counselling •General Counselling •Mental Health Services
•Research and Evaluation
For community:
As mentioned earlier, 85 % of the Victorian population are very concerned about the level of poker machine gambling in the community. Few of us who have worked in human services would argue that alcohol is any less destructive. It has been said, if there is a solution to problem drinking, there will be a solution to problem gambling.
Any early 20th century inner suburban corner pub with the familiar ceramic tiled cladding to a height of two or three meters serves as a useful reminder that no matter how much of a problem excessive alcohol consumption is today, there have been times in history, particularly among the poor when it had much more serious social consequences leading to prohibition and widespread temperance movements. The fashion for ceramic cladding was not an architectural fad it was for ease of cleaning after 6.00 PM.
Community awareness about problem drinking is much higher and more pervasive at all levels of community and government. Significantly more work has been undertaken, and more cooperatively, between state and federal governments on this
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issue. It is interesting to compare the profile given to responsible drinking and responsible gambling in some pub and club venues.
Recognising problem gambling as the interplay of personal and structural/ societal issues leads us to place a much stronger emphasis on community information and awareness-raising at all levels, as we have done for alcohol, road safety, smoking and now obesity. It is a public health and well-being issue in the broadest understanding of that term.
There is a challenge to neighbourhoods and communities to work harder to meet human needs for companionship and community connectedness. There are some outstanding challenges and opportunities here for Australia’s burgeoning new suburbs where often, certainly in Victoria, a club or pub is the first and often the only recreational option.
The RMIT students took a trip to Point Cook where Leigh Barrett, my colleague, is, in his other life, the President of the Point Cook Resident’s Association. This association has the largest membership of any such body in Australia. Here, people are making friends and becoming engaged through neighbourhood watch, community gardening projects, the establishment of a community bank, lobbying for better roads and more parks and community facilities.
It is encouraging that whilst 40 years ago, new towns were built without any community infrastructure, now, it is at least the second thought. Developers are employing social planners to guide them in project development and community engagement.
Problem gambling has roots in poverty and loneliness and in the propensity of some individuals to become addicted. It is these considerations that must shape our remedies.
Conclusion
We are all party to this problem. Through schools, hospitals and social infrastructure we all benefit from the taxation revenue and the stimulus to state and local economies.
There is deep ambivalence about the industry and genuine concern for problem gamblers and their families. None of us can escape the societal responsibility to protect and care for vulnerable people, those who have become addicted, and their families.
References Australian Bureau of Statistics Time Series Spread Sheet 5204.0 Australian System of National Accounts Table 52: Household Final Consumption Expenditure, Current Prices. Black, R. & Ramsay, H. (2003) ‘The Ethics of Gambling: Guidelines for Players and Commercial Providers’; International Gambling Studies, Vol. 3, No. 2 Botton, A. (2004) Status Anxiety; Australia; Penguin, 55 Melbourne Herald Sun Newspaper 24th October 2004 Pg 4 Telstra Annual Report 2004.
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THE EVOLUTION OF RESPONSIBLE GAMBLING
Howard A Dreitzer
Senior Vice President - Australia and General Manager of Conrad Jupiters, Gold Coast
ABSTRACT
The intention of my presentation is twofold. To talk about our theme this year “striking a balance” and to stimulate our thought processes as to what casinos may look like in 50 years. “Hazy goals produce hazy results”. I believe we should start to think about the future and what we are heading towards. There is a sincere desire within the industry to provide a great gaming entertainment experience without causing those who have compulsive problems undue harm. We recognize that these people exist but they are a minority of the people who use our product. We do want to be responsible providers and have mechanisms in place to help when needed.
I will also be giving a little background on myself and my experiences in the gaming industry. I started in the gaming industry at the ground level in the casino and worked most positions until my current one. I have seen the evolution of gaming from that time until now from a workers perspective as well as a managers. I believe our industry is on a journey and is not yet where they want to, or should, be.
Introduction - Striking A Balance
Striking a Balance is essential because balance and the notion of shared responsibility are critical for any casino business to embrace in order to create sustainable value for the community, the government as well as the industry.
My paper will be focusing on the evolution of responsible gambling from the perspective of Casinos and I aim to take you on a little journey down memory lane to see how it was, then, look at where we are now and finally I wish to be a little provocative and speculate on how our Industry will address responsible gambling in the future.
Las Vegas
So, you probably want to know about interesting and humorous stories I have picked up along the way. This is an area that I have to be careful in. As you can imagine, I began my career in Las Vegas in the 70’s. My industry was in an evolutionary stage when I joined it. It had been run by people who were very smart and cunning but not at all in a business like fashion. There was no such thing as Responsible Gambling.
We actively encouraged the customers to participate in gambling and there were lots of tables with big action from the high rollers (whales) who were given as many free drinks as they wanted. We even encouraged them to drink more whilst they were
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gambling. Our bosses kept on dreaming up new ways to encourage the punters to bet more. There were definitely no windows or clocks to make the customers aware of the passage of time. I recall an incident where an extremely intoxicated customer won about $20,000. He was encouraged to put this money into the Cage for safe keeping when he went home. The next day he returned to the casino and was completely unaware of how much he had won the previous evening. I was given a lot of exposure to some very famous people, Frank Sinatra, Dean Martin, Barbara Streisand, Don Johnson, Ray Charles, etc…….. It was exciting at first to meet these people, unfortunately, the reality of them doesn’t always match ones expectations.
Expansion of the Casino Industry
As large public companies became involved and applied standard business disciplines to casino entertainment the revenues and margins grew phenomenally.
The industry went on an incredible expansion mode that has continued into current times, affording much opportunity to advance oneself. Social Responsibility became a key consideration for the Casino Industry. When I worked as the Chief Operating Officer of Harrah's Casino in New Orleans I was introduced to these ideas. It was here that I was first introduced to a Responsible Gambling message. The tag line ‘Bet with your head, not over it’ was created for Harrah’s and used widely within the U.S. All these years later, we have adopted the same tag line which is used by all of the Tabcorp Casinos in Australia.
You can see actually see an example of this particular sign inside the Casino at the end of one of our gaming machine banks.
Responsible Gambling in Queensland
In the past 18 months, I have had the privilege to be involved with the Queensland Responsible Gambling Advisory Committee – more affectionately known as the RGAC. This year I have been the Chair of that Committee. Conrad Jupiters Casino has an external strategy for Responsible Gambling in Queensland and I would like to share this with you today to demonstrate our strong commitment to the Queensland self-regulatory Code.
In Australia, gambling is the responsibility of State Governments and it is the Queensland Treasury who make the laws, regulate the industry and collect the revenue derived from the gambling industry in this State. The Treasurer (Terry Mackenroth) is the Minister responsible for gambling in our State.
The Queensland Office of Gaming Regulation (QOGR) is the Government Department who regulate gambling make sure that the gambling industry complies with the legislation (in other words the rules/laws).
Q.O.G.R has an office on site at both Conrad Jupiters and Conrad Treasury Casinos and they are the people who issue the licences for our gaming staff members
Now, reporting directly to David Ford, the Executive Director of QOGR is the Research & Community Engagement Division (RCED). They are concerned with
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development of the policy direction for Gambling in Queensland. The policy direction highlights the need for an overarching strategy to address social issues that have arisen from the rapid growth of gambling in Queensland. The initiatives outlined in the strategy reflect the government’s response to public concern about the potential adverse impacts of gambling.
The strategy includes problem gambling prevention initiatives, community education, an industry code of practice, early intervention approaches, expanded treatment and support services and a comprehensive research agenda.
In 1996, The Queensland Responsible Gambling Advisory Committee was formed to provide advice to Government and now the Minister (Treasurer). The committee is a partnership between community, industry and government and representatives from each sector make up the membership. Industry is not just casinos it includes lotteries, charitable and non-profit gambling organizations, Hotels, Clubs, TAB, Keno and Racing.
The community is represented by Gambling Help (formerly Break Even), Queensland Council of Social Services, Ethnic Communities Council, Heads of Churches and Gamblers Anonymous.
The government is represented by Dept of Communities and Disability Service, QOGR (Qld Treasury), Queensland Health, Research & Community Engagement Division (Q.O.G.R.)
The advisory committee has developed the first, whole-of-industry voluntary Code of Practice in Australia. The Code provides best practice responsible gambling initiatives.
The Queensland Responsible Gambling Code of Practice was launched in May 2002. All Queensland Casinos are committed to the responsible gambling practices outlined in the Code.
A five year plan has been identified by the Government for the achievement of the Code of Practice outcomes. Results for the first year of implementation indicate a favourable response by the industry to a voluntary approach measured by a desire for a non-regulatory approach and the overall level of commitment to the Code of Practice.
A Report on the Implementation Review of the Code was released in February 2004 and recommended the voluntary approach to the Code of Practice be sustained into the Phase 2 Review. Gambling providers’ level of commitment to implementation of the Code was used as a means to evaluate effectiveness of implementation.
The Conrad Casinos were assessed as 100% committed to the Code of Practice with no implementation issues identified. We have a high standard of regulatory compliance and infrastructure which facilitated the successful and effective implementation of all of the practices.
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The Queensland Responsible Gambling Resource Manual was developed in collaboration with gambling industry sectors. It is maintained by the Research & Community Engagement Division of Q.O.G.R. with advice from the RGAC. It assists gambling providers to implement the Code of Practice.
It also includes
1. Guidance for gambling providers to develop & implement their Responsible Gambling Policy. 2. Examples of practices that conform to industry best practice. 3. An outline of responsible gambling strategies specific to each sector of the industry, based upon the practices of the Code of Practice.
The Department of Communities and Disability Service, who reports directly to the Minister for Communities, receive funds from Treasury for the Community. These funds are distributed to the Community through a tender process. Their role is to provide:
Prevention and Intervention - strategies are developed through Community Education to raise awareness about gambling related issues.
Education – responsible gambling is included in the school curriculum and a Responsible Gambling Teaching Resource Kit has been provided to every school in Queensland as part of the Queensland Governments Responsible Gambling strategy.
Treatment & Support – Funding is provided for the Gambling Helpline and the Gambling Help services (formerly Break Even). These programs offer a counselling and rehabilitation service for people having difficulties with gambling.
Future
So, we have had a look at what has been and where we are at. How will the Casino Industry look in the year 2020? I see an industry that has embraced social responsibility in all its forms, Responsible Service of Alcohol, Responsible Service of Gambling, smoking reforms, employee satisfaction and protection both for staff and consumers………. Technology will totally or significantly change the casino floor over the next 15 years. Gaming machines will become 100% cashless and gamblers will insert a debit card or smart card to begin any form of gaming. The casino floor will mimic technology found outside the market. The casino industry lives on trickle-down technology like videogame devices that remember where a player has left off in a quest to attain a certain point or reward level. One of the key motivators in this form of technology is the notion of - I’ve got to see what’s next and I’ve got to achieve the next level in the game………that’s the challenge for the player.
A suite of games would be available to the industry that could be changed at a click of a mouse button to provide variety for the players.
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Casinos of the future will be exciting and provide a variety of entertaining opportunities and a multitude of destination gambling experiences. (Different from indiscriminate convenience gambling).
They will provide a club for their members, a pub for those who enjoy a drink with live entertainment, shows either live or via multi-media links to live events in other locations or perhaps other countries.
Casino loyalty programs will incorporate discounts and complimentaries for play but will not create incentives to play more. Eg. The Host (who may be electronic or robotic) may offer a room for the night for past play (appropriate) but they would not offer an incentive to an unknown customer (say dinner) for future play as this would be inappropriate.
Casinos will all provide resources that encourage their customers not to gamble excessively and understand the idea of balance eg. Win, loose, see a show, watch a band, meet friends in the club.
Partnerships between community, government and the gambling industry will be the norm and people who don’t appear to be enjoying themselves will always be provided with the same level of customer service as those who are still having fun.
Conclusion
For the future, I still see an industry that is exciting, different, vibrant, ever changing and much fun to work in. I would like to think that we add value to society by providing another alternative form of entertainment. Let’s face it, casinos are exciting and full of mystique. They have a heartbeat like very few other businesses. It becomes pleasurable to be at work because of those dynamics. And, remember if you are considering a flutter over the next couple of day
BET WITH YOUR HEAD, NOT OVER IT
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A PROFILE OF PROBLEM GAMBLING CLIENTS IN NORTHERN NSW
Barry Evans, Yvonne Corrigan, Jeremy Buultjens, John Haw, Nerilee Hing & Helen Breen
Contact: Associate Professor Nerilee Hing, Centre for Gambling Education and Research, Southern Cross University, PO Box 157 Lismore NSW, 2480, Australia. Ph 61 2 6620 3928. [email protected]
ABSTRACT
This paper analyses the first four and a half years of client data from the Northern Rivers Gambling Service (NRGS), an outpatient gambling counselling and education service operated by The Buttery in the Northern Rivers region of NSW. Because the NRGS provides the vast majority of problem gambling services in the region, these data provide an accurate and comprehensive profile of people presenting for gambling problems in the region. This paper profiles these clients in terms of their socio- demographic characteristics, gambling activity, gambling problems, and treatment details. Compared to the findings of the Productivity Commission’s (1999) Survey of Clients of Counselling Agencies, the NRGS deals with a higher proportion of males, single people, people on government pensions, and clients whose main gambling activity is gaming machines. Clients at the NRGS also appear to have a longer duration of gambling problems when first presenting for treatment.
Introduction
The purpose of this study was to profile clients presenting to the Northern Rivers Gambling Service (NRGS) between November 1999 and April 2004. This profiling exercise, the first undertaken by the NRGS, will aid the Service by informing its objectives which include: • to raise community awareness of the problems associated with excessive gambling • to provide information to gamblers, their families and the wider community; and • to adequately resource other, associated agencies.
It is also hoped that the data will form the basis of a longitudinal study, which will be useful in evaluating the long-term effectiveness of NRGS programs.
To contextualise the study, this paper begins with an overview of the history of the development of the NRGS and its relationship with The Buttery. Consideration is then given to problem gambling from the perspective of the counselling and treatment services provided by the NRGS. A brief synopsis of the population, and other distinguishing socio-economic characteristics of the Northern Rivers area are subsequently presented, before the method and findings of the analysis are discussed. History of the Buttery
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The formation of the NRGS has its roots in the development of The Buttery. Located at Binna Burra, between Bangalow and Lismore in the Northern Rivers region of NSW, the building and site had been a butter factory owned by a local dairy co- operative until it was sold to private owners in 1947. In 1973 the site was donated to a local Anglican Church Army Officer, who had foreseen a need for a dedicated youth service in the area.
‘The Buttery’ operated as a drop in, residential refuge under the auspices of the Anglican Church for several years, until, in 1978, a grant from the NSW Government saw its services targeted toward providing rehabilitation and accommodation for drug and alcohol affected people. Today, The Buttery is the largest provider of drug, alcohol and gambling services in the Northern Rivers region and is acknowledged by clients, stakeholders and other service providers as one of the best organisations of its kind in Australia. It provides ‘3 distinct services: a residential drug and alcohol rehabilitation centre operating as a therapeutic community; an outpatient/outreach drug counselling and education service; and an outreach/outpatient gambling counselling and education service’ (The Buttery 2004). The gambling counselling service operates as the NRGS, and is funded by the NSW Casino Community Benefit Fund.
Problem Gambling Services at the NRGS
One of the major social impacts of legalised commercial gambling is problem gambling. While explanations for problem gambling vary amongst psychological, psychiatric and sociological schools of thought, there is no doubt that it has negative impacts. As the Australian Institute for Gambling Research (1999:99) notes, ‘since the 1950s the documentation of the extent and degree to which involvement in gambling activities can lead to very significant distress and disruption of an individual’s personal and family life has been established beyond doubt’. Further, costs of problem gambling extend beyond the family unit to other stakeholders, such as welfare services, employers, and the legal system. Problem gambling is an issue that has been attracting increasing concern with the recent proliferation of commercial gambling in Australia.
In order to address these impacts and their causes, the NRGS provides a range of self assessment tools and other information through their website at www.nrgs.org.au. The diversity of people and wide geographic reach of the Northern Rivers lends itself to this approach. Where contact is made with the Service, gamblers are offered a series of face-to-face counselling sessions, depending on the needs and circumstances of the individual. An outreach service is also available, and the NRGS provides assistance with self-exclusion from venues where this forms a part of the treatment program. Currently two counsellors provide these services. The NRGS has also developed and is actively implementing an industry and community liaison program, providing advice on responsible gambling practices to gambling businesses in the Northern Rivers.
To assess the extent of client gambling problems, and thus be in a position to tailor treatment, the DSM-IV criteria are administered to gamblers by NRGS counsellors. The DSM-IV is a reliable and valid instrument for the classification of problem gambling (Stinchfield 2003), which has as its major indicator preoccupation with
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gambling (Australian Institute for Gambling Research 1997). Client scores for each of the DSM-IV criteria are presented in the results section of this paper. The NRGS also collects demographic data on its clients and details on their gambling activity, gambling problems and the impacts of these problems on other facets of their clients’ lives.
Characteristics of the Northern Rivers Region
The Northern Rivers region of NSW comprises several diverse coastal and rural shires covering approximately 21,000 square kilometres, extending from the Queensland border to the mid-north coast of NSW. This region contains several local government areas including Tweed, Byron, Ballina, Lismore, Pristine Waters, Richmond Valley, Copmanhurst, Kyogle, Maclean and Grafton shires (Hunter Valley Research Foundation 2003). The population of the Northern Rivers was 262,216 at the 2001 census, constituting 4% of the State’s population, with sustained growth experienced in the ten years to 2003 (Hunter Valley Research Foundation 2003).
The region has a higher proportion of households with no children, lone parent households and higher unemployment than the state average, although employment opportunities are increasing. People aged between 20 and 39 are under-represented across the region and persons over 55 years of age are over-represented, relative to NSW (Hunter Valley Research Foundation 2003). The average annual income and proportion of people engaged in work in the Northern Rivers area are lower than the state average (Hunter Valley Research Foundation 2003), reflecting the higher proportion of people on government benefits. Educational attainment is also low relative to Sydney; with ‘…proportionally more early school leavers…and proportionally fewer people who have completed Year 12’ (Hunter Valley Research Foundation 2003: ii). Thus, the socio-economic profile of the area is one of relatively low average incomes and a generally ageing population.
Gambling Opportunities in the Northern Rivers Region
It is widely acknowledged that the growth of legalised, commercial gambling in western society has increased participation rates and, therefore, contributes to an increased incidence of problem gambling (Australian Institute for Gambling Research 1999; Petry and Armentano 1999; Productivity Commission 1999). In the Northern Rivers, clubs and hotels are the main providers of gambling. There are 146 licensed clubs and hotels in the area (TropicalNSW Directory 2004), most of which have gaming machines, and the National Institute of Economic and Industry Research (2003) notes that the ‘Northern Coastal’ region of NSW, which includes the Northern Rivers region, ranks second in the state in terms of concentration of clubs and pubs and third in terms of gaming machine density. The nearest casino is Conrad Jupiters on the Gold Coast, located approximately 85 kilometres from Bangalow (Map Maker 2004). The horseracing sector is also represented in the area. Those racecourses with active annual programs are located within the main population centres of Murwillumbah, Ballina, Lismore, Casino and Grafton. The area also has numerous TAB outlets, most of which are located in pubs and clubs, as are keno facilities. The usual range of lottery products is readily available through newsagencies.
Methodology
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Like many gambling counselling service providers in NSW, the NRGS keeps and records detailed data on clients who contact the Service for help with gambling- related problems. This client database presented an opportunity for comprehensive analysis, to provide information to the Service to assist with their activities.
In mid-2004, the NRGS passed their database of de-identified clients who had presented to the Service between November 1999 and April 2004 to the researchers, who converted the Access data to a format acceptable for statistical analysis. The converted data were cleansed, and any anomalies corrected. Of the 407 cases present in the initial file of NRGS clients, 354 were gamblers, 44 were partners of gamblers, and 2 were other family members. Seven cases were missing or incomplete. Only data related to the 354 gamblers were analysed using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS).
The results of this analysis are now presented in three sections. The first provides a socio-demographic profile of treatment-seeking clients, while the second section describes these clients’ gambling activities and gambling problems. The third section presents data relating to the clients’ treatment and outcomes of that treatment at the NRGS.
Socio-Demographic Profile of NRGS Clients
This section profiles the NRGS clients in terms of age, gender, marital status, dependent children, country of birth, main source of income and family history of gambling, drawing comparisons with the Productivity Commission data where possible.
Age
The age of NRGS clients when first presenting for treatment ranged from 18 to 76 years, with the mean age being 42 years. Figure 1 shows the age distribution of presenting clients. The most common age category is 35-44 years, which aligns with the most common age category amongst Australian gamblers seeking counselling as found by the Productivity Commission (1999). Age when presenting for treatment varied significantly between males and females at the p ≤ .001, with the average age of males being 39.5 years and females 45.2 years. This is consistent with other research (Lesieur, 1993; Productivity Commission, 1999), which has found that males typically develop gambling problems at a younger age than females.
See Figure 1.
Gender
There were 191 men and 162 women in the sample of gamblers, meaning that approximately 54% of clients who presented to the NRGS for gambling treatment during the study period were male. This compares to the Northern Rivers population distribution of 49% males (Hunter Valley Research Foundation 2003) and the
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Productivity Commission’s (1999) findings that 51.4% of problem gamblers in counselling were males. Thus, males are over-represented amongst those presenting for treatment at the NRGS, as shown in Table 1.
Marital status and children
The majority of clients were single (38%), followed by married (32%) and divorced (14%). 8% of clients were in a de facto relationship and 8% had separated. This is demonstrated in Figure 2. Compared to the Productivity Commission data profiling problem gamblers in counselling (1999), single people are over-represented, and married, defacto, divorced and separated people are under-represented amongst the NRGS clients. Further, about 40% of clients had dependent children (i.e. under 15 years or 15-24 years and full-time students).
Country of birth
The vast majority of NRGS clients were born in Australia (85%), and of these, about 4% or 13 clients were of Indigenous or Torres Strait Islander descent. Another 5% of clients were born in England and 3% in New Zealand. The birthplace for the remainder of clients was spread across 14 additional countries.
Main source of income
The main source of income of clients who presented to the NRGS for treatment is shown in Figure 3. There were 51% who reported that a government pension or benefit was their main source of income, with about 22% in full-time work, 19% in part-time work, 6% were dependent on another person for income and 3% reported other sources of income. Compared to the Productivity Commission data profiling problem gamblers in counselling (1999), people on government pensions and benefits are very much over-represented amongst the NRGS’s clients (51% compared to 30% from the Productivity Commission data), reflecting the high unemployment rate, number of retirees and number of single parents in the Northern Rivers region.
Gambling amongst the family
Clients were asked to disclose the history of gambling amongst other family members, although about one-third did not provide this information. ‘Other relatives’ such as grandparents, aunts and uncles and cousins, were most frequently nominated as gamblers (by 28% of clients). The next most cited family member was the mother only (11%), followed by siblings (8.2%) and both the father and mother and the father only (4.5% each).
Gambling and Problem Gambling Profile of NRGS Clients
This section presents data relating to the clients’ main gambling activities, duration of gambling problems, gambling losses, financial debt, their DSM-IV scores and certain correlates of problem gambling.
Main gambling activity
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As shown in Figure 4, clients presenting for treatment collectively engaged in a wide range of gambling activities (although 18 clients did not provide this data). However the main gambling activity for the vast majority of clients was gaming machines (88%), which is higher than the Productivity Commission’s finding that gaming machines are associated with 65-80% of problem gamblers in counselling (1999). Approximately 8% of NRGS clients engaged mainly in TAB/phonetab/racing and sportsbetting, while small numbers of clients reported their main gambling activity as casino table games, lotto and lotteries gambling, on-course betting, and participation in card games.
Duration of gambling problems
Of the 354 clients, only 300 reported the duration of their gambling problems. Of these, about 43% reported experiencing gambling problems for 10 years or more, a much higher proportion than the 30% of clients in the Survey of Clients of Counselling Services (Productivity Commission, 1999) who had experienced gambling problems for this length of time. However, about 30% of NRGS clients had been experiencing gambling problems for 3 years or less, as shown in Figure 5. The average duration of gambling problems for the NRGS clients was 9.9 years, compared to 8.7 years reported by the Productivity Commission (1999) from its Survey of Clients of Counselling Agencies. Further, the duration of gambling problems differed significantly at the p ≤ .001 level for males and females presenting to the Service (11.5 years for males and 7.7 years for females). This difference is consistent with the Productivity Commission’s observation that females tend to experience gambling problems of shorter duration, probably reflecting the relative recency of involvement by women in gambling (1999). Not surprisingly, the duration of gambling problems was positively correlated at the p ≤ .001 level with client age when presenting for treatment and the amount of gambling losses sustained.
Gambling losses
Table 2 shows clients’ self-reported losses from gambling, although over 40% were unable to estimate this figure. Some of these commented that they did not know how much they had lost, or that they had lost ‘everything’. Of those who could estimate their losses, the average loss was $135,924, although the range was $200 to $2,000,000. Consistent with prior research (for example, Australian Institute for Gambling Research 1994; Australian Institute for Gambling Research 1996; Delfabbro and Winefield 1996), the average loss for males of $181,188 was significantly higher than that for females ($71,340) at the p ≤ .003 level.
Financial debt
Clients were asked to nominate the amount of debt, excluding mortgages, that they had accrued at the time they presented to the Service, although more than half did not provide this information. Of those who did, the average debt was $14,918, with a range of zero debt to $200,000. Table 3 shows this distribution. At the time of interview men owed an average of $16,538, while females owed $12,339, although this difference was not statistically significant. Not surprisingly, the clients’ level of debt was positively correlated with amount they had lost through gambling (p ≤ .001).
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DSM-IV scores
Of the 354 NRGS clients, only 295 completed the DSM-IV scale. Of these, 254 clients or 86% of those completing the DSM-IV scored 5 or higher, with the mean score being 6.8, with no significant difference between males and females. The distribution of DSM-IV scores is shown in Table 4.
Correlates of problem gambling
The NRGS also collects data on whether the clients’ gambling problems have impacted on other facets of their life. These ‘correlates of problem gambling’ relate to whether the clients’ gambling has impacted on their relationships, finances, mood, family, physical wellbeing, employment, and leisure activities, and whether the gambling has led to legal problems. Other ‘correlates of problem gambling’ for which data are collected are substance abuse, violent behaviour and mental disorders. Table 5 shows the number of ‘yes’ responses for each of these correlates amongst the NRGS clients. Clearly, for most clients, their gambling problems have a diverse range of negative effects on their lives.
Treatment Details
Details on the treatment received by clients at the NRGS are detailed in this section. Included are the year clients presented for treatment, number of treatment sessions, and outcomes of treatment.
Year clients presented for treatment
Table 6 shows that the number of clients presenting at the NRGS for treatment in each calendar year has increased over the previous year. In 1999 only one client was recorded as having presented. This, however, is not representative of a full year of data collection, which did not begin until November of that year. In 2000, 26 clients were treated for problematic gambling, rising to 78 clients in 2001. The number of clients remained relatively steady in 2002, rising to 130 clients in 2003. In 2004, 34 clients had been treated by April of that year. It is not known whether this steady increase in clients accessing the Service is a result of increased gambling problems in the area or increased awareness of the Service through its advertising and outreach programs.
Number of treatment sessions
The sample comprised gamblers who had been visiting the clinic across a time span ranging from 1 day to 420 days. Table 7 shows the number of treatment sessions engaged in by each client. The average number of completed treatment sessions was 5.3 per client, the largest being 40, with no significant differences between males and females. However, the number of treatment sessions was positively correlated with higher gambling losses, debts and DSMIV score at p ≤ .05 level, indicating that more treatment sessions were engaged in by those with more severe gambling problems and related financial impacts.
Outcomes of treatment
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Of the 354 NRGS clients since 1999, 47.7% had successfully completed treatment, meaning that the client's problem gambling has been reduced or the partner or family member's problem has been addressed. However, 34.5% of cases were classified as ‘unresolved’ at April 2004, as it was uncertain that the incidence of problem gambling has been resolved because contact with the client had not been maintained. Treatment was continuing for the remaining 17.8%.
Not surprisingly, those who had resolved their gambling problem had almost twice as many completed sessions compared to those whose gambling problem was unresolved (6.5 vs. 3.3). This was a significant difference (p = .001). However, there were no significant differences or relationships between the resolved, the unresolved and the continuing groups in their age, sex, marital status, gambling duration, DSM-IV scores or size of their debts. This suggests that the treatment program at the NRGS is non- discriminatory, working well for all people providing they continue to present for treatment. There were no significant characteristics for those who had stopped presenting at the clinic and it remains unclear why this group discontinued treatment.
There was also no relationship between treatment outcomes and the numerous correlates of problem gambling. That is, the resolved, unresolved and continuing status of clients was not significantly related to financial, relationships, mood, physical, employment, substance, leisure, violence, mental disorder and legal correlates of gambling. Again, it is difficult to establish why different treatment outcomes occur, but there is no suggestion from the data that it is related to demographic characteristics, severity of the disorder (DSM-IV) or additional correlates of gambling.
Conclusion
This paper has presented the results of analysing the NRGS’s four and a half years of client data. While the socio-demographic profile of these clients is reflective of the socio-demographic profile of the Northern Rivers region, it appears that the Service deals with a higher proportion of males, single people and people on government pensions and benefits than the clinics included in the Productivity Commission’s (1999) Survey of Clients of Counselling Agencies. Compared to that survey’s findings, the NRGS also deals with a higher proportion of clients whose main gambling activity is gaming machines, perhaps reflecting the distance of the Northern Rivers region from casinos and major metropolitan race meetings. Clients at the NRGS also appear to have a longer duration of gambling problems when first presenting for treatment, with a higher proportion experiencing problems for 10 years or more than found in the Productivity Commission’s (1999) survey. Consistent with the Productivity Commission’s findings (1999), the NRGS clients also experience numerous negative impacts from their gambling on other aspects of their life, such as relationships, families, and financial status.
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Clearly, with steadily increasing client demand for services over its first four and a half years of operation, the NRGS is meeting a real need in the Northern Rivers region for problem gambling services. However, a major challenge for the Service is to retain its funding base from the NSW Casino Community Benefit Fund so that it can continue to operate its face-to-face counselling, outreach program, and industry and community liaison activities.
References
Australian Institute for Gambling Research 1994. Baseline Study of the Extent and Impact of Gambling in Tasmania. Tasmanian Gaming Commission, Hobart. Australian Institute for Gambling Research 1996. Study 2: An Examination of the Socio-Economic Effects of Gambling on Individuals, Families and The Community, Including Research into the Costs of Problem Gambling in New South Wales. Report financed by the Casino Community Australian Institute for Gambling Research 1997, Definition and Incidence of Problem Gambling, Including the Socio-Economic Distribution of Gamblers, Victorian Casino and Gaming Authority, Melbourne. Australian Institute for Gambling Research 1999, Australian Gambling Comparative History and Analysis. Victorian Casino and Gaming Authority, Melbourne. 'The Buttery'2004, [online], Available: http://www.buttery.org.au/ [Accessed 20 November 2004]. Cox, B. J., M. W. Enns and V. Michaud 2004, 'Comparisons Between the South Oaks Gambling Screen and a DSM-IV–Based Interview in a Community Survey of Problem Gambling', Canadian Journal of Psychiatry 49 (4): 258-64. Delfabbro, P.H. and Winefield, A.H. 1996. Community Gambling Patterns and the Prevalence of Gambling-Related Problems in South Australia, with Particular Reference to Gaming Machines. Report commissioned by the Department of Family and Community Services, South Australia. Hunter Valley Research Foundation 2003, Northern Rivers Regional Profile, Department of Infrastructure, Planning and Natural Resources, Maryville, NSW. Lesieur, H. R. 1993. ‘Female pathological gamblers and crime’, in W.R. Eadington and J.A. Cornelius (eds), Gambling Behavior and Problem Gambling. Institute for the Study of Gambling and Commercial Gaming, University of Nevada, Reno, 495-515. 'Map Maker'2004, [online], Available: http://www.travelmate.com.au/MapMaker/MapMaker.asp?TM_Page=mapmak er [Accessed 22 December 2004]. National Institute of Economic and Industry Research 2003. The Economic Impact of Gambling, Casino Community Benefit Fund, Sydney. Petry, N. M. and C. Armentano 1999, 'Prevalence, assessment, and treatment of pathological gambling: A review', Psychiatric Services 50 (8): 1021-27. Productivity Commission 1999, Australia's Gambling Industries, Report No. 10, AusInfo, Canberra. Stinchfield, R. 2003, 'Reliability, validity, and classification accuracy of a measure of DSM-IV diagnostic criteria for pathological gambling', American Journal of Psychiatry 160 (1): 180-82.
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'TropicalNSW Directory'2004, TropicalNSW [online], Available: http://www.tropicalnsw.com.au/_backend/resultspage.asp?Cat=5&S [Accessed 16 July 2004].
TAB/phonetab/ racing & On-course racing & sportsbetting Casino table sportsbetting 8% games 1% Card games 1% 1% Lotto/scratch lotto/lottery/pools/ keno 1%
Gaming machines 88%
Figure 1 – Main gambling activity of clients
Table 1 – Gender of clients Gender NRGS % Northern Rivers Population % Productivity Commission % Male 54.1 49.0 51.4 Female 45.9 51.0 48.6 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0
Table 2: Gambling losses of clients Amount Frequency Percent < $10,000 38 10.7 $10,000-$20,000 40 11.3 $21,000-$50,000 39 11.0 $51,000-$100,000 32 9.0 $101,000-$500,000 40 11.3 $501,000-$1m 8 2.3 >$1m 2 .6 Missing 155 43.8 Total 354 100.0
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Table 3: Financial debts of clients Amount Frequency Percent none 15 4.2 $1-$1,000 20 5.6 $1,001-$5,000 49 13.8 $5,001-$10,000 29 8.2 $10,001-$20,000 26 7.3 $20,001-$50,000 20 5.6 $50,001-$100,000 10 2.8 >$100,000 2 4.2 Missing 183 51.7 Total 354 100.0
Table 4: DSM-IV scores of clients DSM-IV score Frequency Percent 1 4 1.1 2 11 3.1 3 9 2.5 4 17 4.8 5 32 9.0 6 47 13.3 7 43 12.1 8 69 19.5 9 50 14.1 10 13 3.7 Missing 59 16.7 Total 354 100.0
Table 5: Correlates of problem gambling of clients Number of ‘yes’ Correlates of responses Percent problem gambling N = 354 Relationships 250 70.6 Finances 267 75.4 Mood 284 80.2 Family 223 63.0 Physical wellbeing 201 56.8 Employment 151 42.7 Leisure activities 233 65.8 Legal problems 50 14.1 Substance abuse 126 35.6 Violent behaviour 9 2.5 Mental disorders 9 2.5
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Table 6: Year clients presented for treatment Year Frequency Percent 1999 1 0.3 2000 26 7.3 2001 78 22.0 2002 84 23.7 2003 130 36.7 2004 34 9.6 Missing 1 0.3 Total 354 100.0
Table 7: Number of treatment sessions of clients Number of sessions Frequency Percent 1-2 132 37.3 3-5 94 26.6 6-10 71 20.1 11-15 33 9.3 16-20 14 4.0 >20 4 1.1 Missing 6 1.7 Total 354 100.0
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AN HOLISTIC APPROACH TO SUPPORTING INDIVIDUALS WITH AN INTELLECTUAL DISABILITY AND A GAMBLING PROBLEM
Ashley Gordon
Life Activities Inc, PO Box 687 Newcastle 2300 Australia [email protected]
In 1999 Life Activities was funded by the NSW Community Benefit Fund to provide a gambling support project in addition to their existing programs. This project offers education, counselling, treatment and support to people with an intellectual disability, acquired brain injury, their families, carers and support network. It is widely believed that the Gambling Support Project is the first of its kind in Australia and possibly the world in offering gambling treatment and counselling to such a specific population. The Gambling Support Project has identified considerable concerns within the disability community in the Hunter Region.
Locating the gambling project within an organisation already providing specialised support and education has provided an exciting opportunity to offer creative, personalised and flexible service provision. We have been able to utilise cross-service expertise and put in place innovative interventions linking people to community activities.
As well as having a major focus on education to people with a disability and to the wider community, this project has a commitment to community development and is creating a sense of equal partnership by working together and assisting other organisations in the community, in particular Gambling Counselling Services.
Our current project utilises a multi-element approach to the counselling and treatment of service users, this encompasses supporting individuals on a wide variety of levels. The Global Ecology is adopted for all assessments to identify all strengths and weaknesses currently existing in the individual’s life. An additional section of the project, The Quality Lifestyle Project offers the following services that will work with the current counselling and treatment support provided.
• Accommodation Assistance • “Mates for Life” – A buddy support network and Connections Group • Lifestyle Options • Leisure and Recreation • Geographical Information and Orientation • Budgeting Skills, Information and Referrals. • Health Information and/or Referrals • Planning for the Future
Introduction
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People with a disability comprise 18% of the population in Australia. Evidence suggests that more people with disability are developing gambling problems in recent years. This may be a result of an increase in these individuals living within the community, rather than being institutionalised, in group homes or living with parents as was previously the case. Recent growth in the disability sector has resulted in an increase in the introduction of a number of programs to support these individuals in the community.
The theories outlined below have been developed through observations of, and experience working with individuals with a disability (predominantly intellectual disability or acquired brain injury) who also have a gambling problem.
The reasons why people may gamble who have a disability included:
• The desire to win, whether this be for financial/material gain or for the feeling of achievement associated with winning
• The entertainment, excitement and enjoyment associated with the gambling activity and atmosphere, as well as the social interaction involved
• The possibility that the individual may be bored, may not have any other interests/hobbies/sports or may gamble as part of an established routine
• The need to gamble as an escape from or to avoid problems, pain or reality; as an outlet for emotional problems; and/or to fill voids preceding or resulting from problematic gambling behaviour
• An inability to resist the desire to gamble
With such wide-ranging motivations, and endless explanations as to why someone may gamble, it is extremely difficult to develop any sort of ‘personality type or profile’ by which to classify the ‘typical’ problem gambler. Even demographic analyses of problem gamblers reveal few indications of predisposing factors, with the exception of age.
Whilst we cannot simply assume that individuals with a disability are more likely to develop a gambling problem, the individuals’ susceptibility to developing a problem may be enhanced by issues related to their disability if for example:
There is a lack of opportunities to achieve or be a ‘winner’ in other areas of their life
This desire may be a particularly relevant contributing factor where for example, the nature of the individual’s disability seriously hampers their level of skill and ability such that they seek to involve themselves in activities which may be profitable or rewarding without requiring these skills.
Their environment fails to provide sufficient stimulation and social interaction A gaming venue may provide a vibrant, ‘glamorous’ alternative to the individual’s home, as well as opportunities to meet people and develop friendships. The gaming
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venue can become a place where people with a disability feel comfortable and at ease thereby providing them the sense of belonging.
Their disability places limitations on their ability to participate in other activities For someone with a severe physical disability, gambling may be an attractive recreational activity in which they can participate, and not be disadvantaged by their disability.
As a result of their disability, they already face many of the issues, emotions and situations a problem gambler may seek to escape Gambling may offer the individual an escape from any feelings of depression, frustration or low self-esteem experienced as a result of their disability.
The nature of their disability results in reduced impulse control and a limited understanding of the effects of their actions In addition to the above factors, there may be intellectual, environmental or social reasons why gamblers with disabilities (as well as many gamblers without any impairment!) MAY have a limited concept of the:
• Value of Money The gambler may not be fully aware of the amount they are spending and the fact that if the money is lost gambling it will not be available for alternate uses such as rent and food.
• Value of Credits/Chips Similarly the individual may not completely understand the system whereby credits or chips are used to represent cash. The number of credits on a gaming machine does not equal the actual monetary value, but merely represents a monetary value that is based on the number of credits specified per $1.00 investment. This may mean they are reluctant to stop gambling after a win and cash or claim their credits.
• Probability of Winning The gambler may not appreciate their chances of winning without understanding the odds and/or payout ratios associated with their chosen form of gambling. For example, the gambler may not fully understand the odds in horse racing, sports events etc and might not know that their chances of winning ‘powerball’ are approximately one in 55 million.
• How the Game Works Electronic gaming devices (or pokies) often cause the gambler to not fully understand how the machine works. That is, they may believe they have some control over the machine and can outsmart it. Also, they may not really know what they’re doing and how much money they are spending when for example ‘playing lines’.
• Effects/Results of Gambling Behaviour The gambler may not recognise that money lost gambling can’t be used for other purposes and this may result in financial difficulty: the gambler might not fully understand the cause and effect relationships associated with gambling. In other
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words they may have difficulty realizing that their gambling habits may be impacting on their relationships, professional performance, emotional state etc.
• Available Support Services Whilst the gambler may realise they have, or are developing, a problem they may be unaware of available support. This situation may be exacerbated by issues of inaccessibility associated with support services not catering specifically for disadvantaged groups. The gambler may also be vulnerable to:
• Marketing Ploys/Enticements This includes being susceptible to advertising and promotions which promise winning, and the associated glamour. These will be especially effective if the gambler already genuinely believes they are going to win.
• The ‘Captivating’ Qualities of Some Forms of Gambling For example, many gamblers are fascinated with the lights, sounds and visual/interactive aspects of poker machines and electronic gaming devices incorporating the latest technology.
• Suggestion/Influence If the gambler is not particularly assertive it may be that they are influenced by others to become involved in and continue gambling. For example, in the case of someone with an intellectual disability others may take advantage of their lack of assertiveness, and their comprehension and/or communication difficulties to defraud them of money or convince them to share their winnings. In considering that disability may contribute to the individual’s motivation to gamble, individual personality differences and the nature of the individual’s disability may be of influence.
Acquired Brain Injury (ABI) More specifically, people with ABI may as a result of their disability have characteristics which influence their decision to gamble. For example:
• Emotions The individual may feel frustrated, depressed, suicidal etc when confronted with the fact that they have now lost some of their capacity to function. In addition impulse control can be a difficulty for some people with an acquired brain injury as a result of damage to the frontal lobe area of the brain.
• Grief and Loss Issues The gambler may experience feelings of loss and grief as they attempt to come to terms with their new limitations especially if they can remember their life prior to acquiring the injury or illness.
• Payouts If the acquired brain injury results from an accident for which someone else is liable, the individual may receive some sort of compensation payout, which may increase their vulnerability to gamble.
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• Previous Lifestyle Prior to their acquired brain injury the individual may have gambled with friends, eg at the pub after work or at the race track with a mate, which would be a culturally sanctioned peer activity. Learning theory would suggest that gambling has become a learned behaviour which will continue despite the newly acquired disability.
For individuals with physical and sensory disabilities the decision to gamble may be influenced by: • Their limited ability, for example, as a result of mobility issues, to participate in other recreational activities (such as sport) which offer stimulation and social interaction • Their desire to ‘escape’ from physical/emotional/psychological pain, low self- esteem and other problems they may experience as a result of their disability.
For those with psychiatric disabilities, such as schizophrenia, bi-polar disorder, depression etc, the desire to gamble may be prompted by the person’s:
• Emotional State ie they may seek to escape the depression, anxiety, insecurity, emotional pain etc that potentially accompanies their disability • Impulse Control Problems • Manic Episodes
In addition to the above reasons, it may be that people with disabilities are motivated to gamble by factors that are more prevalent in these individuals. For individuals with a disability, intrinsic and emotional motivations may play a relatively large role in the decision to gamble. In other words the need for achievement, increased social interaction, ‘escape’ from emotional and other problems etc may be comparatively greater motivators for people with disabilities than the need to win money, be entertained etc.
When a person’s functional capacity is limited by their disability they may have a greater need for non-competency based success. For example, for those with severe disabilities the decision to gamble may be influenced by the attraction of winning or achieving without much effort or skill.
In gambling, where success is determined by chance, the person with a disability may be seeking to ‘escape’ their disability, at least temporarily, as they become just another gambler with an equal chance of winning. For individuals with severe intellectual disabilities, seeing others participate in gambling may suggest that it is one of those activities that everyone does.
Individuals with a disability may have weaker support structures and fewer opportunities for social interaction. Gambling may facilitate greater social interaction or the perception of greater social interaction. For example, whilst they may gamble alone (as opposed to gambling in a social circumstance with friends) the person may crave the interaction with others that gambling opportunities are perceived as providing. Therefore people with disabilities may attempt to increase their social opportunities through gambling.
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Where an individual has a limited concept of money, the objective of winning money may not be as strong a motivation in their decision to gamble. Without an appreciation of the value of money, an individual may achieve the same level of excitement or happiness from a small return as they do from a large win.
It is interesting to note that many brain-injured individuals who receive compensation choose to gamble this money. In other words, the desire to win enough money to achieve financial freedom or to acquire assets may not be their primary objective when gambling.
Again, it must be emphasised that the relevancy of the proposed reasons for gambling or problem gambling will depend on the nature of the individual’s disability and on individual factors such as personality.
The individual’s gambling behaviour and decision to gamble may be influenced by the gambling environment, in conjunction with their domestic situation. This is because the club or gambling venue may:
• mirror that of an institution in terms of providing a sense of community and belonging. The overall behaviour and actions of people with disabilities may also be affected by their current and previous living environments; this may be particularly relevant for those who may have lived in institutional settings. One theory is that people who once lived in large institutions and are now living in the community can often feel like the club/hotel they regularly attend is a substitute for the place they once lived. The familiarities and interaction with staff, the routine of operating hours, the rules and codes of conduct and the building itself can contribute to this belief.
• offer an exciting, ‘glamorous’, vibrant, stimulating, social atmosphere as an alternative to a potentially mundane, depressing, lonely home environment.
• offer a refuge or alternate surroundings where one may still receive attention from staff.
• provide opportunities for social interaction.
Individuals with limited support networks (of family, friends, relatives etc) or those who have moved from an institution or group home into independent living arrangements may experience feelings of loneliness and social isolation. The gambling environment and venue may offer the social interaction they may crave. For example, at the club the person may be made to feel welcome by attractive staff who attempt to look after them by offering them drinks etc. The individual may also develop friendships with staff and other patrons such that they go to the venue to see these people, as well as to gamble.
People with disabilities may have similar issues and symptoms to that of a problem gambler when they “do not” gamble. The impact of disability and the impact of problem gambling can often manifest in a similar way in individuals. As with the general population, gambling may be considered a problem when it begins to
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adversely affect other areas of a person’s life, such as their relationships, financial situation etc.
However, with individuals with a disability, these adverse effects may also come about as a result of their disability, the prejudices of others, or because they may exhibit ‘challenging behaviours’, etc. When this is the case, problem gambling may be said to be part of a dual adverse impact on the life of a person with a disability.
If we were to classify an individual as having a problem based on their motivation for gambling this would involve determining which motivations may be considered ‘unhealthy’. In doing this, it is interesting to consider the individuals’ response if the gambling activity is taken away or replaced. However, for individuals with an intellectual disability, the removal of gambling opportunities may provoke an adverse reaction simply because it constitutes a change in routine.
Individuals with an intellectual disability are often unable to be ‘diagnosed’ as being ‘pathological’ or ‘compulsive’ due to the nature of their disability.
For individuals with a disability who develop a gambling problem, access to gambling opportunities are generally facilitated, whilst accessing support for their problem may not be so easy. The prevalence of gambling facilities and opportunities in Australia ensures that few people are disadvantaged in their access to these based on where they live.
People with Intellectual Disability experience the same barriers as other people trying to access HELP who have experienced or are experiencing gambling problems. These include fears associated with telling others about their problem, shame, guilt, financial concerns, and other issues. In addition however there are barriers which are specific to people with intellectual disability. These include:
• Stigma associated with Intellectual Disability – there is often a negative perception amongst members of the general community about the abilities of people with Intellectual Disabilities and their rights to access the resources and services available to them.
• Accessing information that can be understood – Information provided about gambling assistance is generally not disability friendly. Information should be made clear and easy using visual formats such as pictures, large text, auditory information etc. Any information should be straight forward and concrete (many people with intellectual disability experience difficulty with abstract reasoning).
• Limited Awareness of Gambling and Services available to them – People with Intellectual Disability may not be aware that gambling can cause problems and the services they need to contact for support.
• Limited ability to effectively express their needs – Many people with Intellectual Disability experience difficulties with expressive and receptive communication and may be dependent upon various communication aids.
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Although many individuals with a disability may be unemployed, this doesn’t necessarily mean that they will not have any money with which to gamble. Many will be eligible for a disability pension or may have other sources of money such as parents or other support network members. Some individuals may be reluctant to use ATMs, preferring to withdraw money over-the-counter at the bank. They may withdraw relatively large sums of money and may then be tempted to spend larger amounts when gambling. For those individuals who feel more comfortable using ATMs, these facilities are usually fairly accessible.
Conclusion
The Life Activities Gambling Support Project (GSP) is a highly innovative, possibly world first program that provides counselling, education, treatment and support for individuals with an intellectual disability, acquired brain injury or mental illness who have, or are at risk of developing, a gambling problem. The GSP is funded by the NSW Casino Community Benefit Fund and currently services areas in Newcastle, Lake Macquarie, Port Stephens, Maitland, Upper and Lower Hunter.
We use an individualised multi-element approach with our clients. This entails an holistic assessment of each area of an individual’s life that may be a cause of or contributing factor to the gambling problem. Counsellors may selectively utilise both specialised disability and mainstream gambling assessment tools. This allows for considerations such as differing degrees of functioning, comprehension and concentration. It must be acknowledged that assessment tools developed in Australia and overseas are respected and have been tried and tested. Therefore, rather than dismissing their relevance in regard to people with disabilities, more effective support may be provided by modifying them to improve their accuracy for people with disabilities. This may be achieved by:
• Ensuring the questions are disability friendly by using language and phrases appropriate to the individuals’ level of understanding • Ensuring the environment in which the assessment is being conducted is comfortable and safe for the individual • Considering the individuals’ concentration and memory capacity • Assessment of carers or parents on behalf of the gambler and including them in the assessment process
GSP is in a unique position in which we can currently offer not only a holistic program but also cross-service to other Life Activities programs such as:
Life Consultancy Group - provides behavioural intervention, communication assistance, responses to and strategies for preventing and managing challenging behaviour.
Community Living Program - support and life skills training for individuals moving into independent living or currently living by themselves, eg from a family or group home.
Life Solutions Program - provides short term support for people with a disability and their carers who are experiencing additional stresses or crisis.
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These programs are funded by the NSW Department of Disability, Ageing and Home Care.
Life Activities prides itself in ensuring families and clients are provided with support in safe, comfortable and confidential environments. It is paramount within Life Activities that our clients’ rights and dignity are respected at all times. This is demonstrated through the quality of our support.
Disability services such as Life Activities adhere to the Disability Service Standards, of which Standard nine is Family Relationships. It is therefore integral to our service provision that family relationships be encouraged and fostered. This is achieved by ensuring a holistic family centred approach is adopted throughout our intervention with clients. Life Activities appreciates the importance and impact of community perceptions on our client base. We therefore place a high priority on undertaking positive community education campaigns to increase community understanding of the issues faced by people with a disability and gambling related problems.
Gambling Support Project staff have continued to find that their clients require more frequent but shorter time in counselling sessions as part of their treatment program. Due to factors including differences in the ability to concentrate amongst individuals, counsellors have had to integrate a variety of visual and audio aids into their sessions to increase the client’s comprehension.
Part of the multi-element approach within the GSP is our Quality Lifestyle Project. A weekly “Connections Group” provides clients with group outings and activities to promote positive interaction within the community and to develop communication and other skills. Objectives include:
• To ensure and provide a suitable environment for people with disabilities for purposes such as effective communication and social interaction. • To ensure effective communication and social interaction. • To encourage decision-making and self-determination through a variety of choices. • To promote friendships and expand social networks. • To encourage and promote sharing, co-operation and participation through a variety of leisure and recreational activities. • To provide education and support on various coping and lifestyle skills. • To provide a better understanding of the community and to identify the recreational and leisure skills available within the community.
The GSP also provides support, information and assistance to gambling, industry, disability services and individual clients throughout New South Wales free of charge. The goal is to provide information, guidance and assistance to services supporting or treating people with disabilities. This support is achieved through face to face consultations, staff training, telephone, email, direct mail and the use of the GSP Manual.
National Association for Gambling Studies (Australia) 92 2004 Conference Proceedings
GAMBLING POPULATION SURVEYS – QUEENSLAND’S EXPERIENCE
Barry Haworth
Office of Economic and Statistical Research Queensland Treasury, PO Box 15037 City East, Queensland 4002, Australia (07) 3237 1923 (07) 3227 7437 (fax) [email protected]
ABSTRACT
This paper focuses on some of the methodological issues that arose during the processing of the most recent Queensland Household Gambling survey, conducted in two phases in late 2003 and early 2004. It was found that survey response varied according to CPGI category, with heavier gamblers being more likely to not complete the survey, and that questions measuring level and severity of gambling gave slightly different results at differing times of the year. These results have important consequences for anyone running a similar prevalence survey, as they have the potential to bias survey results if not addressed. This paper identifies the methods used in Queensland to counter possible bias, and so ensure the reliability and validity of the survey results.
Introduction
A number of population studies have been undertaken in Queensland to provide information about gambling activities and the prevalence of problem gambling. The primary purpose of these studies are to monitor levels of gambling activity in the Queensland community and to contribute to an evidence base for policies developed through the Queensland Responsible Gambling Strategy.
A range of research methods have been employed in Queensland to provide the best possible information about the general population, prison population, people from non-English speaking backgrounds (NESB) and the indigenous community.
The purpose of this paper is to focus on the research issues and solutions which have been employed in Queensland to improve the results of the population studies undertaken, with particular reference to the general population surveys undertaken in 2001, 2002-03 and 2003-04. The presentation will cover the main issues with regard to survey design, sampling strategies, weighting and reporting of results. The paper also identifies actions taken to correct for possible bias, to ensure valid and reliable survey results.
Queensland Household Gambling Survey
The Queensland Household Gambling survey (2003-2004) (QGHS 2003-04) is the latest in a series of prevalence studies conducted in Queensland. The survey was conducted in 2003/2004, and has over 30,000 respondents – 1,000 in each of 30 regions across Queensland. The survey was conducted in two equal waves, the first
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part being conducted between 13th October and 12th December 2003, and the remainder between 23rd February and 11th June 2004. The sample in each half was a balanced sample that covered the whole of Queensland – 500 in each of the 30 regions in each half sample, adding to the total sample of 30,000. To our knowledge, this is the only gambling prevalence study conducted in two distinct waves.
Previous prevalence studies include a whole-of-Queensland population study in 2001, with a sample of 13,000 spread across the whole of Queensland. This is the latest published whole-of-Queensland study, and is available from http://www.responsiblegambling.qld.gov.au. This was followed by a smaller whole- of-Queensland study in 2002/03, with a sample of 6,000 people (3,000 in each of two waves). This survey was studied internally to confirm results from the 2001 study.
Differential Response Rates
The QHGS 2003-04 had two types of questionnaire. First, a short questionnaire asked of all respondents covered basic demographics, gambling type classification using the Canadian Problem Gambling Index (CPGI) and basic gambling behaviour (that is, games played). Second, a long questionnaire containing detailed gambling questions, asked of a sub sample of respondents. The long questionnaire included questions on attitudes and detailed behaviour, as well as detailed demographics. The long survey questions were asked of all moderate risk and problem gamblers (as measured by the CPGI) but only a subset of the other CPGI categories. As well, certain blocks of questions were only asked of people who gambled in certain ways – for example questions about electronic gaming machine (EGM) usage are asked only of EGM players.
The mean amount of time taken to answer the questionnaire is summarised in table one, calculated by CPGI categoryi and questionnaire type. In general, respondents asked the short questionnaire have a much shorter interview time, while interview time for long questionnaire respondents increases along with CPGI category.
This leads to the first methodological issue: people who gamble more were being asked a longer questionnaire. While feedback from interviewers during the survey indicated that in general heavy gamblers were quite happy to talk about their gambling behaviour, the longer questionnaire was an added burden on heavier gamblers. The length made heavy gamblers more likely to either not answer all questions in the survey, or else tire of the survey part way through and refuse to continue.
The drop out rate for different CPGI categories is summarised in table two and illustrated graphically in figure one. For respondents asked the short questionnaire the dropout rate is effectively zero, while for those asked the long questionnaire the dropout rate varies from a minimum of 2.87% (low risk gamblers) to a maximum of 6.25% (problem gamblers). Of note is the fact that the drop out rate is higher for non- gamblers (4.07%) and recreational gamblers (3.50%) than for low risk gamblers (2.87%), despite the fact that these respondents had a shorter average survey length. From interviewer feedback, this may have been due to respondents who do not gamble or gamble only a little, feeling that the survey was irrelevant to them, or
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becoming annoyed at being asked questions about gambling when they do not gamble.
To correct for these differences in drop out rates, the survey weights for the QHGS 2003-04 were adjusted to give groups with a larger drop out rate a larger weight and vice versa. This ensures that all survey respondents are correctly represented in the survey results.
The link between response rate and CPGI type was an important finding, as this differential response, being linked to variables of interest in the study, had the potential to bias the survey results if it had not been found and corrected. Without making this adjustment we would have underestimated the prevalence of non- gamblers and problem gamblers because they were less likely to complete the full survey.
Possible Impact on Respondent Recall
It was also identified that there may be impacts on respondents’ recall which could potentially affect the survey results.
To explain how these differences were discovered, the QHGS 2003-04 was conducted in two waves, the first from 13th October to 12th December 2003, and the second from 23rd February to 11th June 2004. Each wave of the survey had the same sample design and sample size and covered all of Queensland in the same way as the full survey.
Preliminary survey estimates for internal use were produced from the first wave of the survey, and when results for the full survey were available it was noted that there were some differences between the two sets of estimates. In estimates based on the first wave of either survey, non-gamblers were lower and at-risk gamblersii higher than for estimates based on the second wave of the survey, where non-gamblers were higher and at-risk gamblers lower. These differences were confirmed on examining the previous unpublished internal survey, conducted in 2002/2003, which was also conducted in two wavesiii.
Survey results for these surveys have not yet been published, so it is not possible to quote actual estimates. However, to give an indication of the differences, the results are presented graphically, and without scales.
In figure two, the proportions of non-gamblers in the two waves of each survey are compared.iv It can be seen from this chart that the estimated proportion of non- gamblers is lower when based on results collected in the first wave of either survey (conducted in the latter part of 2002 and 2003) and higher when based on results collected in the second wave (conducted in the earlier part of the year).
A converse result can be seen in figure three, which compares the proportion of at-risk gamblers (a combination of low risk, moderate risk and problem gamblers) in the two waves of the surveys. That is, at risk gambling groups are higher in the first wave of each survey (conducted in the latter part of the year) and lower in the second wave of each survey.
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Theoretically, differences in recall between the same classifications of gamblers should not be apparent, as the questions used to classify people into gambling type (gambling activity and CPGI) all have a twelve month reference period. However, issues of recall are a common problem in surveys, with the Australian Bureau of Statistics acknowledging that
"…A significant degree of error can be introduced in questions which require respondents to recall events, expenditure etc, particularly if details are being sought for a long period. The quality of the data collected from recall questions is influenced by the importance of the event to the respondent and the length of time since the event took place. Minimising the recall period also helps to reduce memory bias.
A specific type of memory error is telescoping. This occurs if respondents report events as occurring either earlier or later than they actually occur, incorrectly bringing events into the reference period. This effect is alleviated somewhat by being very specific about when the reference period begins and ends, for example using "the week ending Saturday 1st September " rather than "last week".”
Source: Statistical Clearinghouse, ABS Canberra, sourced at http://www.sch.abs.gov.au/
One possible explanation for differences in respondents’ recall of gambling activities is the seasonal nature of certain gambling activities.
For example, EGM expenditure shows some seasonal patterns. The chart in figure four shows the daily expenditure on EGMs in Queensland (blue line) with a linear trend. Relative to the trend, expenditure peaks in August in each year and reaches a low point in January. In our surveys, the first wave occurs just after the August peak, while the second wave comes just after the January trough in EGM expenditure.
It is possible that survey respondents are telescoping their responses according to such a seasonal pattern in gambling activity; that is • “at risk” gambling groups are recalling higher levels of gambling if asked around the peak period than if they are asked during or just after the trough period, and this is reflected in higher proportions of these groups being identified in the survey; and • there are fewer people identified in the non-gambling group, as people recall their gambling activity during a peak period, and so are more likely to be classified as recreational or even “at risk” gamblers according to the CPGI.
Likewise, a big seasonal gambling event may also influence a respondent’s recall of gambling activity. For example, in this Queensland survey, it could also be possible that the Melbourne Cup, held in November of each year, raises awareness of gambling and increases the likelihood of respondents reporting gambling when interviewed in the first wave of the survey (conducted in the latter part of the year).
While the impact of seasonal gambling activity in survey responses has not been proved from these survey results, the data suggests that it may be present. To counter for the possible effect of seasonal activity on respondent’s recall, estimates were
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derived from the survey using a weighting scheme which did not favour either of the waves. In this way, the influence of any seasonality was averaged out. The ability to produce reliable and unbiased results from the Queensland survey was made possible through the conduct of a survey in two waves.
The possibility of recall being affected by seasonal gambling activity needs to be taken into account when designing prevalence studies of this type, and bears further investigation, as a survey conducted at a single point of the year has the possibility of being biased if there is a link between gambling activity and gambling recall.
Self perceptions of gambling
In the 2003-2004 Queensland Household Gambling Survey, respondents were classified as gamblers according to activity – that is, if they said they had participated in any of a list of gambling activities in the last twelve months which included all of the following activities available legally in Queensland: • playing on poker machines or gaming machines, • betting on horse or greyhound races, • buying instant scratch tickets, lotto or lottery tickets, • keno, • casino table games, • bingo, • sports betting, • casino style games on the internet, • private games such as cards or mah-jong, and • purchase of Art Union tickets.
However, during the later analysis of the data it was noted that, at a later question (“what age did you start betting or gambling?”), a number of respondents made the response “I have never gambled” – despite having previously nominated that they had participated in gambling activities.
A total of 262 respondents out of 5 442 long form gambling respondents (4.8%) classified themselves through this later question as non-gamblers, despite having earlier nominated they undertook gambling activities. In terms of the gaming activities they had earlier nominated, there were:
• 129 people who played instant scratch tickets or lotto only, (interestingly comprising 19.4% of the 665 people who played just this activity), • 53 people who played instant scratch tickets or lotto in combination with buying Art Union tickets, (comprising 15.2% of the 348 people who played this combination), and • 24 people who bought Art Union tickets only, (comprising 39.3% of the 61 people who only bought Art Union tickets).
The remaining 46 people played other combinations of games. The combinations were not always the less intensive gaming forms such as lotto – a total of 34 people played on EGMs (either alone or in combination with some other game) and did not regard themselves as being gamblers.
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This finding demonstrates a perception in the population of certain activities not being gambling activities, or of people not regarding themselves as gambling when undertaking these activities. Whilst there is no particular impact in this instance which has required adjustment in the survey estimates, this self-perception of gambling has implications for how questionnaires are constructed. For example, questions should not be phrased to so as to imply that the respondent is a gambler when they may not regard themselves as being a gambler.
Data ownership
Whilst the work referred to here was undertaken within OESR, all data is owned by Research and Community Engagement, Queensland Office of Gaming Regulation, who funded the study. Further enquiries can be directed to RCE on (07) 3234 4564 or by email [email protected]
Conclusion
The QHGS 2003-04 has raised some interesting issues relating to survey methodology. Each issue raised in this paper has been addressed so as to counter possible bias, and so ensure the validity and reliability of the Queensland survey results.
The purpose of publishing this paper is to alert researchers undertaking prevalence surveys about the need to identify and counter the following possible effects when designing surveys and validating or weighting data: • the effect of respondent burden and dropout on the problem gambling group, and other gambling groups, • the effect of seasonal gambling activity on survey responses to gambling activity and gambling classification questions, especially the impact of gambling “high seasons” and “low seasons” and big gambling events on respondent’s recall of their activity, and • The perception of certain gambling activities or levels of gambling as “not being gambling”.
Table 1: Mean length of survey by CPGI category and questionnaire type.
CPGI category Questionnaire type Mean time (minutes) Non-Gambler Short 4.35 Non-Gambler Long 8.20 Recreational gambler Short 5.27 Recreational gambler Long 16.10 Low risk Short 5.73 Low risk Long 18.40 Moderate risk Long 23.36 Problem gambler Long 26.44 All 7.65
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Table 2: Dropout rate by CPGI category and questionnaire type
CPGI category Questionnaire type Dropout Rate Non-Gambler Short 0.00% Non-Gambler Long 4.07% Recreational gambler Short 0.03% Recreational gambler Long 3.50% Low risk Short 0.00% Low risk Long 2.87% Moderate risk Long 3.61% Problem gambler Long 3.61%
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Figure 1. Dropout rates for respondents asked the long questionnaire, by CPGI category.
7.00% 6.25% 6.00%
5.00%
4.07% 4.00% 3.50% 3.61%
2.87% 3.00%
2.00%
1.00%
0.00% Non-Gambler Recreational Low risk gambler Moderate risk Problem gambler gambler gambler
Figure 2. Non Gamblers by Survey and wave of survey.
2002/03 Survey 2003/04 Survey
20.0% 20.0%
16.0% 19.0% 2002/03 Wave 1 2002/03 Wave 2 2002/03 2003/04 Wave 1 2003/04 Wave 2 2003/04 Full Survey Full Survey
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Figure 3. At Risk gamblers by survey and wave of survey
2002/03 Survey
14.0%
0.0% 2002/03 Wave 1 2002/03 Wave 2 2002/03 Full Survey
2003/04 Survey
10.0%
0.0% 2003/04 Wave 1 2003/04 Wave 2 2003/04 Full Survey
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Figure 4. Daily expenditure on Electronic Gaming Machines, Queensland, 1998 to 2004.
Blue line is total EGM expenditure, black line is linear trend. Source: Queensland Office of Gaming Regulation. Note: Spike in data in December 1999/January 2000 is due to processing delays resulting from Y2K technical protection measures. i. CPGI category is based on a combination of gambling activity and CPGI score. The classifications used are: Non-gambler (participates in no gambling activities in the last twelve months), Recreational gambler (plays at least one gambling activity and has a CPGI score of zero), Low risk gambler (plays at least one gambling activity and has a CPGI score of one or two), Medium risk gambler (plays at least one gambling activity and has a CPGI score of three to seven) and Problem gambler (plays at least one gambling activity and has a CPGI score of eight or more). The 2002/2003 survey was conducted in two waves with just over 3,000 respondents in each wave. The first wave was conducted from 2nd October to 16th October 2002 and the second wave was conducted from 23rd April to 23rd May 2003. ii At-risk gamblers are defined by collapsing the three at-risk categories referred to above – low risk, moderate risk and problem gamblers. The at-risk group is there all people who play at least one gambling activity and have with a CPGI score of one or more. iii. The 2002/2003 survey was conducted in two waves with just over 3,000 respondents in each wave. The first wave was conducted from 2nd October to 16th October 2002 and the second wave was conducted from 23rd April to 23rd May 2003. iv. Each plot compares the estimated proportion of non-gamblers as based on each wave of the survey weighted as if it were a full survey, and compares these to the full survey results. The results for the two surveys (2002/03 and 2003/04) are on different scales also so that it is not possible to compare the levels between the different surveys.
National Association for Gambling Studies (Australia) 102 2004 Conference Proceedings
IMPACTS OF THE WORK ENVIRONMENT IN GAMING VENUES ON STAFF: AN EXPLORATORY STUDY
Nerilee Hing, Jeremy Buultjens & Helen Breen
Centre for Gambling Education and Research Southern Cross University, PO Box 157, Lismore, NSW, Australia 2478 ph: (02) 66 203928; fax: (02) 66 222208; email: [email protected]
ABSTRACT
Australian gaming venues employ substantial numbers of staff, whose work environment is distinctive, given their ongoing exposure to gambling, close interaction with gamblers, and frequent exposure to gambling-related marketing. However, minimal research has been conducted into how working in a gaming venue may impact on the gambling behaviour of employees. Only three published studies have examined this, all with North American casino employees. Results indicate that problem gambling is relatively high amongst this group. Further, a literature review identifies numerous workplace factors elevating the potential risk of gambling problems for gaming venue employees, although other workplace factors may mitigate these influences. However, no Australian research has investigated how working in a gaming venue influences the gambling behaviour of employees. This paper presents some exploratory data and some preliminary thoughts on how and why gaming venue staff may be an at-risk group for developing gambling problems and how their workplaces might assist in encouraging responsible gambling and discouraging problem gambling amongst their staff.
Introduction
In Australia, employment generated by gambling industries is significant, with over 100,000 people employed in gambling industries (Productivity Commission 1999), including the 32,591 staff conservatively estimated to work directly in gambling- related positions (Australian Bureau of Statistics 2002). Further, the continued expansion of legalised gambling in many jurisdictions means that gambling industries are a source of employment and income for an increasing number of people (Productivity Commission 1999).
However, despite the substantial number of staff working in gaming venues and the likelihood of continued growth, there has been minimal research into the impacts of gambling on gaming venue staff. This contrasts markedly with substantial investigations in recent years into the impacts of gambling at a national level (Productivity Commission 1999), at state levels (e.g. Australian Institute for Gambling Research 1995, 1996, 1998; IPART 1998, 2004) and in various regions (e.g. VCGA 2000a). The dearth of research into gambling amongst gaming venue employees also contrasts with the growing body of research into the impacts of gambling on other specific groups, such as women (Ohtsuka et al. 1995; Quirk 1996; Thomas 1995; Hraba and Lee 1996; Brown and Coventry 1997; Johnson and McLure
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1997), youth (ACOSS 1997; Maddern 1999a, 1999b; Derevensky and Gupta 2004) and various ethnic groups (VCGA 2000b).
The results of such studies reveal that the impacts of gambling can vary markedly amongst different sub-populations. Given the high exposure of gaming venue employees to gambling and their frequent interactions with gamblers, and because of certain other aspects of their work and their work environment, it might also be expected that gambling impacts on gaming venue staff in distinctive ways. One distinctive way that working in a gaming venue may impact on employees is on their own gambling behaviour.
This paper presents some very exploratory and largely anecdotal data on this topic, and some preliminary thoughts and speculations. As such, its aim is certainly not to present any definitive conclusions about gambling by staff who work in gambling venues. Rather, its purpose is to share some thoughts on how and why these staff may be an at-risk group for developing gambling problems and how their workplaces might be able to assist in encouraging responsible gambling and discouraging problem gambling amongst their staff. The paper will do this by:
• Summarising existing research published on this topic by others. These comprise three studies in North American casinos; • Presenting some preliminary data collected by the reseachers via interviews and a focus group which helped stimulate attention to this topic and clarify related issues; • Identifying various aspects of the work environment in gambling venues that may influence the gambling behaviour of their staff in terms of responsible gambling and problem gambling; and • Speculating on venue strategies that may encourage responsible gambling and discourage problem gambling by their employees.
Research into Gambling by Gaming Venue Staff
While little is known about the gambling behaviour of gaming venue employees, models of gambling involvement (e.g. Hing 1998; Productivity Commission 1999; Blaszczynski and Nower 2002) identify environmental factors as influencing that involvement. Thus, the work environment in gaming venues is also likely to influence the gambling behaviour of gaming venue employees. However, very little research has been conducted into whether gaming venue employees are more or less likely to gamble, or to be low, medium or high risk gamblers, or to engage in gambling that creates negative consequences for themselves, others in their social network, or for the community. In fact, only three related empirical studies have been published:
• Collachi and Taber (1987) asked 34 employees from three large casinos in Reno about their frequency of gambling, gambling habits, opinions of others who gamble, and gambling itself. Although many of their findings were consistent with problem gambling (e.g. borrowing money between paydays), no consistent, quantifiable instrument was used to measure problem gambling.
• Shaffer, Vander Bilt and Hall (1999) examined the prevalence of pathological gambling, drinking, smoking and other health risk behaviours amongst casino
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employees. A sample of 3,841 full-time casino employees from four sites of one casino were surveyed. The study found that the casino employees had a higher prevalence of past-year level 3 (pathological) gambling (2.1%), but a lower prevalence of level 2 (problem) gambling (1.4%), than the general adult population, when measured on the South Oaks Gambling Screen. In addition, employees had a higher prevalence of smoking, alcohol problems and depression than the general adult population. Although not specified in their report, it is presumed that this study was conducted in the US.
• Duquette (2000) surveyed 271 employees of one hotel/casino in Las Vegas, also using the South Oaks Gambling Screen. The rate of pathological gambling amongst these employees was found to be 20.3%, compared to 1.14% for the general adult population.
However, no research has been conducted into the gambling behaviour of gaming venue employees in Australia, and none of the studies cited above examined how particular aspects of the work environment in gambling venues might influence that behaviour. Thus, as a very preliminary stage in preparation for a larger study, the research team conducted some exploratory interviews and a focus group, as discussed below.
Preliminary Data Collected by the Researchers
Some preliminary data were collected by the research team which helped stimulate attention to the topic and clarify the issues involved. These comprised interviews with a problem gambling counselling service, a casino dealer who has worked in a casino for 19 years, and a problem gambling client working in gaming venues; and a focus group with a convenience sample of gaming venue employees and previous employees drawn from university students at Southern Cross University.
Interview with a local problem gambling counselling service
In May 2004, three members of the research team interviewed the manager and a counsellor from the Northern Rivers Gambling Service, which is the major problem gambling counselling service in the Northern Rivers region of NSW. The manager and counsellor reported that about 25% of the 80 clients they had treated in the previous 6 months work in gaming venues and/or developed gambling problems while working in gaming venues. They also reported that these clients identified some management practices that exacerbated their gambling problems, notably extending advances on their pay, assuming they would spend this on the gaming machines at the workplace.
Interview with a casino dealer
This person had worked in a QLD casino for 19 years and was interviewed in August 2004 by two members of the research team. He estimated that 20-30% of that casino’s gaming staff ‘would have gambling problems they can’t control’.
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Interview with a problem gambling client working in gaming venues
This interview was conducted in August 2004 by two members of the research team. The client, a female in her late 20s, had worked in four hotels and one club in northern NSW, had been gambling on gaming machines for four years, and had been in treatment for her gambling problems for six months when interviewed. She had worked as a bar attendant, in the TAB facility, as a workplace trainer and as a maitre d’ in a club restaurant. All venues where she has worked allowed staff to gamble, but only outside of working hours and not while in their work uniform.
The client started gambling when she worked in a club, tempted by hearing about patrons’ wins, and she started gambling more when promoted to a higher position that she felt she was under-trained for, to deal with the added stress. It was common for her to gamble with other employees at her workplace when they finished work at the same time. She also gambled on her days off. Her leisure opportunities were limited by her night and weekend shifts, so she would go to gaming venues (usually her workplace) after work and on her days off, usually on her own because her friends were unavailable then. She enjoyed playing gaming machines because she could unwind and relax around people, but not have to interact with them.
She felt that constant exposure to gambling in her workplace (especially because the music from gaming machines, and the keno and TAB screens are ‘constantly in your face’) was a strong reinforcer of her and other employees’ gambling habits; and she was much less tempted to gamble when she worked in the club restaurant away from the machines. She felt that working around gamblers creates an organisational or departmental culture where gambling is accepted. Additionally, playing gaming machines in her workplace with other heavy gamblers was a comforting setting, and made her feel her gambling problems were ‘normal’. Even though she was familiar with the potential adverse consequences of gambling (e.g. a patron committing suicide and another who was stabbed nine times by her husband in front of her young daughter because of gambling), this did not deter her from gambling. Her responsible gambling training had also not led her to change her own gambling behaviour.
When asked about the gambling behaviour of staff she has worked with, she estimated that about 80% of her current fellow employees gamble, particularly on gaming machines, TAB and keno, and about one-half of these would have gambling problems. Further, she noted that staff working in gaming areas are more likely to be gamblers and problem gamblers than staff working in non-gaming areas. Many managers she has worked for and many of her friends who work in hospitality are also heavy gamblers, with some of the latter regularly given pay advances, which they spend on gambling. She said that staff in her current workplace (a large club) keep a close watch on jackpot levels on machines, and when high, will gamble on them after work. She also noted that many staff frequently enter the gambling promotions at their workplace.
In her view, the most essential strategy to provide better protection is to prohibit staff from gambling in their workplace at any time. She thought that 80% of staff who gamble would not if they could not gamble in their workplace, as this is typically the only place they gamble. She felt that management should also be prohibited from gambling in the workplace because it sets a bad example for staff and contributes to a
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gambling culture. Finally, she noted that problem gambling amongst gaming venue staff is ‘one of the biggest issues in the state that needs to be dealt with, that hardly anyone knows about’.
Focus group with a convenience sample of gaming venue employees and previous employees
This 2 hour focus group was conducted by three members of the research team in August 2004, with participants drawn from university students at Southern Cross University. There were seven participants (3 males, 4 females), aged 18-46 years, all of whom had worked or were currently working in gaming venues, including a casino, hotels, clubs and a TAB. Naturally, there are numerous limitations of this sample which is atypical of gambling venue staff. Presumably, the university students are better educated and more ambitious about their careers, and see their employment in gambling venues as temporary, a way to supplement their usually meagre incomes until they finish their degrees and get a ‘real’ job. They are also more likely to have worked in gambling venues for a shorter time, to work less hours per week and to be employed on a casual basis. Despite these limitations, the focus group was nevertheless a valuable exercise in identifying the range of ways and aspects of the work environment in gaming venues that can influence the gambling behaviour of employees.
The focus group discussion revealed that most participants felt that working in a gaming venue had deterred them from gambling because it made them aware that gambling is usually a losing proposition; they worked hard for their money and did not want to waste it. They were also critical of how gambling can change people’s moods and this deterred them from gambling. Some implied they had an aversion to gambling because they did not want to be like the gamblers in their venues. Others were deterred from gambling because of the potential adverse consequences they had seen. Still others were turned off gambling because of its ‘excessiveness’ and the ‘pandering’ to big gamblers observed in their workplace.
While the focus group participants were mainly averse to gambling (except two who started gambling when they worked Saturday shifts in the TAB area), many worked with heavy gamblers and one also noted that her manager was a heavy gambler. Some felt the work environment was the reason for this, that working in a gaming venue provided ready access to gambling that tempted employees. Two participants cited incidents of employees stealing from the till to gamble at their workplace. Another noted that staff at her workplace often go to licensed venues after work to relax, and that some fellow employees go there to gamble. A former croupier also explained that working with gambling leads some employees to think they have extra knowledge that will help them win, so his fellow dealers would often fly to other casinos to gamble on their days off. All agreed ‘that the work environment rubs off on you’ when working in a gaming venue.
While the preliminary data presented above amount to little more than ‘anecdotal evidence’, they do add weight to the need for research into gambling by gambling venue staff, the complexity of issues involved, and the many potential aspects of the work environment that seem to influence the gambling behaviour of gaming venue employees.
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Aspects of the Work Environment that may Influence the Gambling Behaviour of Gaming Venue Employees
From the data presented above and a review of the general gambling, occupational psychology and human resources literature, at least six aspects of the work environment in gaming venues appear to have the potential to impact, either positively or negatively, on employee gambling behaviour: • frequent exposure to gambling; • interaction with gamblers in the venue; • interaction with other employees in the venue; • the nature of the employees’ work in the venue; • frequent exposure to gambling marketing and promotions; and • responsible gambling strategies at the venue.
Frequent exposure to gambling
Clearly, gaming venue employees are exposed to, become familiar with, and have greater knowledge about gambling than the general population. However, whether this increases or decreases their risk of developing gambling problems is not currently known.
Nevertheless, the established link between problem gambling and proximity, availability and accessibility of gambling (e.g. Volberg 1994; Cosby 1995; Emerson and Laundergan 1996; National Opinion Research Center 1999; VCGA 2000a; Griffiths and Delfabbro 2001) suggests that gaming venue employees may be a high risk group. Certainly, the problem gambling client interviewed by the research team felt very strongly that easy access to gambling in the workplace was the primary risk factor for employees, while the focus group participants from Southern Cross University mentioned many fellow employees who start playing gaming machines ‘as soon as they finish a shift’.
Further, research has linked gambling and problem gambling with exposure to gambling (Duquette 2000; VCGA 2000a). For example, Shaffer et al. (1999) found that employees who had worked in a casino for 3.5 to 4 years had a significantly higher prevalence of pathological and problem gambling than employees who had worked in a casino for one year or less. The problem gambling client interviewed also noted that constant exposure to gambling in her workplace aroused strong temptations to gamble, both for herself and her fellow employees (‘when it’s in your face all the time its going to be an issue’). Frequent exposure to gambling might also lead to a mindset for some people that ‘normalises’ heavy gambling and risky behaviour, a point the problem gambling client strongly agreed with.
Conversely, heavy exposure to gambling may have the opposite effect for some workers. Some people immersed in an environment of addictive behaviours may adapt to that environment and develop some immunity towards it (Zinberg 1984 in Shaffer et al. 1999). This was certainly apparent in the focus group discussion. Nevertheless, with the higher rates of pathological gambling found amongst gaming venue employees in the two published studies conducted (Shaffer et al. 1999; National Association for Gambling Studies (Australia) 108 2004 Conference Proceedings
Duquette 2000), it seems that this social learning does not provide adequately protect all employees.
Further, familiarity with and knowledge about how various forms of gambling work may mean that some gaming venue employees are more likely to gamble. Even if they are not allowed to gamble at their workplace outside of working hours, their experience and knowledge may lead them to consider they have superior gambling skills that may increase their chances of winning at another venue. The former croupier in the focus group noted that this was the reason that ‘on every weekend, at least two or three dealers fly to another city’ to gamble at a casino. For other employees, the heightened exposure to gambling that their workplace affords might make them feel more comfortable playing these games, particularly at their workplace, as the problem gambling client interviewed noted (‘Most of the patrons had a gambling problem too; they were just as bad as me. …[Therefore] I felt like I wasn’t a massive problem gambler, but I knew they were’). However, for some employees, familiarity with and knowledge about gambling may reinforce the unfavourable odds of gambling and a knowledge that they are likely to lose over time, as was raised in the focus group. Thus, familiarity with and knowledge about gambling may act to promote gambling amongst some employees, yet deter others.
In summary, little is known about how the frequent exposure to gambling experienced by gaming venue employees affects their gambling behaviour and their risks of developing gambling problems. For some employees, this frequent exposure becomes a temptation to gamble, while for others it acts as a deterrent. Clearly, research is needed to illuminate the nature of this relationship.
Interaction with gamblers in the venue
The provision of gambling services requires that customers are involved in the service delivery system, where that service is produced by the venue and consumed by the gambler simultaneously. This means that many employees in these venues, particularly frontline operational staff, have close interactions with gamblers and engage in ‘real’ social exchanges, particularly with regular patrons (Korczynski 2002). This close interaction with gamblers in the workplace may influence employee gambling behaviour in various and perhaps conflicting ways.
On the one hand, seeing gamblers winning might make some employees more likely to consider gambling as a logical strategy for financial betterment. Compared to the relatively modest wages typically earned by many gaming venue employees, the winnings of gamblers in the venue may look like ‘easy money’. Further, the wins are typically more noticeable than the losses. As noted by the problem gambling client interviewed, staff gambling problems can be a result of working there ‘because you see people win, and some people won’t tell you how much they’ve lost…so I think that was what encouraged me’. It seems some employees may get favourably distorted views from patrons about the odds of winning, thus making gambling seem more attractive.
In contrast, and as raised in the focus group, employees in gaming venues sometimes hear gamblers’ complaints about losing, may be subject to gamblers’ or other patrons’
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criticisms of gambling or their opposition to it, sometimes see gamblers in distress after losing, and sometimes hear about how that person’s gambling is having adverse consequences. In fact, with about one-third of gambling revenue and about 40% of gaming machine revenue in Australia derived from problem gamblers (Productivity Commission 1999), these ‘tales of woe’ are probably not uncommon. For some employees, this may well provide a deterrent to gambling due to their heightened awareness of the associated risks and potential adverse consequences. This was the case for most of the focus group participants, but not for the problem gambling client interviewed.
From the above discussion, it appears that gaming venue employees have close interactions with gamblers in the venue, but that the influence of this interaction on employee gambling behaviour is not known. With no relevant studies conducted and published, research is needed to illuminate this relationship.
Interaction with other employees in the venue
As previously noted, little research has been conducted to confirm whether gaming venue employees gamble more or less than the general population, although previous studies (Collachi and Taber 1987; Shaffer et al. 1999; Duquette 2000) and the preliminary data presented earlier suggest that they do. However, employees who choose to work in gaming venues are typically not opposed to gambling per se, and indeed some may have sought work there because of a pre-existing interest in or attraction to gambling (Shaffer et al. 1999). For example, Wexler and Wexler (2004) contend that some employees are ‘attracted to the action, because they already have a gambling problem’, while Shaffer et al. (1999) speculate that ‘workers with gambling problems may be more likely to choose to remain employed in a setting that offers ready access to gambling’.
Thus, many employees in gaming venues may be favourably disposed towards gambling and wittingly or unwittingly encourage other workers to gamble. This encouragement may be overt, such as inviting fellow workers to gamble with them outside of working hours, perhaps after work to ‘unwind’, or to participate in employee ‘gambling syndicates’. For example, the problem gambling client interviewed noted that ‘in all of the venues, if you finish work with someone at the same time, you’d grab a beer and put $10 in the pokies’. Alternatively, working with people favourably disposed to gambling may encourage other employees to gamble to gain greater social acceptance into the work group. Working with people who gamble may also increase the interest in and knowledge about gambling for other employees, by virtue of casual conversations amongst employees of their gambling activities. This increased interest and knowledge may be a catalyst for an employee to start gambling or to increase his or her gambling activity. In some workplaces, condonement of gambling and subtle encouragement to gamble may emanate from management’s own gambling activities, which the focus group and interview with the problem gambling client suggest is not uncommon. Especially in small owner- operated venues, where the owner-manager may well have been attracted into the business because of an interest in or affinity with gambling, employees may engage in gambling to build rapport, affinity and favour with the boss.
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In summary, much of the above discussion is speculative, with no previous research conducted to support the propositions made. However, if employees in gaming venues are more favourably disposed towards gambling than the general population, then the contention that this disposition may encourage gambling by fellow workers has good face validity.
The nature of the employees’ work in the venue
Employment in frontline operational positions in gambling venues is characterised by casual, shift, weekend and night work which, while not distinctive to gambling venues, may nevertheless impact on employees’ gambling behaviour. This is because working at ‘odd’ hours can interfere with a worker’s family, social and community life, with their leisure activities and with other obligations (Keith et al. 2001). For example, the problem gambling client interviewed noted that a major contributor to her gambling problems was having weekdays off, when there were few other social activities and few friends available to go out with (‘the pub is still down the road, and it’s just so handy and, you know, there’s nothing else really to do on a Tuesday and Wednesday’). Further, finishing work late at night and perhaps wanting to relax and unwind over a drink, gaming venue employees typically find that the only venues open are hotels, clubs and casinos. Thus, if they want to go out after work, they have little choice but to patronise gaming venues. For some of these workers, playing gaming machines may be a particularly attractive activity, as it allows them to be around people without having to interact with them, something they have just spent many hours doing during their shift. For example, the focus group participants noted that they often go to licensed venues after work to relax, and that fellow employees ‘go and gamble ‘cause they’re around other people, and they also like to be focused on the machine…and they wouldn’t get off them for 2 or 3 hours.’ The problem gambling client also agreed, noting ‘I would go to another venue that’s open, just to be by myself for a while…not to speak to those people at that venue…and my wind down was sitting at the pokies’. Gaming machines may therefore offer welcome ‘time-out’ that gaming venue employees desire after a shift. This may be particularly pertinent given that frontline workers in general are subject to considerable stress arising from the emotional labour required in their jobs (Korczynski 2002), and that gaming venue employees have reported high levels of stress, irritability, moodiness and exhaustion after work, along with sleep and appetite problems (Keith et al. 2001).
Thus, a combination of working odd hours, workplace stress, a desire to go out but not to socialise after work, and limited after-work leisure and entertainment options, means that some gaming venue employees may be particularly attracted to gambling, especially on a relatively solitary activity like machine gambling. While there is no empirical research to underpin this proposition, it again would appear to have good face validity.
Frequent exposure to gambling marketing and promotions
Under prevailing conditions of intense competition and questions of market saturation (McMillen 1995, 1996), many gambling venues engage in frequent and aggressive marketing activities to encourage patrons to gamble. For example, most casinos, clubs and hotels engage in competitive loyalty programs, player rewards systems and
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promotional activities designed to encourage higher gambling frequency, session length and expenditure amongst players. Promotional prizes are often of considerable value, such as cars, boats and whitegoods. While these marketing and promotional activities are targeted at patrons, gaming venue employees are also constantly exposed to these stimuli to gamble. They are also more likely than the patrons to be at the venue when the fortunate winners are announced. Thus, employees in gaming venues receive heavier exposure to gambling promotions, and their winners, than the general population.
However, there has been minimal research into the advertising and promotion of gambling products and services, either in Australia or overseas (Griffiths 2003). Nevertheless, the Productivity Commission (1999) concluded that certain marketing activities promoting gambling have the potential to undermine responsible gambling and informed decision-making by reinforcing inherently false beliefs, even if the advertisements or promotions themselves are not deceptive. However, the influence of advertising and promotions on the gambling behaviour of venue patrons has not been tested by empirical research; and its influence on the gambling behaviour of venue employees has been overlooked to date. Nevertheless, it is reasonable to conclude that gaming venues consider their gambling promotions as worthwhile activities in encouraging patrons to gamble, and so it is plausible to expect that these promotions might also encourage gambling amongst employees frequently exposed to these marketing activities.
Responsible gambling strategies at the venue
Since the introduction of the various responsible gambling codes and strategies in Australian gambling venues, many staff working in gambling-related positions have received some training in responsible gambling, generally aimed at heightening their awareness of gambling problems and venue-based measures to encourage responsible gambling. In Queensland, for example, under the Responsible Gambling Training Framework for Industry (2003), trained employees are expected to understand the nature of gambling activities in the state, the potential harmful effects of gambling, and responsible approaches to gambling, including the six practice areas in the Queensland Responsible Gambling Code of Practice (Queensland Treasury 2002, 2004).
Further, many of these employees have witnessed the operationalisation of these codes in their workplace, such as the placement of signage, the moving of ATMs outside of gaming rooms, restrictions on cheque-cashing and payment of large prizes in cash, and the operation of self-exclusion programs. Thus, it would be expected that these employees are now more aware of the potential risks of gambling, its potential adverse consequences, some indicators of problem gambling, and where to seek assistance for gambling problems.
However, little independent evaluation of these responsible gambling training programs has yet been conducted to demonstrate their effectiveness in raising employee awareness, knowledge and skills. Further, whether any increased awareness, knowledge and skills flowing from the introduction of responsible gambling strategies in gaming venues has influenced employees’ own gambling
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behaviour is not known (except for the problem gambling client for whom the training had no influence). Research could again help to clarify these relationships.
Other Protective Venue Strategies for Employees
The fourth area that this paper speculates on is the role gambling venues might play in specifically encouraging responsible gambling and discouraging problem gambling amongst their employees. Informed by the preliminary data presented, the literature and basic commonsense, the points below represent mere speculation at this point, as no related empirical research has been conducted. Possible strategies targeted at employees that might assist can be grouped into three broad areas:
Training: • Responsible gambling training that specifically addresses problem gambling and responsible gambling in relation to gaming venue staff; • Liaison with and relaying knowledge about problem gambling support services that employees can access; • Staff training in coping with stressors in the workplace and with other distinctive aspects of working in gaming venues.
Staff policies and practices: • Policies prohibiting employees from gambling in their workplace at any time; • Management practices that do not facilitate easy/instant access to cash by employees, such as electronic wage and salary payments, not extending advances of wages or salaries before payday, and rigorous cash control systems in the venue that minimise temptation for employees; • Venue based employee assistance programs.
Management attitudes: • Management attitudes supportive of responsible gambling amongst employees; • An organisational culture supportive of responsible gambling amongst employees; • Management concern for the general welfare and wellbeing of employees; • Open lines of communication in the venue where employee concerns can be raised.
Summary
The preceding sections of this paper allude to various aspects of the work environment in gaming venues that may influence the gambling behaviour of employees, particularly in terms of problem gambling and responsible gambling. These are presented in the framework in Figure 1 and summarised below.
In terms of problem gambling, various workplace factors appear to promote gambling and, potentially, risky or problem gambling amongst gaming venue employees. While limited, previous studies (Shaffer et al. 1999; Duquette 2000) suggest that working in a gaming venue may facilitate a gambling problem among employees who gamble
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and are at-risk of problem gambling. This may be because frequent exposure to gambling ‘normalises’ heavy gambling and risky behaviour, and/or because employees get favourably distorted views from patrons about the odds of winning. Further, gambling amongst fellow employees may be more common than in other workplaces, where people are drawn to work in a gaming venue because of a pre- existing interest in or attraction to gambling. Thus, fellow employees may encourage an employee to gamble, either overtly through invitations to participate, or unwittingly where gambling may be considered a pathway to greater social acceptance by the work group or by management. Further, a combination of working odd hours, workplace stress, a desire to go out but not to socialise after work, and limited after-work leisure and entertainment options, means that some gaming venue employees may be particularly attracted to gambling. Finally, frequent exposure to gambling marketing and promotions may also attract employees to gambling.
However, in terms of responsible gambling, certain aspects of the work environment may deter some employees from gambling and/or encourage a responsible approach to gambling. Through social learning, some employees appear to develop some protection from developing gambling problems as they learn about the downside of gambling through their frequent exposure to it. Similarly, frequent interactions with gamblers may deter some employees from gambling, or from gambling heavily, due to their heightened awareness of the associated risks and potential adverse consequences. For some employees, their heightened knowledge about the odds of winning at gambling may be a deterrent, and where this attitude to gambling is widely held, an organisational culture may develop that ‘frowns upon’ gambling or that encourages responsible gambling. Finally, certain venue strategies, including responsible gambling training and other protective venue strategies where they are in place, may influence employees to gamble more responsibly themselves.
Conclusion
Little is known about the gambling behaviour of gaming venue staff and the influence that their work environment might have on that behaviour. While anecdotal evidence suggests that gaming venue staff may be an at-risk group of gamblers, no research in Australia has been conducted to test this proposition. Yet, there are some compelling reasons that support this, as well as an equally varied set of factors that would seem to refute it. Nevertheless, the few overseas studies conducted have found higher rates of problem gambling amongst gaming venue employees than in the general population, and the focus group and client interview data appear to support this result. Clearly, research is needed to examine the gambling behaviour of gaming venue employees, to examine the influence of the work environment on that behaviour, and to identify aspects of that work environment that can encourage responsible gambling and discourage problem gambling amongst gaming venue staff. Understanding these aspects of the work environment would assist in developing strategies and identifying pathways to providing a work environment that is conducive to responsible gambling amongst employees in gaming venues, and that helps to minimise harm, promote informed consent, discourage problem gambling behaviour and minimise its adverse consequences.
References
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Griffiths, M. and Delfabbro, P. (2001) ‘The Biophysical Approach to Gambling: Contextual Factors in Research and Clinical Interventions’, eGambling: The Electronic Journal of Gambling Issues, Vol. 5.
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Figure 1 Potential Influences of the Work Environment on Gaming Venue Staff
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EARLY INTERVENTION IN NEW ZEALAND’S NEW LEGISLATIVE ENVIRONMENT: A PARTNERSHIP APPROACH
Carolyn Hobson1 & Alison Penfold2
1. Manager Host Responsibility, SKYCITY Entertainment Group, PO Box 90643, Auckland, New Zealand. Ph: 00 64 9 363 6113. [email protected]
2. Director, Abacus Counselling and Training Services Ltd, PO Box 90710 Auckland Mail Centre, Ph 00 64 9 360 6957 [email protected]
ABSTRACT
A number of the harm minimisation measures within the New Zealand Gambling Act 2003, including a requirement for gaming venues and casinos to have a comprehensive customer exclusion and self-exclusion policy, came into force in July 2004.
This paper describes SKYCITY Entertainment Group’s approach to the new legislative environment, with a focus on early intervention in the casino setting and related staff training in host responsibility.
The paper advocates for the benefits of a partnership approach towards problem gambling management, describing how SKYCITY’s approach to host responsibility has been developed and refined in collaboration with a range of problem gambling experts and treatment providers, including Abacus Counselling and Training Services.
The authors present research findings on the co-morbidity of gambling and alcohol problems, and suggest that a research-based understanding of the effectiveness of existing initiatives needs to be established prior to the introduction of further harm minimisation regulations.
Introduction
This paper outlines the key harm minimisation measures within New Zealand’s Gambling Act 2003, and in particular the Act’s requirement for gaming venues and casinos to have a comprehensive customer exclusion and self-exclusion policy.
We describe how SKYCITY Entertainment Group was well placed to introduce such a policy, as it already had a comprehensive host responsibility policy in place, including a commitment to early intervention with problem gamblers.
We provide a high-level view of SKYCITY’s strategic approach to host responsibility and explain the business rationale behind the company’s commitment to early intervention.
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We then describe how the company puts its commitment to early intervention into practice, including its comprehensive staff training programme, which was developed in collaboration with Abacus Counselling and Training Services.
The authors summarise and present research findings on the co-morbidity of gambling and alcohol problems in New Zealand and overseas, and suggest that a research-based understanding of the effectiveness of existing initiatives needs to be established prior to the introduction of further harm minimisation regulations.
Finally we suggest that best way to identify and implement effective host responsibility programmes, and to develop future policy, is through a partnership approach involving industry, government, treatment service providers, problem gambling experts and other stakeholders.
New Zealand’s gambling environment
The New Zealand gambling environment has changed dramatically in the last 30 years, with rapid liberalisation and expansion, followed by a substantial increase in gambling venues and expenditure. According to the Department of Internal Affairs (2003), the government agency charged with collecting statistics on gaming, over the 2002/2003 periods overall expenditure on gaming was $1,871 million. This figure has been steadily increasing over the last 20 years. In 1984 the figure was $191 million, $575 million in 1991 and $1297 million in 2000.
This trend has been met with a rise in public concern about the negative societal effects of gambling, with an increasingly vocal sector of pressure groups advocating more control over the industry (Statistics New Zealand, 1999). As a result we have seen, in New Zealand and also across Australia and the United States, comprehensive reviews of gambling policy being undertaken by governments (Department of Internal Affairs, 2001).
In New Zealand this situation led to the passing of the Gambling Act 2003, which came into force on 1 July 2004. The Act’s objective is to control the growth of gambling and address the harm it causes to a small portion of those who participate in it.
According to a comprehensive report by the Department of Internal Affairs (2001) it is widely recognised that gambling-related problems are influenced by the society within which they occur, and have a significant impact on wider society. One of the Act’s key changes has been to bring problem gambling management under the umbrella of the Ministry of Health, categorising the issue for the first time as one of ‘public health’.
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The Gambling Act 2003
The Gambling Act significantly affects the operations of casino operators in New Zealand by introducing a number of measures aimed to control the growth of gambling and promote responsible gambling and harm minimisation. Under the Act, casinos will not be able to expand their gambling activities and no new casino licenses will be issued.
Specifically, the harm minimisation aspects of the new Gambling Act are (in summary): • a $20 limit on the denomination of notes that gaming machines can accept (since 18 March 2004). • no automatic teller machines to be located in the gambling areas of casinos (from 1 April 2005). • no jackpot advertising outside casinos, and ensuring in-casino jackpot advertising is not visible outside casinos (from 1 October 2005). • display of information about the odds of winning, the characteristics of problem gambling and how to seek advice for all new gaming machines. Signage encouraging players to only play at levels they can afford must also be displayed and pamphlets on the odds of winning provided (from 1 April 2005). • must provide problem gambling training for staff, as of 1 October 2005. • gaming machines to include features to display messages, interrupt play and, if requested, enable automatic early payout. For new gaming machines this comes into force on 1 October 2005 and for existing machines on 1 July 2009.
Particularly relevant to this paper are the requirements in sections 308 to 312 of the Act, which as of 1 July 2004:
• prescribed that gambling venues and casinos must develop a policy for identifying, approaching, self-excluding and excluding problem gamblers, • included fines for gambling by minors, failure to self-exclude customers and failure to detect breaches of exclusions, as of 1 July 2004.
SKYCITY Entertainment Group (SKYCITY)
Since commencing operations in 1996, SKYCITY has become one of the most successful gaming entertainment companies in Australasia, developing from a single- site Auckland business to a trans-Tasman entertainment group with 17 million visitors each year.
In that time SKYCITY has developed a reputation as an industry leader in customer service, community involvement and host responsibility. These successes and the company’s sector-leading profitability have been achieved in a challenging and highly regulated environment for gaming and hospitality activities in New Zealand and Australia.
In New Zealand SKYCITY operates gaming and entertainment complexes in Auckland, Hamilton and Queenstown, and holds a 40.5% shareholding in Christchurch Casino, while in Australia it operate complexes in Adelaide and Darwin. National Association for Gambling Studies (Australia) 122 2004 Conference Proceedings
SKYCITY also owns a 50.2% interest in New Zealand cinema exhibition company Village SKYCITY.
Overall, SKYCITY employs approximately 5,000 staff, in more than 800 different jobs, making it one of the largest employers in each of the regions in which it operates.
Although SKYCITY has diversified its business across the entertainment sector, gaming remains the core of its business operations, and the company understands that addressing concerns about the harmful effects of gambling is vital for gaining acceptance and credibility in the community it operates in. According to Hing (2003) the responsible provision of gambling is part of the wider area of corporate social responsibility and how organisations manage their impact on society.
SKYCITY acknowledges that gaming can cause harm to a small number of people. It believes that operating a gaming business is a privilege, not a right, and that with that privilege comes certain responsibilities.
In the long term the investment SKYCITY makes in host responsibility contributes to its sustainability as a business and to that of the overall gaming sector: it therefore sees both a social and a business rationale for taking an active role in problem gambling support.
Host responsibility
A number of key strategies define the company’s approach to host responsibility. 1. Close relationships with stakeholders. At all levels of its host responsibility policy development and implementation, SKYCITY receives support and input from treatment providers and other external experts, as well as local authorities, Police and community organisations. 2. Staff training. Central to SKYCITY’s approach is ensuring all of its 5,000 staff (both front- and back-of-house) are trained in host responsibility theory and practice, with a focus on the responsible service of alcohol and gaming. 3. Robust, workable processes and procedures. SKYCITY also has a strong focus on ensuring internal processes and procedures are both documented and operating effectively, ranging from the complex procedure for excluding problem gamblers to simple monitoring groups of drinking customers as they move from one part of the complex to another. 4. Appreciating cultural diversity. SKYCITY also seeks to understand cultural diversity issues and the special skills and techniques staff need to have in order to communicate and intervene with a broad range of customers. 5. Early intervention. SKYCITY has a long-standing commitment to early intervention with problem gamblers in the casino setting.
What is early intervention?
Definitions vary but for SKYCITY early intervention involves identifying customers who may have a gambling problem and motivating them to revise their gambling patterns, to seek help or to self-exclude before the problem becomes even more serious.
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SKYCITY’s business rationale for early intervention with problem gamblers is based on the gambling continuum concept (Australian Productivity Commission, 1999). Under the gambling continuum, customers with gambling problems are seen as entering at any point and moving backwards and forwards along a continuum from social gambling to early problem gambling and, at the other end, severe problems. For some people the risk of moving back down the continuum and continuing to gamble at a lower rate, is not a good or safe choice. However, for many people, especially those people experiencing early signs of gambling problems, early intervention can mean that they are able to return to social gambling.
Early intervention is also supported by SKYCITY because it benefits problem gamblers while allowing the majority of customers to continue to enjoy themselves. Because it is targeted, early intervention doesn’t unduly constrain the company’s ability to operate and grow as a legitimate business. In contrast, SKYCITY considers some of the other harm minimisation measures under the Gambling Act to be untargeted and untimely – and possibly having no positive effect at all on problem gamblers.
Early intervention therefore both helps to minimise the risks associated with operating a gaming business for all stakeholders and contributes to the long-term sustainability of the SKYCITY business and of the gaming sector as a whole.
In practice, early intervention is not an easy task. Identifying problem gamblers is difficult, and intervening effectively to persuade them to revise their gambling, or to seek counselling or self-exclusion is even harder. Nevertheless, there are significant advantages to early intervention in the casino setting: 1. Casino workers are in a unique position to be able to notice changes in gambling behaviour over time, and they regard this as one of the three more reliable ways of identifying problems (self-identification and third party identification being the other two). 2. Early intervention can have positive benefits for casino workers: it creates a culture where employees believe they can make a difference, while also creating a safer environment for customers.
In saying all of this, despite introducing the concept in mid-2003, early intervention is something that SKYCITY, others in the industry, regulators, researchers and treatment providers still know very little about. Early intervention initiatives and techniques are still very much in their infancy, and there has not yet been time to assess their effectiveness.
However, thanks to this existing commitment SKYCITY was in a good position when required to introduce an Exclusion Policy under the Gambling Act.
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SKYCITY’s harm minimisation measures
With regard to the new exclusion policy requirements, much of what is now mandatory under the Gambling Act was already in place at SKYCITY before the legislation was brought in.
Like many other casinos, SKYCITY had a ‘self bar’ procedure – a voluntary process through which customers were barred from all SKYCITY’s New Zealand gambling venues for two years. During the process the customer nominated a counselling service and a third party/mentor that SKYCITY could contact on their behalf. This was especially critical support if the person breached their self-bar.
Prior to the Gambling Act 2003 coming into force, SKYCITY also had a ‘concerned others’ procedure – a process for responding to concerns expressed by third parties about a customer’s gambling habits. This procedure could eventuate in self-barring or excluding someone for trespassing.
Exclusion – how it works
Now that SKYCITY’s exclusion policy is in place, as required under the Act, the company has the ability to exclude a customer from the gaming areas of all New Zealand sites itself, instead of relying on the customer to self-exclude or on the Trespass Act.
While all staff are trained to act as ‘internal third parties’ and to alert their manager if they have concerns about a customer’s behaviour, a senior staff member assigned to host responsibility at each site is responsible for the rigorous process of observing, investigating, and identifying a person as a potential problem gambler. Equally the senior staff member investigates any external third party concerns. Once this is done, if a problem is suspected or proven, this staff member or other senior staff who have completed intervention training are recruited to approach the person, offering information or advice about problem gambling, including information on both counselling and the self-exclusion procedure.
The Act also provides casinos with a flexible time frame for exclusions. At a SKYCITY New Zealand property the person can choose to self-exclude, and be prohibited from entering the gambling areas of all SKYCITY’s New Zealand properties for one year. If the customer doesn’t choose to self-exclude then SKYCITY can issue an exclusion order prohibiting them from entering the gambling area for a period of up to two years. There is therefore an incentive for the customer to take action to self-exclude versus be excluded.
The Act also provides for re-entry conditions. Therefore regardless of the timeframe, to regain entry to SKYCITY self-excluded or excluded customers also need to meet the following re-entry conditions: • they must not have breached for the previous six months; and • they must show evidence of having attended six counselling sessions.
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Since the Act came into effect in July, 275 people have been excluded (as at 31st October 2004). Of these 211 have been self-identified exclusions, 15 have been third party exclusions while 49 have been excluded due to breaching their existing self-bar.
Finally, as mentioned earlier, from October 1st 2005, another regulation stemming from the new Act is a requirement for staff training. As SKYCITY has already implemented structured training in host responsibility and early intervention, it is also in a good position to comply with the Act’s requirements in this regard.
The role of service providers in training staff for early intervention
Counselling services and treatment providers are an important feedback channel for SKYCITY as it develops and refines its host responsibility training programmes.
SKYCITY worked with Abacus Counselling and Training Services Ltd to help develop and refine its training programmes. Abacus is a specialist consultancy undertaking outcome research for training and interventions, and providing counselling for problem gamblers and their families. Abacus also specialises in the development and delivery of individualised host responsibility training programmes to address specific needs.
SKYCITY and Abacus developed three levels of training for SKYCITY staff.
Level One training is ‘big picture’ training for all staff, and includes: • Why have a host responsibility policy and programme, why it is important to staff, and why staff are important to it; • How to identify problem gambling behaviours and when to refer concerns to their supervisor; • Simple actions to take if approached by a customer – explaining the help available, directing customers to support materials, and referring the customer to their supervisor or manager for more information; and • When to refer concerns about a customer to their supervisor/manager.
Abacus and SKYCITY use a variety of tools to demonstrate problem gambling behaviour realistically, including short videos, and group and individual exercises. In the videos, actors demonstrate the signs and symptoms of problem gambling, and the right communication and intervention techniques to use. Emphasis throughout the training is that staff play an important role and that it is never too late to intervene.
Critical to Level One training is a real-life case history of a problem gambler – a presentation by the former gambler either in person or on video.
Level two training is more in-depth. It is provided to supervisors/managers of front- of-house staff, who deal with customers and staff concerns about customers. The Level Two training involves: • Coaching in communication techniques and how to go about intervening with customers displaying problem gambling symptoms; • Role plays designed for each specific staff position; • Intervention and motivational behaviours which help assess concerns about a customer’s behaviour referred to them by one of their staff members;
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• Details on the self-exclusion and exclusion procedure; and • Brief intervention and motivational interviewing techniques for reactive intervention.
Level three training, for Shift Managers and other senior staff goes beyond a reactive approach to active intervention, and draws heavily on Abacus’ academic expertise as well as SKYCITY’s practical experience. Advanced training is given in intervention, motivational interviewing and communication skills. The group participates in complex role-plays (see box for an example), followed by debriefing. Content includes: • Cultural perspectives • Effective intervention techniques using motivational interviewing • Stages of treatment provided by organisations • Advanced skills to support their team.
The level three training also provides further specialised information on dealing with co-morbid behaviours such as misuse of alcohol or drugs, and suicide.
Role-play used in Level 3 Training
Scott is a well dressed, successful-looking man in his 40’s. He is quiet but pleasant and is always alone. He plays blackjack, and always picks the quietest tables.
Increasingly he has been looking less confident, and no longer looks directly at anyone. After an evening of heavy losses he says to the dealer, “This is the end, I can’t go on anymore”. He reveals that he has spent more than $100,000 of his employer’s money and is afraid of going to jail. He pleads not to be turned in to the police.
The dealer calls you over. How do you respond?
Example of First Response: • “Sounds like it’s been a bad night and that things have got really bad lately – can I arrange for someone to take you somewhere more private to talk?”
Ensure Safety: • “I’m concerned about what you’ll do when you leave here tonight Scott – what can we do to make sure you will be ok?” • “I’d like to make some arrangements to make sure you will be safe before you leave here tonight Scott”
Express Concern: • “It all must have got pretty bad for you to come and talk with us about this tonight”
Ask What You Can do to Help: • Offer a menu of choices o Check whether immediate help e.g. crisis team is needed o Offer to connect Scott through to the helpline o Offer to arrange an appointment for Scott at a problem gambling service o Offer Scott the “Understanding your Exclusion options” brochure and/or ask security to talk to Scott about self-exclusion and exclusion o Let Scott know that there is help available for his family too National Association for Gambling Studies (Australia) 127 2004 Conference Proceedings
Culture development and staff motivation
As well as formal training, SKYCITY holds regular department briefings focusing on reminders about the role staff have to play in implementing the company’s host responsibility programmes. The company has also integrated Host Responsibility into the range of staff recognition programmes that reward employees. Host responsibility is also integrated into key performance indicators and job descriptions of key personnel, increasing personal accountability for outcomes.
Problem gambling and connected behaviour
In New Zealand, the large majority of people receiving specialist counselling for problem gambling concurrently experience additional psychological disorders including alcohol and other forms of substance dependence and misuse (Department of Internal Affairs, 2001).
Worldwide, a strong correlation between alcohol misuse and problem gambling has been demonstrated. In a study of counselling services, between 21 to 55 percent of those seeking help for problem gambling also misuse alcohol (Sullivan and Penfold, 2000). Problem gambling amongst alcohol misusers seeking help ranges between 10 – 22 percent (Sullivan and Penfold, 2000). This figure increases to 31 percent if the alcohol misuser also has a drug problem (Shepherd, 1996).
According to the Department of Internal Affairs (2003), it is likely that problem gambling is a significant contributor to both depression and suicide. This Australian study estimates that gambling accounts for approximately nine percent of all episodes of depression lasting two weeks or longer per annum. However, it is estimated that this figure will be lower for New Zealand because of the reduced occurrence of problem gambling in this country (Department of Internal Affairs, 2003).
Abacus research determined that 17.1 percent of clients who presented themselves following a suicide attempt have a gambling problem, while 83 percent of these have an alcohol problem (Penfold, 2004). Ciarrocchi (1987) reported that of clients who were diagnosed as depressed with an alcohol or drug problem, eight percent had attempted suicide. When a gambling problem was identified as well, this increased to 43 percent.
Because of research such as this and its own operational experience SKYCITY recognises that problem gambling often occurs alongside other problem behaviours. Its host responsibility policy takes a holistic approach to problem gambling and recognises that various factors such as alcohol, problem gambling, smoking and unlawful behaviour are often connected. For example, specific processes are in place to ensure that patrons who are becoming intoxicated have their access to alcohol and gaming products controlled or, if this is unsuccessful and the customer becomes intoxicated, service of gaming and alcohol product is stopped and they are asked to leave the premises.
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The benefits of a partnership approach
SKYCITY consulted with problem gambling counselling and support organisations extensively during the planning of its host responsibility and exclusion policies. Staff meet regularly with local problem gambling service providers to gain feedback on programmes, collaborate on specific initiatives and discuss specific cases. Service providers also visit the casino on site visits – an important information-gathering exercise for them.
The SKYCITY and Abacus example demonstrates how the industry and treatment providers can work together to develop new and innovative methods of managing problem gambling. SKYCITY is a strong advocate for such a partnership approach between all responsible gambling stakeholders, encompassing strong, collaborative links between industry, Government, researchers, treatment providers, welfare and community groups.
There are a number of examples of broader partnerships in action internationally. The Canadian Partnership for Responsible Gambling brings together the expertise of non- profit organisations, gaming providers, research centres and regulators to better understand and implement responsible gambling programmes (Canadian Partnership for Responsible Gambling, 2004).
We can also gather lessons and perspectives from the Queensland Government’s Responsible Gambling Strategy, which seeks to minimise the impact of problem gambling. One of its six priorities is the promotion of partnerships between the community, gambling industry and the Queensland Government to address statewide and local gambling concerns (Queensland Government Treasury, 2002).
Another example of a partnership approach can be seen in Victoria, Australia, where the newly announced Ministerial Gambling Advisory Council will include an industry representative. The Council has also expressed an intention to utilise evidence-based research to help develop its responsible gambling recommendations.
Likewise, announcements such as the Northern Territory’s establishment of a Gambling Reference Group, including representatives from all stakeholder groups, are positive. This Group will provide the Minister of Racing, Gaming and Licensing with independent advice and comment. The Minister’s announcement of $440,000 dollars for research grants to develop and implement targeted harm minimisation strategies is also very welcome (Northern Territory Government, 2004).
The authors welcome this movement towards partnerships and finding research-based solutions to problem gambling: responsible gambling/harm minimisation are still emerging fields and there is much to learn together.
SKYCITY will continue to articulate a desire to work closely with regulators, health departments and services, community groups and consumers on both sides of the Tasman, to produce workable and effective responsible gambling initiatives, based on an understanding of how gambling problems develop and which intervention measures actually help problem gamblers or prevent problems from developing.
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Internally SKYCITY will continue to monitor the implementation of its host responsibility policy and, for its New Zealand businesses, ensuring compliance with the Exclusion Policy and all other requirements of the Gambling Act, as well as integrating host responsibility further into the culture and day-to-day fabric of its work environment and culture.
Conclusion
With the introduction of the Gambling Act 2003 a number of problem gambling management initiatives in place at SKYCITY became part of the legal or regulatory environment in New Zealand. While SKYCITY was therefore in a good position with regard to some aspects of the new legislation, especially the requirement for an Exclusion Policy, the company remains concerned that such measures are being legislated for before they have been measured for effectiveness.
SKYCITY advocates a desire to work closely with industry and regulators on both sides of the Tasman. We must produce workable and effective responsible gambling initiatives that are based on a shared understanding of how gambling problems develop and what intervention measures actually help problem gamblers and prevent problems from developing.
Hing and Mackellar (2004) suggest that there are three areas hindering the resolution of the responsible provision of gambling - a lack of agreement over the facts, lack of agreement over the goals, and lack of agreement over the means to achieve these goals. We believe that a research-based partnership approach could address these problems while also reviewing the outcome and efficacy of interventions, enabling us to build a stronger evidence base on which to plan further initiatives.
Finally, we believe that involving all stakeholders through a partnership approach is the most efficient way of doing this. Through its relationship with Abacus SKYCITY has developed industry-leading initiatives that exemplify how a partnership approach to finding solutions to problem gambling can work.
References
Australian Productivity Commission. (1999). Australia's Gambling Industries (Draft report). Canberra: Productivity Commission. Ciarrocchi, J. (1987). Severity of Impairment in Dually Addicted Gamblers. Journal of Gambling Behaviour, 3 (1)(2), 16-26. Beautrais, A., Joyce, P., Mulder, R., Fergusson, D., Deavoll, B., & Nightingale, S. (1996). Prevalence of Co Morbidity of Mental Disorders in Persons Making Serious Suicide Attempts: A Case Control Study. American Journal of Psychiatry, 153(8), 1009-1014. Department of Internal Affairs (2001). What do we know about Gambling and Problem Gambling in New Zealand? Report 7 of the New Zealand gaming survey. Wellington, New Zealand. Department of Internal Affairs (2003). Fact Sheet: The Gambling Act 2003 Summary. Wellington, New Zealand.
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Hing, N. (2003). Principles, processes and practices in responsible provision of gambling: A conceptual discussion. UNLV Gaming Research & Review Journal, 7, 33 -48. Hing, N., & Mackellar, J. (2004). Challenges in responsible provision of gambling: Questions of efficacy, effectiveness and efficiency. UNLV Gaming Research & Review Journal, 8 (1), 43-59. Ministry of Health (2004). Preventing and minimising gambling harm. Draft document for consultation. Wellington, New Zealand. Ministry of Health. Penfold, A. (2004) Problem Gambling and Suicide: The relationship between problem gambling, alcohol misuse and suicide in a population presenting following an episode of self-harm. Unpublished Masters Thesis. University of Auckland, Auckland. Shepherd, R. (1996). Clinical Obstacles in Administering the South Oaks Gambling Screen in a Methadone and Alcohol Clinic. Journal of Gambling Studies, 12(21-32). Sullivan, S., & Penfold, A. (1999, 2000). Co Existing Problem Gambling and Alcohol Misuse: The Case for Reciprocal Screening. Paper presented at the Problem Gambling and Mental Health Conference in New Zealand, Auckland. Queensland Government Treasury (2002). The Queensland Responsible Gambling Strategy. A Partnership Approach. Queensland, Australia.
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THE REDISCOVERY PROGRAM: A PERSON-CENTERED GROUP APPROACH TO THE TREATMENT OF PROBLEM GAMBLING
Kylie King, Kate Earl & Nial Wotherspoon
Locked Bag 2500 Cranbourne 3977 Ph. +613 59906789 Fax.+613 5996134 [email protected]
ABSTRACT
The Gambler’s Help Southern Rediscovery Program is a person-centered group program which recognises that self-worth of participants is a crucial ingredient for growth, change and personal healing. The program’s primary focus on growth and individual strengths, rather than pathology, builds on the group work of Sarney and Jones (2003).
Four concurrent support groups, including a control group, operated over eight weeks in mid 2004 in Metropolitan Melbourne. In the three treatment groups (T=3) each participant was invited to conduct a non-gambling related activity or presentation of their own choosing for the group. Implicit in the process was the belief that participants underutilize their strengths, abilities and skills while simultaneously promoting negative self-concepts, which in turn commonly leads to excessive gambling behaviour, including lapse and relapse. (Marlatt and Gordon, 1985)
Pre and post-testing of symptoms of depression, self-esteem, and attitudes to gambling were completed by group members. Qualitative feedback regarding the group process was also gathered.
It was hypothesized that a focus on growth and individual strengths would benefit individuals by improving their self-esteem, decreasing symptoms of depression and ultimately shifting attitudes towards gambling.
Rediscovery Program
The Gamblers Help (GH) Rediscovery program is one new aspect of the support service developed at Gamblers Help Southern to assist problem gamblers in the southern metropolitan region of Melbourne, Victoria. It builds on previous group work presented at NAGS 2003 in Perth by Jones and Sarney and is related to Steven Stonsy’s work on ‘core values.’ The program was designed with the following considerations in mind:
1. Support groups can play a valuable role in the maintenance stage of change (Prochaska and DiClemente, 1980) where lapse and relapse issues (Marlatt and Gordon, 1985) can be addressed as they arise 2. Support groups allow a ‘shared experience’ for participants in a safe and secure environment where they can genuinely relate to others with similar concerns and see ‘they are not alone’ with their problem behaviour
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3. Support groups can offer arguably a most cost effective and responsive approach to issues as they arise, are sensitive to fluctuating client demand and resources can be channelled accordingly 4. Support groups can offer a screening process where clients who require more intensive interventions can be appropriately referred 5. Support groups allow participants to gain in confidence and improve their communication skills which can lead to improvements in a range of clinical variables including self-esteem and depression 6. Support groups can potentially assist with sustaining a reduction in gambling behaviour and an improved quality of life
However there are also anecdotal reports from clinicians suggesting unproductive outcomes where there is long-term reliance on support groups. Some reports suggest: A. Support group members can frequently digress to story telling comparing whose problem behaviour (eg. gambling) is the most extreme, who had biggest win, greatest loss, committed the most serious crime etc. setting up the scene for outdoing each other therefore avoiding personal issues B. Support groups can become a substitute for the behaviour being treated (eg. Gambling, alcohol and drug use, tobacco), reducing the chance of developing independently. C. Once dependency is established on a support group, attendance can become long term, not uncommonly lasting several years D. Support groups can become difficult to facilitate especially if participants fail to challenge each other, attend spasmodically and/or try and monopolise group time E. Support groups can be seen by management as ‘an extra tool’ in the treatment milieu though with little therapeutic value therefore not attracting adequate resources
Person-Centered Treatment Model & Dependency/Addiction
The GH Rediscovery Program was developed from a person-centered treatment model. From its inception by the late Carl Rogers the basic tenet of the person- centered approach is more to do with the ‘person’ and can be less to do with the problem, more to do with the relationship and less to do with the expertise of the clinician and more to do with preparing for a positive future rather than exclusively dealing with a negative past.
The basic core values of the approach have been written about extensively ( Mearns and Thorne, 2000; Rogers, 1977; Patterson, 1984)
• Genuineness, Realness or Congruence • Empathy • Unconditional Positive Regard
Although congruence or realness is something to be expected in the helping professions according to Mearns and Thorne (2000), we often create ‘lace curtains and safety screens’ (p84) where helpers can almost become genuine at being non- genuine.
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By embracing these qualities the group facilitators fostered an atmosphere where trust and respect were promoted amongst group members, where real caring between members was displayed and where there was an acceptance for group members not just to be themselves, but importantly to breathe some life into their non-gambling selves. In the Rediscovery Program this was seen to lead to individual and collective growth.
Whilst it is beyond the scope of this paper to elaborate fully on models of addiction treatment, it is sufficient to say that a ‘person-centered approach’ takes with it a set of core values, beliefs and expectations about the individual that traditionally have not been overwhelmingly accepted by the medical profession. This is in part to do with the knowledge, skills and expertise which the medical profession generally prizes and endeavours to impart to patients so that they ‘get better’.
The GH Rediscovery Program gave a new dimension for both group facilitators and group participants. There developed an enthusiasm amongst both facilitators and clients and a keen interest in the presentations and an acceptance that productive outcomes do not necessarily need to be simply problem focused, even though that may well be where they originated.
The central belief then with the person-centered approach is that individuals have within themselves great potential for self-understanding, changing self-concept, attitudes and self-directed behaviour when a particular therapeutic climate is fostered (Mearns and Thorne, 2000). Such a climate formed the cornerstone of the GH Rediscovery Program where the primary focus was on each client planning, executing, receiving and giving feedback on their particular non-gambling related interest, passion, hobby or pursuit. Where there appeared an absence of a non- gambling related interest for an individual due to a preoccupation with gambling and associated problems the group provided valuable assistance to ‘tease out’ possibilities and encouragement to pursue their chosen presentation. From this a timetable for individual presentations was established. Additional benefits of this approach allowed a focus on:
• Planning a presentation, receiving feedback and succeeding in its implementation • Initiating something positive rather than purely ceasing of something else seen to be negative (eg. gambling and gambling related discussions) • Embracing some degree of uncertainty/anxiety which would be associated with the presentation • Working through and sharing with other group members best resolution to these affective states • Acknowledging the unique contribution which individual members could make • Taking risks • Enabling and encouraging individual participants to evaluate their own experience
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Aim and Hypotheses
The aim of the project was to provide a group program that enables participants to discover their own path to positive change through rediscovery of non-gambling related strengths and attributes.
It was hypothesized that self-esteem would be a key variable, associated with depressive symptoms and gambling variables. In addition, it was hypothesized that through a focus on individual strengths and resources; 1. Self-esteem would increase 2. Symptoms of depression would decrease 3. Harm caused by self to gambling, enjoyment of gambling, harm caused to self by gambling would decrease. 4. That immediate desire and intention to gamble would decrease, whilst control over gambling would increase. It was further hypothesized that these differences would be more pronounced for the treatment group than for the control group.
Method
The following sequence of steps enabled the implementation of the program;
1. Support group members were firstly introduced to the idea of an eight week program which would be evaluated, focusing on an individual presentation (non-gambling) of their own choosing and given an opportunity to be involved in the research 2. Authors, Earl, King and Wotherspoon met on a regular basis to map out the critical ingredients of a ‘person-centered approach’ including ways to develop group empathy, group respect and acceptance for whatever the participants chose to present and what psychological and behavioural variables to measure 3. All participants were made aware of the voluntary nature of the program and their right to withdraw at any stage, consent forms, simple statement of purpose and measures being evaluated. These included the BDI, Self- esteem, Last Gambling behaviour, Group Attendance, Victorian Gambling Screen and Analogue Craving Scale 4. Program facilitators primarily structured the group, then stepped back playing a passive role and allowed the group to develop its own ‘sense of itself’
Procedure
Treatment group participants were given a plain language statement outlining the procedure of the project two weeks prior to commencement. Group participants were advised that whilst the time, duration, location, and therapist of the group would remain unchanged, the group process would be different for a period of 8 weeks. Group members were invited to take part in the different group program, and were additionally invited to complete a set of pre-test and post-test questionnaires. Group members were also offered the alternative of joining the control group or receiving individual counselling for the duration of the project if they did not want to take part.
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Consistent with the pre-existing group structure, groups were 90 minutes in duration and were held on a weekday evening. Groups were open; however commitment to the group for the consecutive eight weeks of the project was encouraged.
In the first week of the project, participants completed the questionnaires and were provided with an opportunity to discuss with the group their involvement in the project. The Rediscovery Program was implemented in the following six weeks. Participants completed the questionnaires again in the eighth week of the project.
Over the six weeks of the Rediscovery Program, participants were given the opportunity to lead the group for 30 minutes in a ‘short presentation, discussion, or activity, on a topic that [was] of interest to [them] and that [they] believe[d] may be useful for other group members’. Group therapists provided basic assistance with photocopying and stationary, but provided little guidance regarding participants’ choice of topics. Participants were not required to inform group therapists of their chosen topic. Implicit in this approach was a complete trust and faith in participants’ ability to choose appropriate and useful topics.
The first thirty minutes of the group were therapist facilitated and provided open discussion of gambling related concerns. It also provided therapists an opportunity to monitor any safety issues and address personal crises that arose. Following this check- in, presentations then occurred with time-keepers, scribes and presenters for 30 minutes. All requirements of the program presentation (feedback, asking for clarification, recording of group themes, time keeping) were conducted by participants. Therapists were observing and relatively inactive in this section of the group. Therapists did not rescue participants having difficulties during their presentation, or correct any perceived inaccuracies in presentation content. In the last thirty minutes of the group the therapist facilitated structured feedback to the presenter from other group members.
Materials
In the first week, and then again in the last week, of the project participants completed a set of questionnaires.
In addition to standardised tests, participants were asked a series of questions related to variables that were thought could potentially influence individual outcomes (i.e. age, length of attendance at group, support felt in group, attendance at individual counselling, length of gambling problem, time since last gambling episode).
Self-esteem was measured using the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (Rosenberg, 1965). This is a ten-item test comprising of five negatively worded items and five positively worded items. It is a widely used measure of global self-esteem and has demonstrated good reliability and validity (Crandall, 1973; Rosenberg, 1965).
Depressive symptoms were measured using the Beck Depression Inventory (Beck, 1996). This test has been widely used to test for depressive symptoms in both psychiatric patients and in normals, and has demonstrated good reliability and validity (Groth-Marnat, 1999).
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The Victorian Gambling Screen (Ben-Tovin, Esterman, Tolchard, and Battersbey, 2001) was used to measure the impact of gambling behaviour on self and others. This measure comprises three subscales; enjoyment of gambling, harm caused to self by gambling, and harm caused to partner by gambling. This measure was chosen for its focus on the subjective impact of gambling, rather than on objective measures of gambling behaviour, and for its inclusion of items pertaining to gambling related cognitions. This index has been found to be both reliable and valid (Gambling Research Panel, 2004).
The Visual Analog Scale of Craving (Tiffany, 1992) was originally devised for use with individuals experiencing drug and alcohol problems and was adapted for use with individuals experiencing gambling problems for this project. It is a five item scale which assesses individuals’ immediate desire and intention to gamble, perceived control over gambling, and beliefs that gambling will relieve discomfort or negative feelings.
Participants
All participants were existing members of Gambler’s Help Southern therapy groups based in the southern metropolitan area of Melbourne. Participants had initially contacted Gambler’s Help Southern to receive assistance for gambling related problems. At their initial contact with Gambler’s Help Southern, participants underwent a psychosocial assessment and had self-selected to attend group therapy. Group therapy members were then asked to take part in the project between July and August 2004.
Twenty nine (N=29) people participated in the project across four groups, twenty two (T=22) of these were in three treatment groups, each facilitated by one of the three authors, and seven (C=7) were in one group that acted as a control group, facilitated by a Gambler’s Help Southern colleague. The average age of participants was 46 years. The majority of participants reported self-identified difficulties with poker machine gambling. Difficulties with TAB betting and casino gambling were reported by a minority of participants. 11 of the participants had attended the group for over 12 months. 41% had not gambled for six months or more.
Participants included people with significant disabilities and poor health. Most of participants were in full-time employment. Many had children and partners. All reported to have experienced harm related to gambling ranging from emotional distress, relationship problems to significant financial and legal problems. Participants also reported they were coping with other co-occurring life problems such as; relationship breakdown, legal difficulties, family conflict, loneliness, and emotional difficulties.
As support groups are open in their structure, allowing for participants to come and go as they choose, the number of people attending group at any time varies considerably and is unpredictable. It is therefore, difficult to state with accuracy what proportion of group members are represented in this project. Group leaders estimated that a total of ten current or recent group members did not participate in the project due to their
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absence for the duration of the project for various reasons. The participation rate was therefore estimated to be 29/39, or 74.36%.
Participants selected a wide range of topics for their presentation including; calligraphy, sight seeing in Melbourne, keeping budgies, listening and communication, handcrafts, and relationships.
The following quantitative results are based on the questionnaires completed in the first and last weeks of the project.
Quantitative analyses
Quantitative analyses were undertaken using parametric statistical tests, due to the small sample size and the distribution of the data.
Correlational analyses were used to examine relationships between variables. In particular, the relationship between the hypothesised key variable ‘self-esteem’ with measures of gambling behaviour and gambling beliefs was explored. Spearman’s Rho’s co-efficient was calculated for both treatment groups at both pre-test and post- test. Consistent with the initial hypothesis, self-esteem was negatively correlated with depression at both pre-test (R = -.60, p < .001) and post-test (R = - .59, p < .001), and harm caused by gambling to self at both pre-test (R = -.55, p < .001) and post-test (R = -.71, p < .001). Self-esteem was also positively correlated with length of attendance at group for all group participants at both pre-test (R=.47, p < .05 ) and post-test (R = .46, p < .05), and time since last gambling episode at both pre-test (R = .44, p < .05) and post-test (R = .64, p < .001). These findings supported the rationale for a group program focused on enhancing self-esteem.
The Man Whitney U test was used to examine differences between the treatment group and the control groups on the dependent variables. Comparisons between the treatment and control group revealed only one significant difference. The control group had attended the group for a significantly longer time than the treatment group (z= -2.51, p < .05).
The data was then re-grouped based on length of attendance at group. Comparisons were then made between those new to the group in the last six months and those who had attended the group for six months or more again using the Man Whitney U test. The findings of these analyses are shown in Figure 1.
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New 30 25 Longer-term
* = p < .05 20
15 10
5
0
Pre * Post* Pre* Post Self-esteem BDI Figure 1. Differences between new group members and longer term group members on self- esteem and depressive symptoms.
As shown in Figure 1, those new to the group reported a significantly lower self- esteem than longer term group members at both pre-test (X = 24.54 vs. 28.43, z = - 2.50, p < .05) and post-test (X = 23.78 vs. 29.46, z = -2.49, p < .05). New group members also reported a significantly higher level of depressive symptoms compared to longer term members at pre-test (X = 22.31 vs. 12.71, z = -2.01, p < .05), but not at post-test (X = 14.89 vs. 13.08).
The Wilcoxon signed rank sum test for related samples was then used to detect differences over time between pre-test and post-test for both groups on all variables. In contrast with the hypotheses, no differences were found for longer term group members. However, consistent with the stated hypotheses, four significant differences were found for new group members. These differences are shown in Figure 2. New group members reported a significant decrease in depressive symptoms (X = 22.31 vs. 14.89, z = -2.31, p < .05), intention to gamble (X = 22.31 vs. 7.78, z = -2.23, p < .05), desire to gamble (X = 46.2 vs. 28.89, z = -2.21, p < .05), and harm caused to self by gambling (X = 41.46 vs. 24.00, z = -2.67, p < .05)
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50
45 40 35 30 Pre-test 25 Post-test 20 15 10 5
0 BDI Intention Desire Harm Figure 2: Significant differences between pre-test and post-test for new group members (p < .05).
Although no significant differences were found between new group members and longer term group members, or over time within the groups, on the variable of ‘most recent gambling behaviour’, Figures 3 and 4 show a clear difference in the pattern of responses to this question between new and longer term group members. As shown in Figure 3, at pre-test most of the newer group members had gambled in the last month. However, at post-test the majority of new group members reported they had not gambled in the last month (the duration of the project). Pattern of responses of new group members also more closely resembled that of the longer term group members as shown in Figure 4.
60
50 Pre-test
40 Post-test
30
20
10
0 last week last 1-6 mths 6mths+ month
Figure 3. Most recent gambling behaviour of new group members at pre-test and post-test.
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50 Pre-test 45 Post-test 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 last week last 1-6 mths 6mths+ month
Figure 4. Most recent gambling behaviour of longer term group members at pre-test and post- test.
As shown in Figure 4, the pattern of responses to the question ‘when did you last gamble’ did not discernibly change between pre-test and post-test for longer term group members.
Qualitative findings
An important component of this project was process of gathering qualitative data from presenters and other group members during the group sessions. Information was recorded by the appointed ‘scribe’. The group therapist also recorded their own observations of participants during sessions.
Immediately following the presentations, individual presenters were asked open questions relating to their perceptions and feelings of the experience including; what did you like about what you did? How did you feel during the presentation and what do you think you have achieved? Individual presenters commonly said they had been nervous at the thought of presenting but ultimately enjoyed the opportunity to share part of themselves with the group, which did not directly relate to the difficulties they had with their gambling, “I could share a different piece of my life, not just the gambling”.
Almost all presenters said they gained a sense of accomplishment, which they had not had for some time and had made a contribution to the group as a whole, “I could give something positive to the group” and “I planned something and finished it off”. Several participants also noticed a positive effect by having the full attention of the group over the twenty minute presentation. “I felt important when the feedback was positive”
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Group participant’s impressions were also recorded. They were asked for information about the perceived qualities of the presenter; what did they learn from the presentation, and what skills had the presenter demonstrated that could assist them in the challenges of daily life, including management of gambling behaviour. Responses were very positive and included feedback on the opportunity to learn about other people’s views, have a new learning experience, and enjoy the positive feelings in the group interaction “...informative, evoked good feelings, interesting..” Feedback was given to presenters in positive terms which included observations on individual courage, “face things full on… strength” and the skill of presentation, “it flowed easily, comfortable, felt at home”. Many group members also learned about previously unknown positive personal attributes of presenters such as “passion, love of subject and sense of humour”. Individual presenters were also encouraged to reflect on the feedback they heard from the ‘audience’.
Overall, Responses were focused on the primary themes, of inspiration at the strength of others; discovery about other group members; acknowledgement of diversity; the value of persistence and survival; acceptance of other people’s opinion and a sense of accomplishment.
Summary of Findings
The project produced evidence of a number of positive outcomes. Consistent with the first hypothesis, quantitative analyses found a strong relationship between self-esteem and other key variables. In particular, self-esteem was negatively associated with depression symptoms and harm caused to self by gambling, and was positively associated with length of attendance at group and time since last gambling episode for all group members.
Unfortunately, the only difference found between the treatment group and the control group was in the length of time individuals had attended the group. Whilst, treatment group comprised of both individuals new to the group and longer term group members, the control group comprised exclusively of individuals who had attended the group for six months or more. Unexpectedly, length of attendance in the group was found to be a significant variable effecting treatment outcomes. Thus, the authors contended that the length of time in attendance at group exerted a more powerful effect on individual outcomes than membership in either the treatment or control group.
Positive change over the eight weeks of the program was evident for new group members (in the treatment groups). In particular, as hypothesized, a significant decrease in depressive symptoms, desire to gamble, intention to gamble, and harm caused by self by gambling was found. In contrast to the stated hypotheses, there was evidence of stability in these and other variables for longer-term group members (in both the treatment and control groups). Evidence of no change or ‘stability’ is a significant achievement for individuals who were experiencing a considerable degree of chaos in their lives and within themselves at their initial contact with the service.
The qualitative evidence indicated that the Rediscovery Program promoted group cohesion, individual strengths and self-esteem. Further, it was apparent that the Rediscovery program was an enjoyable process for both clients and therapists. Most
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importantly, the program met the needs of both new and longer-term group members in a cost-effective way.
Thus, although the project was unable to detect any effect of treatment group, most of the stated hypotheses were supported. As hypothesized, self-esteem was a key variable for all group members, and whilst longer term group members unexpectedly demonstrated stability, new group members reported significant decreases in depressive symptoms and gambling related variables. Qualitative evidence also suggested benefits in self-esteem for all group members.
Limitations
The project was limited by the small sample size that prevented in-depth statistical analyses and generalization of the results. The project was also limited by the ‘open’ nature of the groups, which allowed contamination of the experimental process with extraneous factors.
Further Research
The outcomes of this project indicate the benefit of further research with larger control and treatment samples and the need for control for length of time in group. Further longitudinal exploration may be beneficial, particularly with a dual focus on reducing pathology and improving well-being.
Treatment Implications
What were the outcomes in terms of treatment implications? There was confirmation, to add to the body of literature, that group treatments are successful. In relation to this particular approach, the Rediscovery Program is effective in bringing about rapid change for new clients and allowing clients to enjoy a focus on individuals and their inherent worth rather than the narrower view of focusing exclusively on gambling problems. This program successfully brought a group approach to the person centered therapeutic model, to facilitate pathways to positive change for participants. In addition the idea that social capital is a valuable asset for all healthy individuals should not be forgotten and could be further explored.
Acknowledgements
The authors appreciate the flexibility, commitment and cooperation of all of the group participants in this program. Each of them has generously contributed, at a difficult time, to developing successful therapeutic treatment models for therapists and individuals with gambling difficulties.
The authors wish to thank the Management of the Gamblers Help Southern and Bentleigh Bayside Community Health Centre for their consent to deliver this program.
References
Beck, A. (1996). BDI-II. San Antonio: The Psychological Corporation.
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Ben-Tovin, D., Esterman, A., Tolchard, B., and Battersby, M. (2001). The Victorian Gambling Screen. Commisioned by: Victorian Casino and Gaming Authority.
Crandall, R. (1975). The measurement of self-esteem and related concepts. In J.P. Robinson and P. R. Shaver (Eds). Measures of Social Psychological Attitudes (Revised Edition): 45-167. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
Gambling Research Panel (2004). Validation of the Victorian Gambling Screen.
Groth-Marnat, G. (1999). Handbook of Psychological Assessment. New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
Mearns, Dave and Thorne, Brian Person-Centered Counselling in Action Sage Publications, 2000
Patterson, C.H. Empathy, warmth and genuineness in psychotherapy: a review of reviews Psychotherapy 21 (4): 431-8, 1984
Rogers, C.R. Carl Rogers on Personal Power New York: Delacorte, 1977
Rosenberg, M. (1965). Society and the Adolescent Self-Image. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Sarney, P & Jones, R. (2003). Development of a group program to address problem gambling behaviour from a strength and solution based perspective. National Association for Gambling Studies (Australia) 2003 Conference Proceedings.
Tiffany, S.T. (1992). Critique of contemporary urge and craving research: methodological, psychometric and theoretical issues. Advances in Behaviour, Research and Theory. 14: 123-139.
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READJUSTING THE BALANCE BETWEEN COMPETITION AND CONTROL IN UK GAMBLING LEGISLATION
John Lepper & Stephen Creigh-Tyte
Economics Branch, Analytical Services, Department for Culture, Media and Sport, 2-4 Cockspur Street, London SW1Y 5DH, UK. 0044-020-7211-6058 Corresponding author: [email protected]
ABSTRACT
Gambling policy aimed at protecting gamblers is a balance between competition and control. However, this balance changes over time as participation in, and attitudes towards, gambling change and new technology is introduced. The state of gambling research is such that policy makers must necessarily take a precautionary approach to policy design. It is such an approach to re-regulation which underpins the Gambling Bill in the UK.
Introduction
We report on the modernisation of Britain’s gambling laws. This modernisation is one outgrowth of reliance on competition to minimise harm to consumers and to maximise potential economic development. However, the gambling industry is an example of the limitations of this policy because its adverse social consequences demand regulation. With gambling, control weighs heavier than competition on the policy balance.
The paper is in four sections. First background is given, second developments in Europe and the UK during the 1990s are outlined, third progress of the UK Gambling Bill is described and fourth conclusions are drawn. Other issues have been covered elsewhere (see Creigh-Tyte, 2003).
Background
Over the past 60 years, gambling law in the UK represents the assertion of competition over abolition (Dixon 1991). The result is that the gambling industry has moved away from its largely unreported past into the spotlight that entertainment creates for itself. However, publicising legalised gambling has also raised the profile of the problems that go with it and, as a result, the social and economic effects of the gambling industry can be ignored no longer.
The Betting and Gaming Act 1960 eliminated the ban on off-course cash betting. Licensed Betting Offices (LBOs), bingo clubs and casinos proliferated. Nevertheless, it was not proliferation of LBOs, which was heavily debated, but that of casinos, which was not, that led to the 1968 Gaming Act which currently regulates the
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industry. The 1960 Act allowed a club operator to charge for participation in gaming activities carried on as an activity of the club but did not limit those charges.
The 1978 Report of the Royal Commission on Gambling stated that as a result:
The new gaming law was … difficult to enforce. There were inadequate restrictions on advertising. The police had no right of entry to the clubs and such checks as they sought to apply through criminal proceedings were slow and enabled gaming promoters to switch the basis on which they operated – to stay one step ahead of the law. In the meantime casino proprietors sought to enlarge their clientele through the provision of cabaret, dancing and refreshments, and places of entertainment provided gaming. Special charter flights brought visitors from abroad for what were known as gambling junkets. Large numbers of people, including the young, were introduced by promoters to casino games which were conducted in conditions of minimum supervision with no standardised rules of play. There is little doubt that in a number of clubs gamblers stood to be exploited and there was growing concern that criminals were becoming active in casino operations.” (Royal Commission on Gambling 1978, paragraph 16.8, p. 269).
This quotation is remarkable in two ways. First, in the 1960s competition between 1,200 UK casinos (Brown and Fisher 1996) led the industry towards entertainment similar in kind but on a more modest scale to that available in Atlantic City and, Las Vegas.
Second, we can still identify the high, even Olympian, dudgeon with which that passage was written and the consensus about the regulation required to stop such a socially disagreeable activity. Casino operations became tightly controlled under the 1968 Act; (as of March 2003 there were 126 operating in the UK) from location to advertising, from games on offer to numbers and types of gaming machines, from “comps” to the character of staff. In 2004, the majority of adults, especially women, thought that present controls of most forms of gambling (i.e. the 1968 Act as currently administered) were “about right” (see Table 1) (Creigh-Tyte and Lepper 2004a and b).
By the early 1990s, legal gambling was common throughout Europe. The European Commission found that in 1989 many forms of gambling were either legalised or, in the case of Belgian casinos, “tolerated”. The largest share of the market at 36% was taken by lotteries (which had yet to open on a national scale in the UK), 31% by betting, 17% by casinos and 11% by gaming machines (Commission of the European Communities 1991). Nevertheless, everywhere in Europe the gambling industry was tightly controlled and, in Belgium and Germany, owned by the Government.
The 1990s
During the 1990s, the European gambling industry has changed by four influences, aside from technology. First, it is subject to a political economy which emphasises risk taking in a free market. This has two aspects; namely, acceptance of risk-taking as normal and encouragement of competition to limit consumer exploitation. Second, widespread participation in gambling. Third, gambling problems have been investigated. Fourth, gambling expenditure has grown rapidly.
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Risk Taking
Acceptance of Risk
For fifty years political economy has been dominated by a debate about the extent to which markets can be trusted to produce socially desirable outcomes. In the UK, open market outcomes are considered by the Government to be desirable from the point of view of consumers because they yield the greatest variety of consumption opportunities at the lowest possible cost.(Office of Fair Trading 2002) Although not all consumers are actively in search of the best bargain at all times, a market is “competitive enough” if a significant proportion of consumers form consistent preferences and seek the lowest cost alternatives among available supplies.
Markets have desired results when competition leads suppliers of goods and services provide what consumers want. For example, a person building a casino takes the risk that people will spend money at the casino when it is finished. If they do, then she may make profits; if they do not, then she will certainly lose and the casino will not be worth what she paid to build it. In this way, the preferences of many people are revealed over time and are translated into the price of saleable assets. Such risk taking is regarded as a driver of economic development which creates jobs and incomes.
Such a system of political economy attracts many interests. It is attractive to risk takers who want new opportunities to make profits. It is attractive to some politicians who believe that taxes should be lowered and governments should not interfere in resource allocation or income distribution. It is attractive to consumers who are offered a wide range of products at relatively low prices.
But this type of political economy also means that all citizens must accept that everyone is free to take risks and be prepared for the positive and negative consequences of that risk taking. The reduction of many post-World War II supports in health, education, housing and social security means that people, whether they like it or not, are forced to take greater risks than previously. For most people, life becomes a series of gambles and risk-taking becomes normal and even welcomed (Bunkle 2003).
Competition and Gambling
The process of competition shares several features with the act of gambling (for example, in the UK, spread betting is regulated by the Financial Services Agency not the Gaming Board.) Both involve hazarding substance in pursuit of uncertain gain. The chances of success are largely beyond the control of the hazarder. They can become the object of obsession. Hence, allowing competitive markets in gambling may create new adverse effects in addition to those arising from gambling itself.
However, competition is also different from gambling. Competition is a contest between organisations; gambling pits a person against the laws of probability. Competition determines which of a number of alternatives survive into the future; gambling merely divides participants into winners and losers at a point in time.
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Competition is a dynamic process encouraging innovation and productivity; gambling is composed of a set of events discrete in time and from each other.
The potential dynamic benefits that competition can bring mean that, market solutions can be employed to achieve social ends. Policy which relies upon competitive forces to control exploitation of consumers depends upon the rationality of both consumers and suppliers. Yet, according to the DSM-IV screen for problematic gambling, one sign of such behaviour is the irrational chasing of losses by gamblers. DSM-IV is not designed to identify rational decision-taking in large populations and some economists argue that problematic gambling is merely the result of inelastic demand for gambling products (Stigler and Becker 1977, Becker and Murphy 1988, Hartley and Farrell 2002).) It follows that the more prevalent problematic gambling the less effective competition is likely to be in restricting exploitation of consumers by the gambling industry.
However, markets react to the weight of expenditure not to the number of participants. The effectiveness of gambling competition in protecting gamblers depends on the proportion of total expenditure that arises from problematic behaviours. Where problematic behaviours are a significant source of expenditure the 'rational' portion of the market may be insufficient to ensure control of monopoly rents. Hence, a gambling market is likely to be rational enough to make effective competition-based policy when the proportion of total expenditure made by consumers who rationally seek the lowest cost alternatives is greater than the proportion of expenditure arising from problematic gambling.
There are other reasons for undesirable gambling market outcomes (Australian Productivity Commission 1999, Grinols and Mustard 2001). These include possible the association with nefarious activities and unequal (asymmetric) information. Nevertheless, it follows that provided these side effects are dealt with there is no theoretical reason why an open market for gambling should not be developed in time. Any remaining monopoly power (Paton and Vaughan Williams 2001) would be the result of other factors such as economies of scale or scope. This is especially so, if the development of casino gambling adds to economic development (Walker and Jackson 1998).
This view underlies the “Gambling Review Report” (Gambling Review Body 2001) and “A safe bet for success” (Department for Culture, Media and Sport 2002) on which the UK Gambling Bill is based. It is encapsulated as follows: “We want gambling to be safe, not only for those who take part in it, but also in the way that it impacts on wider society. Gambling must continue to be conducted fairly, remain free of criminal influence and infiltration, and operate within a regulatory framework that offers protection for children and vulnerable adults. We also, however, want to see a successful British gambling industry; one that is able to respond rapidly and effectively to technological and customer–led developments in both the domestic and global marketplace, building on its existing reputation for quality and integrity, and in the process increasing its already important contribution to the UK economy.” (Department for Culture Media and Sport 2002, p.1). It is also the thinking which has led to changes in the regulation of gambling in much of the rest of Europe.
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Participation
Most people participate in some form of gambling and, in most jurisdictions, fewer than 40% of people have not gambled in the past year (see Table 2). In the UK, this proportion has risen in the past 5 years. Unfortunately, it is not possible to assess trends over time in the rest of Europe.
In most jurisdictions, gambling for money by people under 18 is illegal. In the UK, two exceptions to this rule are that 16 year olds can legally purchase National Lottery tickets and scratchcards and children of any age can play fruit machines at a maximum stake of 50p for a maximum cash prize of £5 or a maximum non-cash prize of £8. In some European countries fewer than 30% of adolescents do not gamble (see Table 3). Differences in methodology make this conclusion debatable. Nevertheless, there is evidence that age limits in their present form and with present methods of enforcement do not greatly impede gambling by adolescents.
Gambling is widespread among people of all ages. In the UK, the most popular form of gambling is the National Lottery (see Table 4). No common measure of participation was adopted in the available studies. Nevertheless, the limited data comparisons that are available in the UK indicate that participation in gambling by both adults and adolescents is slowly falling.
The introduction in the UK of the National Lottery in 1994 and scratchcards in 1995 not only shifted expenditure between gambling modes (largely from football pools and bingo to the National Lottery) but also probably encouraged a normalisation of gambling (Griffiths and Sutherland 1998, Pugh and Webley 2000). At the time of its introduction it was argued that the National Lottery was a regressive tax which would lead to greater inequality of incomes and so deteriorating health outcomes (McKee and Sassi 1995. It was also found that it was associated with higher average gambling expenditure and a greater prevalence of what was termed excessive gambling expenditure (Grun and McKeigue 1997).) The National Lottery raises money for “good causes” under active Government sponsorship and supervision. As a result, it, together with bingo, is regarded positively on balance (see Table 5). Some have even suggested that purchasing a National Lottery ticket is so accepted that it is not regarded as gambling by many people (Shepherd et al 1998).
The greater the participation in an activity the greater the chance that competition can lead to satisfactory outcomes. Larger potential markets attract the attention of a larger menu of potential new investors and the more investors that enter a market the lower the possibility of earning monopoly rents. However, the increase in gambling opportunities such investment brings may lead to more problem gambling. Hence, changes in the level and pattern of participation in gambling mean that the balance between competition and control in gambling policy must be adjusted if consumers are to remain protected.
Problem Gambling
Adult Prevalence
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This section explores European quantitative estimates of the prevalence of problem gambling. It is not intended to be a complete review of the available literature and it does not consider a number of instructive and illuminating qualitative studies (White et al 2001, Wood et al 2002, Wood and Griffiths 2002 and Griffiths 2003).
These sorts of comparisons should really be based on the prevalence of problematic gambling in standardised populations otherwise the observed rates of problematic gambling may be the result of demography rather than differences in the intensity of problematic gambling behaviours. That adjustment is not performed here. Hence, the arguments raised and the conclusions reached are subject to error and must remain provisional until more scientifically-based comparisons become available.
Studies of adult problem gambling have been conducted in Norway, Sweden, Switzerland and the UK. National studies of adolescent problem gambling have been undertaken in Norway, Romania and the UK. At present, we have no knowledge about the situation in most of the rest of Europe. However, at the time of writing (Autumn 2004) surveys are being conducted on adolescent gambling in Germany and adult gambling in the Netherlands.
Most studies of problem gambling prevalence have been based on DSM-IV and its variants. Hence, potentially problem gamblers are those who answer 3 or 4 questions in the affirmative and pathological gamblers are those who answer 5 or more questions affirmatively. The results for adults are summarised in Table 6 and for adolescents in Table 7. Here we use the term “problematic gamblers” to mean the population of problem and pathological gamblers.
If we exclude the studies aimed at particular types of gambler, then it appears that the prevalence of problematic gambling in Europe ranges from as low as 0.6% in Norway and the UK to 3.3% in parts of Spain. Moreover, the studies of regular adult patrons of particular gambling modes have found that the rates of problematic gambling are found to be higher than in the general population (Fisher 1996 and 2000, Hendriks et al 1997, De Fuentes-Merillos et al 2003).
Great care is required in drawing conclusions from this work. Differences in prevalence rates may result from differences in methodology rather than underlying social phenomena. Moreover, many of these studies were performed in the 1990s and may no longer be current. Nevertheless, the results are used to support the view that careful and consistent restriction of gambling opportunities by regulation can limit the prevalence of problem gambling.
Adolescent Prevalence
Usually, different yardsticks have been used to measure adolescent problem gambling. Normally, an amended version of DSM-IV with as few as eight questions has been used and those answering 4 or more questions in the affirmative are classed as pathological gamblers. In addition, many responses were collected in group or classroom contexts rather than individually as in the case of adults. Finally no standard definition of adolescence was used.
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These methodological differences make comparisons between adolescent studies and between adolescent and adult rates difficult For what it is worth, except in Spain, prevalence rates of adolescent pathological gambling are higher than the equivalent adult rates.
Four further issues emerge from these data.
First, apart from the Spanish data, which date to the early 1990s, there appears to be major inconsistency in the above findings. In the UK and in Norway, for example, relatively high rates of problematic gambling among adolescents are reported alongside low rates for adults. Under an accurate test for lifetime prevalence of problem gambling as adolescent problem gamblers become adults they will report as lifetime problem gamblers. To them should be added adults who become problem gamblers after adolescence. Hence, abstracting from mortality, adolescent lifetime prevalence rates should be the minimum rates found among the equivalent cohort of adults. However, that is not the case. One possible interpretation is that problem gambling is increasing among young people and this has yet to show up in higher adult prevalence rates. Another is that people mature out of gambling problems as they age.
Second, problem gambling is both defined and measured by the behaviour associated with a particular impulse control disorder (Ladouceur 2004). However, unique links between a disorder and behaviour are hard to find and conflation of the definition of problem gambling with its measurement casts doubts upon the policy lessons taught by available research. There is no certainty that problem gambling screens accurately identify the nature or the extent of problematic gambling. Moreover, adult studies may be measuring different phenomena from those reported in studies of adolescents. Finally, problematic gamblers may understate, through ignorance, deceit or forgetfulness, the problems they had as children and some research protocols may allow this to occur more readily than others.
Third, some (Griffiths 1995, Fisher 1998, 1999) have emphasised the association between high rates of adolescent problematic gambling in the UK and legal availability of fruit machines to young people. If access to fruit machines by adolescents in the UK leads to problems then we would expect lower rates elsewhere in Europe where such machines are absent. The consistent pattern of relatively high rates of problematic gambling among adolescents in Europe casts doubt upon this view.
Fourth, the younger people start to gamble the worse the problems they face in the future (Derevensky and Gupta 2001,Volberg 2002). European surveys suggest that fewer than 40% of young people do not gamble. That fact, coupled with the high rates of problem gambling among adolescents, suggests that pathological gambling among adults should be particularly prevalent where this conjunction of forces is seen. Yet as we have seen high levels of participation and problem gambling among adolescents is not associated with high rates of pathological gambling among adults.
Faced with confusing results the prudent policy maker must be guided by the precautionary principle. This means that open competition between gambling modes
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will only be introduced into the gambling sector on condition that harms like the level of problematic gambling and social costs such as crime and bankruptcy do not increase as a result. Successful implementation of such a policy relies upon a flexible response by the Government to accurate and frequent assessment of the incidence of problem gambling its social and economic costs.
Expenditure
Over the past 10 years in the UK, gambling expenditure has increased at an average rate of 8.6% p.a. in nominal terms (see Table 8) yet remains a small, albeit growing, proportion of GDP. In the UK, taxation of gambling is not an important source of Government revenue. In 2004/05 only 0.3 of 1% of total Government revenues will come from gambling taxes. Indeed, the largest single source of gambling taxes (42% of the total) in the UK comes from Lottery Duty which is levied on the National Lottery (see Table 9).
There are no systematic studies of the flows of funds through the European gambling industry, although studies exist in Australia, New Zealand and the USA (Australian Productivity Commission 1999, Abbott and Volberg 2000, Volberg et al 2001b) European studies have found some evidence that a small proportion of problematic gamblers are the source of a disproportionately large share of gambling revenues. In the UK, Fisher found that the 7% of casino patrons who were regular players accounted for 63% of all visits and that problem gamblers spent longer in casinos than non-problem gamblers (Fisher 1996, 2000). In addition, in Finland 10% of players are responsible for 30% of gambling stakes and in Norway 10% of players account for 54% of total expenditure and the 0.7% of problem gamblers account for 13% of expenditure (G4 2004). It is likely, therefore, that for some forms of gambling in some countries competition-based policy is unlikely to be as effective in protecting consumers as direct controls.
In theory, the tax system could be used to encourage relatively benign forms of gambling and discourage more harmful ones. It may even be possible to earmark tax proceeds to pay for research and treatment as in New Zealand and Ontario. In practice, however, such a project is hampered by a number of factors. First, it is not possible to significantly raise rates of tax on some kinds of gambling (such as the internet or spread betting) because it might encourage operators to move offshore beyond the scope of domestic regulators. Second, it may not be possible to distinguish more harmful from less harmful forms of gambling with sufficient accuracy to set differential tax rates. Third, such a differential tax may not dissuade problematic gamblers who act irrationally. Nevertheless, differential taxes, accompanied by appropriate regulation and preventative measures like education may encourage non- problem gamblers to gamble in safe ways.
Policy Developments
By the late 1990s, the Gaming Act 1968 was no longer capable of maximising the benefits of gambling while protecting consumers. The balance between competition and control that was struck in the 1960s was no longer appropriate. A consensus emerged that a new approach to gambling policy was required and was subsequently
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amply justified by the legal confusion surrounding the introduction of Fixed Odds Betting Terminals into LBOs.
A detailed chronology of the policy development leading to the Gambling Bill is contained in Table 10.
Budd Report
The policy process began with the Gambling Review Body and the subsequent publication of the Budd Report (Gambling Review Body 2001). At the time, it was widely thought to be recommending the wholesale de-regulation of the UK gambling sector. In fact, much of the report reflected the consensus that existing regulations were designed for an earlier time and were no longer appropriate.
The Review Body’s recommendations aimed to simplify existing regulation of gambling and to provide more choice for consumers while making sure that gambling is free from crime, is fair and does not exploit the young or the vulnerable. It recommended that the entire industry (apart from the National Lottery and spread betting) should be administered by a Gambling Commission. The Commission should be responsible for the honesty of gambling and for ensuring that exploitation of the vulnerable does not occur. It should have much wider functions and powers than the present Gaming Board.
The Review Body recommended removing a number of impediments to choice in gambling imposed by the Gaming Act 1968. These included removal of demand tests for licences and membership requirements for bingo clubs and casinos and removal of permitted areas for casinos. Casinos should also be permitted to offer unlimited stake, unlimited prize slot machines, bingo, betting, alcohol and entertainment. However, the Review Body wanted to prevent the proliferation of small casinos based on machine gambling and recommended a minimum floor area for new casinos. Bingo clubs should be able to offer unlimited prizes, rollovers and unlimited linked games. LBOs should be able to house jackpot machines. Betting on the National Lottery should be permitted. Credit cards should be capable of being used for gambling except directly in machines.
The Review Body recommended that on-line gambling should be permitted in the UK. However, on-line gambling sites should be registered with the Gambling Commission and their operators should be “fit and proper” persons. Gaming software employed on sites should be inspected by the Gambling Commission and operators should not allow participation by those under 18.
In addition, the Budd Report recommended extending regulation. Included were a wider range of people to be certified by the Gambling Commission; the application of money laundering legislation to bookmaking; clear advertising of rules, odds and pay outs; gambling debts to be legally enforceable; the banning of gambling in pubs and of alcohol in LBOs; the removal of machines from unlicensed cafes and taxicab offices and the issue of formal codes of social responsibility by the Gambling Commission. It also recommended a reduction in maximum stakes and prizes of fruit machines which are available to young people.
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A Safe Bet For Success
The Budd Report contained 176 recommendations of which only 10 were rejected by the Government. Most of these related to the details of licensing premises for gambling activities by local authorities and modifications to existing regulations on gambling machines (Department for Culture Media and Sport, 2002).
The Gambling Bill
The Gambling Bill which incorporates many of the Review Body recommendations is to be introduced into Parliament late in 2004. The bill contains three licensing objectives; namely, to prevent gambling from being a source of crime, to ensure that gambling is fair and to protect children and the vulnerable. The Gambling Commission is to promote these objectives and to only allow gambling that is “reasonably consistent” with them. This represents the way in which the precautionary principle is to be translated into law. To this end the Gambling Commission is given wide powers and responsibilities many of which will be detailed in subsequent regulations.
The bill has already been subject to pre-legislative scrutiny by a Joint Select Committee of the Houses of Lords and Commons. That Committee tabled its report early in April making 139 detailed recommendations (Joint Committee 2004). The Government has reacted by proposing further restrictions on casinos operations and the employment of slot machines (Department for Culture Media and Sport, 2004).
The Government seeks to control the proliferation of unlimited stake unlimited prize jackpot machines (i.e. pokies) by ensuring that "pokie parlours" do not come into existence in the UK. Although, it is proposed that these Category A machines will be licensed for use for the first time they will only be allowed to be allowed in regional casinos with a total consumer area of at least 5,000 square metres No more than 1,250 such machines per regional casino will be permitted. It will not be possible for bingo to be played in small casinos. Finally adolescent access to fruit machines will be restricted by removing machines from unlicensed premises such as fish and chip shops and taxicab offices.
Gambling Taxation
Alongside the Gambling Bill the Government is also engaged in a review of gambling taxation. In the EU gambling is generally exempt from VAT, subject to laws of individual countries. In the UK, there are currently 6 different duties applied to gambling; namely, Amusement Machine Licence Duty, Bingo Duty, Gaming Duty, General Betting Duty, Lottery Duty and Pools Duty. Since October 2001, General Betting Duty, Pools Duty and Bingo Duty have been changed from a tax on stakes to a tax on gross profits (i.e. stakes less prizes). However, Lottery Duty remains a levy on stakes, Amusement Machine License Duty is a graduated levy depending on the type of machine licence issued and Gaming Duty is a progressive profits tax.
In the 2004 Budget the Chancellor of the Exchequer announced that there was to be a review of gambling taxation before the 2005 Budget (HM Treasury Budget 2004). That review seeks to simplify the gambling tax system. Simplification is likely to
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particularly benefit those operators who wish to offer a number of gambling products from a single location or enterprise.
Conclusion
The usual approach to consumer protection is to encourage greater competition among providers. However, gambling is a harmful activity for a significant minority of people. This minority are apparently disproportionately represented among users of many gambling products and so market outcomes may be socially optimal. Hence, even the small minority that comprise problematic gamblers and their families is significant enough to warrant continued careful regulation of the UK gambling industry.
The proposed Gambling Bill will allow greater freedom for all forms of gambling to compete with each other and with the rest of the entertainment industry than at present. Some forms of gambling, which are currently very tightly controlled (like casinos) will be allowed to compete more openly that at present and others that are currently not permitted (such as unlimited stake, unlimited prize gambling machines) will be allowed in controlled circumstances. That is why larger casinos will be able to offer betting and bingo facilities. It is hoped that large so-called regional casinos will encourage the regeneration of some parts of the UK economy.
However, the bill is also designed so that a flexible policy response can readily be made to any future changes in the gambling industry. Such a response will depend crucially upon accurate research into gambling and problematic gambling and the speed and accuracy with which the Gambling Commission can act upon it. The Gambling Commission will be responsible for ensuring that problem gambling does not increase as gambling opportunities proliferate. To this end, it will be able to make licence conditions more or less strict depending on the circumstances. Because the bill strikes a new balance between competition and control in gambling policy it is best seen as a re-regulatory exercise rather than the deregulatory one that most commentators have described.
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Table 1
DEGREE OF REGULATORY CONTROL (% of responses by row; rows may not sum to 100 due to rounding) More About Less No strict Right Strict Opinion Lotteries 16 61 2 21 Scratchcards 24 49 2 26 Betting Offices 17 49 1 34 On-course betting 14 46 1 39 Bingo 8 59 3 30 Fruit machines 35 35 2 29 Private bets 15 36 2 47 Casinos 20 40 2 37 Internet 36 20 1 43 Betting exchanges 17 24 1 58 Source: Creigh-Tyte and Lepper 2004.
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Table 2
NON-PARTICIPATION IN GAMBLING BY ADULTS: Various European Countries (% of total sample) Sample Non gamblers Lifetime non in past 12 participation months Galicia (Spain) 1991 1,615 34.9 (Becona 1993) Germany 1988 891 22 (1) (Albers and Hubl 1997) Norway 1997 2,014 31.2 (Gotestam and Johansson 2003) Sweden 1998 7,139 11.1 5 (Ronnberg et al 1999, Volberg et al 2001a) UK 1999 7,680 27 (Sproston et al 2000) UK 2004 2,945 29 (Creigh-Tyte and Lepper 2004) Note: 1. Non gamblers in last three months.
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Table 3
ADOLESCENT NON-PARTICIPATION IN GAMBLING: Various European Countries (% of total sample) Sample Age Range Non Gamblers Lifetime Non Gamblers Norway 1999 3,237 12-18 17.6 (Johansson and Gotestam 2003) Romania n.d. 500 14-19 27 (Lupu et al 2002) UK n.d. 50 13-14.6 11 (Ide-Smith and Lea 1988) UK 1996 7,200 12-15 85(1) (Fisher and Balding 1996) UK 1997 9,774 12-15 25(2) (Fisher 1999) UK 1999 9,529 12-15 25 (Ashworth et al 2001) UK 2000 11,521 12-15 30 (Ashworth et al 2001) Notes: 1. National Lottery only. In past week. 2. Fruit machines only.
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Table 4
PARTICIPATION IN FORMS OF GAMBLING IN PAST 12 MONTHS (% of total sample and % change 1999 to 2004) NOP National % Survey Prevalenc change February e Survey 1999 to 2004 September 2004 1999 National Lottery 61 65 -4* Other lotteries 7 8 -1 Scratchcards 16 22 -6* Football Pools 5 9 -4* Bingo 9 7 +2* Fruit Machines 9 14 -5* Private Bets 7 11 -4* Horse Races 11 13 -2* Dog Races 4 4 0 Events at a bookmaker 4 3 +1* Betting Exchange neg n.a. n.a. Table games at a 2 3 -1* casino Internet 1 neg n.a. Other 1 neg n.a. Source: Creigh-Tyte and Lepper 2004.
Indicates statistically significant at 5%. neg: negligible. n.a.: not applicable.
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Table 5
BALANCE OF OPINION TOWARDS TYPES OF GAMBLING (% scaled for don’t knows / no opinions) Very Very Balance unfavourab favourable - A + B le + + unfavourab favourable le B A Lotteries 20 53 +33 Bingo 17 37 +20 On-course betting 38 27 -11 Scratchcards 42 27 -15 Betting offices 44 18 -26 Private bets 43 16 -27 Casinos 46 16 -30 Fruit Machines 55 16 -39 Betting Exchanges 51 6 -45 Internet 63 7 -56 Source: Creigh-Tyte and Lepper 2004.
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Table 6
PREVALENCE OF PROBLEMATIC GAMBLING AMONG ADULTS: Various European Countries (% of total sample) Sample Problem Pathological Total Problematic Netherlands 1995 4,497 4.1 0.7 4.8 (Hendriks et al 1997) (1) Netherlands 1999 9,235 2.44 0.24 2.68 (DeFuentes-Merillas et al 2003)(1)(2) Norway 1997 2,014 0.45 0.15 0.60 (Gotestam and Johansson 2003) Catalonia (Spain) 1989 1,230 n.a. n.a. 2.34 (Cayuela and Guivao 1990)(3) Galicia (Spain) 1991 1,615 1.6 1.7 3.3 (Becona 1993) Sweden 1997-1998 7,139 1.4 0.6 2.0 (Ronnberg et al 1999, Volberg et al 2001a) Switzerland n.d. 2,526 2.2 0.8 3.0 (Bandolfi 2000)(3) UK 1994-1995 206 n.a. n.a. 1.0 (Shepherd et al 1998)(4) UK 1995 1,105 5.1 2.2 7.3 (Fisher 1996, Fisher 2000)(5) UK 1999 7,680 0.4 0.2 0.6 (Sproston et al 2000) Notes: 1. Scratchcard patrons only. 2. Used an amalgam of SOGS and DSM-IV to identify problem gamblers. 3. Study based on SOGS. 4. Postal longitudinal study in Cambridgeshire UK. 5. Casino patrons only.
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Table 7 PREVALENCE OF PROBLEMATIC GAMBLING AMONG ADOLESCENTS: Various European Countries (% of total sample) Sample Age Problem Pathological Total Range Problematic Norway 1999 3,537 12-18 3.46 1.76 5.22 (Johansson and Gotestam 2003)(1) Romania n.d. 500 14-19 6.8 (Lupu et al 2002)(1) Galicia (Spain) n.d. 1,200 11-16 2.2 (Becona 1997)(2) Gijon (Spain) n.d. 2,185 11-16 1.6 (Villa et al 1997)(2) UK 1997 9,774 12-15 5.6 (Fisher 1998)(3) UK 1997 204 11-16 5.0 (Griffiths 2000)(4) UK 1999 9,529 12-15 5.4 (Ashworth et al 2000)(3) UK 2000 11,581 12-15 4.9 (Ashworth et al 2000)(3) Notes: 1. Study based on DSM-IV. Problem gamblers score 3 or 4 and pathological score 5 or more positive responses. 2. Study based on DSM-IV-J. Problematic gamblers score 4 positive responses or more. 3. Study based on adapted DSM-IV. Problematic gamblers score 4 positive responses or more. 4. Study based on DSM-IV-J-R. Problematic gamblers score 4 positive responses or more. Males only.
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Table 8. UK GAMBLING EXPENDITURE, 1993/94 - 2002/03 (£ million) Year end March National Lottery Other Gambling Total 1994 0 3749 3749 1995 596 4045 4641 1996 2609 3793 6402 1997 2362 3989 6351 1998 2757 4088 6845 1999 2614 4432 7046 2000 2547 4501 7048 2001 2492 4605 7096 2002 2417 5303 7720 2003 2288 5622 7909 Source: ONS ‘Games of Chance’ statistical series (ref: CDEM, 09.4.3).
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Table 9. RECEIPTS FROM GAMBLING DUTIES, 1993/94 - 2002/03 (£ million) Year Gaming Bingo Amuse Pool General Lottery Total end Duty Duty ment Betting Betting Duty March Machin Duty Duty e License Duty 1994 82 78 104 347 495 0 1106 1995 72 84 106 342 509 104 1217 1996 84 91 107 191 489 612 1573 1997 79 96 128 127 454 558 1441 1998 92 102 131 97 462 675 1559 1999 91 105 157 70 480 628 1530 2000 107 107 160 38 492 609 1514 2001 129 114 153 30 487 596 1510 2002 130 116 154 26 433 580 1438 2003 151 122 149 16 304 550 1292 2004 137 111 144 13 383 559 1347
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Table 10. Summary of Key Gambling Bill Milestones and Reference Documents
Milestone Description Bibliographic Reference (if applicable) April 2000 Gambling Review Body established May 2000 Publication of BISL report KPMG Consulting: “The Economic Value and Public Perceptions of Gambling in the UK” Business In Sport and Leisure June 2000 Publication of first survey on the Kerry Sproston, Bob Erens and Jim Orford: “ Gambling prevalence of problem gambling among Behaviour in Britain: Results form the British Gambling British adults Prevalence Survey”, National Centre for Social Research, London. September 2000 Discussion of tax options for gambling David Paton, Donald Siegel and Leighton Vaughan Williams “An Economic Analysis of the Options for Taxing Betting: A Report for HM Customs & Excise” September 2000 July 2001 Gambling Review Body’s findings & Gambling Review Body: “Gambling Review Report”, recommendations published CM 5206. February 2002 Review of international evidence David Paton, Donald S Siegel and Leighton Vaughan Williams: “A Review of the Empirical Literature on the Demand for Gambling: A Report for the Department for Culture, Media and Sport” March 2002 Government response to Gambling A Safe Bet for Success – Modernising Britain’s Gambling Review Report published Laws: The Government’s Response to the Gambling Review Report, Cm 5397. May 2002 Estimates of demand relationships David Paton, Donald S Siegel and Leighton Vaughan Williams: “New Evidence on the Demand for Gambling: A report for the Department for Culture, Media and Sport, final revised version July 2002 Discussion of basis of funding of good “Review of Lottery Funding: A consultation paper on causes of National Lottery Lottery distribution policy”(DCMS July 2002) July 2002 Summary of evidence presented to The Government’s Proposals for Gambling: Nothing to House of Commons’ Culture, Media Lose? Seventh Report of Session 2001-02, Volumes 1, 2, and Sport Select Committee, published 3 and Memoranda, House of Commons (2002). October 2002 Government’s response to the Select The Government’s Proposals for Gambling: Nothing to Committee proceedings, published Lose? Government Response to the Seventh Report from the Culture, Media and Sport Select Committee Session 2001-02, DCMS (2002) November 2002 Policy Instructions Drafted Gambling Bill Policy Instructions
April 2003 Discussion of policy towards remote The future Regulation of Remote Gambling: A DCMS gambling Position Paper (DCMS April 2003) April 2003 Proposals to alter National Lottery National Lottery Licensing and Regulation Decision licensing and regulation Document May 2003 The Modernisation of Gambling Taxes A report on the Evaluation of the Gross Profits Tax on Betting July 2003 Customs Consultations on Amusement The Modernisation of Gambling Taxes: Consultation on Machine Licence Duty Review of AMLD, HM Customs and Excise 15 July 2003 Draft Gambling Bill clauses Modernising Britain’s gambling laws, July 2003 CM 5878 7 August 2003 Press Release from Lord McIntosh Statement on Casino policy “Future set out for UK Casinos” 9 September 2003 Joint Committee on the Draft Gambling Bill (chair John Greenway MP) appointed by the House of Commons and the House of Lords 30 October 2003 DCMS Statistical Bulletin Betting Licensing Great Britain, June 2002 – May 2003 19 November 2003 Draft Gambling Bill circulated for Draft Gambling Bill, CM 614-I National Association for Gambling Studies (Australia) 169 2004 Conference Proceedings
consultation February 2004 Publication of Henley Centre forecasts The Henley Centre: “The Economic and Social Impact of the Proposed Gambling Bill: A Henley Centre report commissioned by BACTA”, The Henley Centre, London. 17 March 2004 Announcement of examination of Budget 2004 Prudence for a purpose: A Britain of taxation of gambling stability and strength, HC 301. 1 April 2004 Publication of results of NOP survey Stephen Creigh-Tyte and John Lepper: “Survey of Participation in, and Attitudes towards, Gambling: Key Findings from the 2004 NOP Survey”, DCMS Technical Paper No 4. 7 April 2004 Publication of report by Joint Joint Committee on the Draft Gambling Bill: “Draft Committee on the Draft Gambling Bill Gambling Bill: Session 2003-04”, 3 Volumes, HL Paper 63-I to 63-III/HC 139-I to 139-III. 14 June 2004 Government’s response to the report of Government Response to the First Report of the Joint the Joint Committee Committee on the Draft Gambling Bill; Session 2003-04, Cm 6253, June 2004. June 2004 Publication of further results from the Stephen Creigh-Tyte and John Lepper: “Gender NOP survey Differences in Participation in, and Attitudes towards, Gambling in the UK: Results from the 2004 NOP Survey”, DCMS Technical Paper No 7. 21 June 2004 Joint Committee on the Draft Gambling Bill reconvened to further examine policy on the definition, location and economic implications of regional casinos 22 July 2004 Publication of further report by Joint Joint Committee on the Draft Gambling Bill (Regional Committee on the Draft Gambling Bill Casinos): “Draft Gambling Bill (Regional Casinos)”, HL Paper 146-I/HC 843-I. 22 September 2004 Government’s response to second report of the Joint Committee. 18 October 2004 Introduction of Gambling Bill in the House of Commons. 1 November 2004 Second Reading of Gambling Bill November 2004 Publication of literature review of Corinne May-Chahal,Fiona Measham, Morag Brannock, adolescent gambling. Jude Amos and Paul Dagnall:”Young People and Gambling in Britain: A systematic and critical review of the research literature relating to gaming machine, lottery and pools coupons practice by children and young people under 18”, DCMS Technical Paper No 8. 9 November 2004 Committee Stage of Gambling Bill begins
Source: Adapted and expanded from “Assessing the Costs and Benefits of Gambling in the United Kingdom” by Creigh-Tyte, Vaughan Williams and Farrell (2003) and “Competition and Control in UK Gambling Policy” by John Lepper.
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THE GEOGRAPHY OF GAMBLING: ACCESSIBILITY OF EGMS IN SUBURBAN CANBERRA
Dr David Marshall, Professor Jan McMillen & Bruce Doran
Centre for Gambling Research, RegNet Program, Research School of Social Sciences, Australian National University, Canberra ACT 0200 Australia. Ph. 61 2 6125 6768. [email protected]
ABSTRACT
This paper presents the results of an empirical study of accessibility and use of gaming clubs in Tuggeranong Valley, a suburban region of Canberra. Research used Geographic Information Systems (GIS) to examine patterns of gambling activity, club use and socio-demographic characteristics of club patrons at a detailed local level. Face-to-face interviews with 2 447 adults were conducted to examine patterns of club patronage and gambling by a sample population of residents. The study:
• identified patterns of gambling behaviour and/or club patronage of different Tuggeranong sub-populations; and • examined whether geographical proximity and/or other dimensions of accessibility are significant factors influencing gambling activity and use of gaming clubs.
Introduction
This paper outlines selected findings from a recent study conducted in the ACT by the ANU Centre for Gambling Research and which was funded by the ACT Gambling and Racing Commission (Marshall et al. 2004).
The paper starts with a brief overview of the background to the study, an overview of the methodology and a summary of key findings. It then moves on to discuss more specific findings elicited from interrogation of the data by geographical information systems (GIS). Included in this section is a brief outline of the procedures adopted for the GIS analysis. Research findings are then discussed in their wider context with a view to identifying future research directions.
This research suggests that proximity of gaming venues to places of community congregation and the close location of gaming venues to residential areas of relative socio-economic disadvantage are factors influencing gambler behaviour. The study demonstrates that catchment areas for different venues can vary greatly, even within a geographically bounded community such as Tuggeranong. It suggests that the socio- spatial characteristics of club catchments are more complicated than previous studies have suggested. The research methodology and findings contribute towards an improved practical methodology that will assist regulators to better understand the effects of gambling policies and regulation at the level of local communities.
Background
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The primary aim of this study was examine a number of issues related to the local level relationship between communities and neighbourhood gambling facilities. Many studies, including the 1999 Productivity Commission’s national inquiry into Australia’s gambling industries (Productivity Commission 1999) have identified the propensity for variations in gambling activity and impacts at a local level. In particular, accessibility to gambling opportunities such as electronic gaming machines (EGMs) in clubs and hotels has been identified as a critical factor in increased gambling participation and the potential for problem gamblingii. Despite this, local area studies of gambling activity and access have been relatively rare. What is lacking are detailed socio-spatial analysis of gambling behaviour at the local level which encompass the usage patterns of club facilities by local residents and the extent that ‘access’ to gaming machines is an influence on their behaviour.
Such issues are critical for policy and regulation. In particular, issues emerging in this domain are the location of gaming venues, the number and type of gaming machines and the ‘fit’ between venues and communities (McMillen et al. 2000; Queensland Gaming Commission 2001; State of Victoria 2001). Regulatory decisions relating to these issues are often hindered by gaps in existing information. For example, few studies have sought to examine the effects of ‘accessibility’ or residential proximity to EGMs on patterns of gambling participation at a local level. Such gaps include limited understanding of the notion of accessibility to gambling and thus an understanding of what constitutes a club ‘catchment’ area. Consequently a central concept for this study is the notion of accessibility.
Methodology
To better understand some of the issues related to community level gambling, this study adopted a detailed local socio-spatial approach in a specific area of suburban Canberra. Mapping and geo-statistical analysis of key variables and relationships provided an opportunity to develop an innovative and exploratory methodology. The project sought to further understanding of a number of issues including:
• patterns of local gaming machine use by residents; • patterns of club patronage; • whether accessibility or residential proximity influenced club patronage and the use of gaming machines; and • the level of community support for gaming machines.
Tuggeranong – a region in the southern suburbs of Canberra – was selected as a suitable location to do this study for a range of reasons:
• It has a diverse population in terms of socio-economic and demographic characteristics; • It is easily demarcated from adjoining regions; • It has existing EGM facilities of various sizes; • Some suburbs do not currently have clubs with EGMs; • Residents have convenient access to other localities with gaming clubs; • It has a clearly identifiable town centre containing a cluster of EGM clubs along with other retail and recreational facilities.
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• The eight club gaming venues in Tuggeranong are dispersed throughout the region – three in the town centre, four in the main suburban areas and only one in the outer southern suburbs.
A door-to-door survey administered by a team of trained ANU students was chosen as a suitable methodology for a number of reasons. This approach: • enabled a spatially representative sample to be collected with accurate residential location data suitable for geo-coding; • ensured contact with residents living a diverse range of socio-economic environments; • meant that residents without phone services or who have unlisted phone numbers could be incorporated into the research frame; and • was achievable within the time and resource constraints of the project.
The questionnaire survey incorporated five distinct sections. Strategically placed filter questions ensured that respondents were only asked questions which were relevant to them. The questionnaire was designed to be completed in less than 15 minutes but for most respondents the filter questions meant that the survey could be completed much more quickly. Issues examined in the questionnaire were: • General leisure activities; • Club and EGM participation; • Use of other club facilities; • Attitudes and opinions towards EGMs and related issues; and • Demographic information
As with all data collection methods, there are recognised limitations to this particular methodology. Most notable is the standard problem when asking respondents to recall their behaviour which may have taken place some time ago. Therefore responses should be treated only as a guide rather than as completely accurate recollections. Furthermore, with door-to-door surveys there is always a possibility - for a number of reasons - that a biased sample is collected. Face-to-face interviewing also has a higher level of intrusiveness than other approaches.
To address these limitations whilst ensuring that the objectives of the research could be met, a number of stringent protocols were put in place to maximise the chances of achieving a spatially and demographically representative sample. These included: • Design of a relatively short questionnaire; • Survey of 117 Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) collection districts on different days of the week and at different times of the day; • Employment of eight survey staff with diverse demographic characteristics; and • Each collection district was visited on four separate occasions by different staff members.
Survey findings
From over 8 000 households contacted in the Tuggeranong Valley, the survey process generated 2 447 completed questionnaires. Excellent geographical coverage of Tuggeranong was obtained. Comparison of the socioeconomic and demographic characteristics of the sample with ABS data collected at the 2001 Census revealed a
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sample which closely reflected the region as a whole. Whilst some social groups were over- or under-represented, the differences were not of a degree to raise concern.
Only 22% of the sample population claimed never to visit an ACT club. Some 59% of the sample population report visiting clubs up to three times per month, and 19% visit a club at least weekly. Visiting clubs is one of the most popular activities for Tuggeranong residents (77.9% visit clubs), behind dining out (88.8% of the sample) and going to the movies (78.9%). However, the mean frequency of club visitations (29.7 times per annum) was the highest of these activities. Persons who dine out report doing so 22 times per annum and movie goers attend the cinema on average only 11 occasions per annum.
Reasons for visiting clubs were also diverse. Dining out was by far the most commonly cited reason for visiting clubs (89.9% of club patrons) followed by gambling on the pokies (46.9% of patrons). Raffles also proved a popular attraction with 43.1% of the club patrons surveyed. Keno (10.2%) and TAB gambling (8.8%) were used by much smaller numbers of club patrons.
In terms of socio-demographic characteristics, Tuggeranong club patrons were found to come from across the socio-demographic spectrum. There was also very little geographical variation in where club patrons came from. The most prominent relationship identified for club patrons was with income. A positive relationship was identified between reported household income and club patronage. Just over 70% of residents in the lowest income bracket (less than $200 per week) reported visiting clubs. The proportion of club patrons steadily rose through the income brackets to peak at nearly 85% for Tuggeranong residents in the highest income bracket ($2000 or more per week).
In contrast however, we found the opposite relationship for club patrons who gamble on EGMs. A negative relationship was identified between the incomes of club patrons and their tendency to gamble on pokies. Nearly 60% of Tuggeranong club patrons in the lowest income bracket gamble on EGMs. The participation rate tends to decline as income rises, with less than 40% of patrons in the highest income bracket using the machines.
Of those Tuggeranong residents who do gamble on gaming machines, it was found that nearly half use the machines less than monthly but that 21% gamble on them at least weekly. The usual session duration was reported as less than 30 minutes by 64% of gamblers but for 16% it was longer than an hour. Self-reported session expenditure tended to be less than $20 for over three quarters of the sample of gamblers. For nearly three quarters of our sample of gamblers their reported annual expenditure was under $100. However, nearly 20% of EGM gamblers reported spending in excess of $1 000 per year.
A relationship was also identified between gambling activity and distance from regular venue. The study found a tendency for higher annual gambling expenditure amongst residents who live closer to their regular venue than gamblers residing further away.
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The questionnaire also explored residents’ attitudes to a range of policy issues. Responses to these questions revealed strong opinions among Tuggeranong residents who completed the survey. Similar to surveys in others states (McMillen et al. 2004), 90% strongly disagreed with the suggestion that there should be more gaming machines in the ACT. There was also a high level of agreement (77%) amongst respondents that gambling is a serious social problem in Tuggeranong. In the context of proposed smoking bans in gaming venues, two thirds of surveyed residents thought smoking should not be permitted in clubs.
GIS analysis
Two main GIS-based techniques were used to investigate aspects of gambling accessibility. The first technique focused on investigating whether club catchments exhibited spatial variability at a localised scale. Kernel density functions, a means of investigating spatial point patterns, were used to map the catchments of the eight clubs visited most often by surveyed Tuggeranong residents who gambled on EGMs. The base data for this exercise were the geographically referenced locations of patrons.
The results show that club catchments vary considerably between the eight most popular clubs. Three of the clubs showed spatially confined catchments where respondents travelled between 1-4 kilometres to their regular club. The other five clubs showed much more extensive catchment areas, some of which spanned across the study region. For these clubs, patrons were travelling between 2-14 kilometres to their regular club. In general, the clubs located close to large areas of community congregation, such as major shopping facilities, have extensive catchment areas, whereas clubs with tight local catchments are located some distance from community centres.
The second GIS-based technique examined the issue of ‘socio-spatial accessibility’. A key component of this analysis was distance calculations between the residential location of survey respondents who gambled on EGMs and the clubs their regular club. The distance between the location of respondents and their regular club was determined using a GIS-based calculation along a digital road network. Levels of EGM usage were then investigated in relation to the distance respondents travelled to their regular club and socio-demographic characteristics of respondents. Decision tree modelling was used to conduct the analysis, as this method is particularly suited to examining interrelationships between variables. In the models, the results all showed distance to the nearest club to be the most influential variable. Other interactions evident in the analysis revealed that some subgroups had much higher EGM usage compared to the rest of the sample.
Conclusion
In summary, a number of instructive findings emerged from this research. At the aggregate data level it is evident that a majority of Tuggeranong residents patronise local clubs. Club patrons travel across the region and reflect the diverse socio- demographic characteristics of the region’s population. Accessibility – indicated by distance between residence and regular club – emerged as a major factor in patterns of gambling behaviour. Heightened levels of gambling activity tended to be evident
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amongst club patrons who travelled shorter distances to their regular club. However, there are significant exceptions to this trend with some Tuggeranong residents travelling long distances to gamble. Generally though, those who gamble locally tend to gamble more. A majority of Tuggeranong residents also expressed concerns about the local impact of gambling.
These findings also reveal that club ‘catchment’ areas are far more complex than previous reports have indicated (KPMG 2000). In the Tuggeranong Valley, whilst some clubs draw their patrons from the immediate area in which they are located, others have catchments extending well beyond the local population. Indeed, it emerged that many Tuggeranong residents patronise clubs outside of the region in preference to local ones. A wide range of factors is likely to be driving these variations including the range and types of services offered, local marketing campaigns and historical allegiances. Such findings indicate that the impacts of gaming venues may also vary widely.
The methodology adopted for this study thus generates a more detailed understanding of gambling behaviour and impacts at the level of local communities than do aggregate state-based studies. The results also indicate that methodologies incorporating socio-spatial analysis of gambling ‘communities’ are more informative than social-demographic indicators alone. Longitudinal and comparative studies using GIS techniques also have potential to identify spatial trends (e.g. changes in club catchments over time) and relative gambling impacts.
Notes:
The study was commissioned by the ACT Gambling and Racing Commission. The detailed research report (D. Marshall, J. McMillen, S. Nieymeier & B. Doran 2004. Gaming Machine Accessibility and Use in Suburban Canberra: A Detailed Analysis of the Tuggeranong Valley) can be obtained from the Centre website: http://gambling.anu.edu.au Note that hotels were not authorised to operate EGMs in the ACT at the time of the study.
References
KPMG. (2000) Longitudinal Community Impact Study: 1999 Report, Volume 1. Victorian Casino and Gaming Authority and KMPG Consulting: Melbourne. Marshall, D., McMillen, J., Niemeyer, S. and Doran, B. (2004) Gaming Machine Accessibility and Use in Suburban Canberra: A Detailed Analysis of the Tuggeranong Valley, ACT Gambling and Racing Commission, Canberra. McMillen, J. and H. Masterman-Smith (2000) The Methodology Report. Prepared for the Victorian Local Governance Association. Australian Institute for Gambling Research, UWS. McMillen, J., D. Marshall, E. Ahmed and M. Wenzel (2004) Longitudinal Community Attitudes Survey. Gambling Research Panel. Productivity Commission (1999) Australia’s Gambling Industries, Report No. 10, AusInfo, Canberra. Queensland Gaming Commission (2001) Guidelines – Community Impact Statement. http://www.qogr.qld.gov.au/FORMS/
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State of Victoria (2001) Gaming Machine Control Act 1991, 12B 3(a)c.
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WHY STUDY GAMBLING? REFLECTIONS ON THE PAST 20 YEARS
Professor Jan McMillen
Director, Centre for Gambling Research, RegNet Program, Research School of Social Sciences, Australian National University, Canberra ACT 0200 Australia. Ph. 02 6125 4665. [email protected]
ABSTRACT
As NAGS defies all the sceptics and races past its 20th milestone it is timely to look back to our tentative origins and reflect on our achievements and triumphs. It is also an opportunity to speculate on the future of Australian gambling research and the road ahead.
This paper offers a very personal and nostalgic recollection of the genesis of NAGS, and a perspective on why gambling studies really do matter.
Introduction: a personal perspective
Lately I’ve been thinking a lot about the nature of gambling research – where we’ve come from, where we’re going, what we should be doing. This paper presents a personal view of research in a relatively new field of study – gambling and its place in Australian society. It is necessarily a partial account, and one that is informed by my own experience and values. Let me begin with a brief personal account of the origins of contemporary Australian gambling research, the genesis of NAGS and the journey we have travelled since 1985.
My personal experience of gambling and academic studies is typical for the times. My family lived in an inner Sydney community in the 1940s when illegal gambling was perhaps the most popular social activity. Surry Hills was the location of Tommo’s two-up school, SP bookies and several illegal gaming clubs (glorified by the press as ‘casinos’). Everyone in my family gambled. Children learned to play poker for matches at a very young age; at school we played marbles and tossed flattened cigarette packets against a wall and bet our play-lunch. My father and mother each had their own SP bookie, although my mother was fairly discrete about her gambling. I doubt if my father ever knew how often she laid ten shillings each-way with the butcher. On the other hand, my father’s greatest enjoyment was his Saturday outing to the races. He was a very keen punter and apparently a good one.
The nature of legalised gambling changed dramatically in the 1950s with the introduction of poker machines to clubs, then the opening of TABs in 1964. My family was affected by the change, as many families were. My father began to bet more often although he went less frequently to the track. When an uncle suicided in tragic circumstances, there was hushed family talk about pokies debts. Nobody spoke about it openly, certainly not to us teenagers, but we sensed what had happened.
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The genesis of NAGS
Let’s skip over the next thirty years …. In 1980 I joined the wave of ex-nurses and teachers who took advantage of free tertiary education; I enrolled in social sciences at Queensland University. I was perplexed at the lack of informed analysis on gambling and the apparent lack of interest by sociologists and historians in such an obvious aspect of Australian society. Gambling had been an important part of my family’s world: why had academics ignored an activity which was such an obvious aspect of Australians society?
At the time, there were only a handful of academic papers on Australian gambling, written primarily by Geoff Caldwell, a sociologist at the Canberra College of Education. Geoff’s PhD thesis, completed in 1972, had analysed poker machine gambling in community clubs in Queanbeyan (Caldwell 1972). His central argument was that Australians have a distinctive cultural predisposition to gambling. He argued that the experience and organisation of club gaming in NSW clubs reflect an already established working class predisposition for gambling, which had existed since colonial times. He saw gambling as an expression of the basic egalitarian values of Australian society, enabling ‘equality of opportunity’ in the search for wealth and excitement. Complementing this view, he argued that gambling reflected an underlying fatalism derived from the unyielding nature of Australia's harsh environment and its social origins.
This was a very optimistic interpretation, that gambling is part of a network of social activities and institutions which has liberating qualities for the players and useful purposes for society as a whole. An intriguing view, but by the 1980s it seemed to me less than convincing, telling only part of the story. So when I was encouraged to enrol in a PhD, I decided to switch my research interests from epidemiology to gambling.
At first my supervisors discouraged me from the topic; it was obvious that academic colleagues thought gambling was not a ‘respectable’ topic for postgraduate studies. Why on earth study gambling? they asked. It was risky, disreputable and offered no employment prospects. Public health research was safe, respectable and in demand.
Then in 1984 an event occurred that proved to be a catalyst for Australian gambling studies – and which also firmed my resolve about where I wanted to go. Geoff Caldwell organised a small academic ‘public interest’ conference in Canberra with a gambling theme. The impetus for the conference was a controversial proposal to build a casino in Canberra which had prompted a well-organised No Casino for Canberra campaign (Caldwell et al. 1988).
For the first time, the conference brought together a number of Australian researchers who had been beavering away on gambling-related topics, mostly in isolation and with virtually no academic support or funding. As an undergraduate I was in awe of them. They all had degrees; they were knowledgeable and articulate; and their enthusiasm for gambling research was infectious. From a range of different viewpoints, the papers were informative and demonstrably committed to a rigorous understanding of gambling as a contemporary social phenomenon. The conference was a meeting of many minds. Overriding the variety of interests was a commitment
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to public understanding of gambling from a strong scholarly base. There was general agreement that we should continue to share ideas and information.
Over dinner one evening, two decisions were made. Geoff Caldwell was encouraged to contact a publisher who might be willing to publish the conference proceedings. This initiative resulted in a book published by Croom Helm: Gambling in Australia (Caldwell et al. 1985). You will see from the list of authors and their papers (Appendix A) that the Canberra conference was extraordinarily eclectic and progressive for its time. We all owe a lot to those innovative pioneers who had the foresight to recognise the importance of gambling as a public issue and who understood the potential contribution of research.
The second decision was to establish an association of some sort to formalise the contacts we had made, to encourage further research and to plan a follow-up conference. If my memory is correct (we did consume some remarkable red wine that evening), I hastily volunteered to ask my university for institutional support and conference facilities. It was Clive Allcock’s brilliant suggestion to call the new association NAGS – an inspired name that is now recognised and respected worldwide.
My offer to keep the ball rolling was quickly accepted; I must have sounded more confident than I was. In hindsight, I was extremely naïve and had no idea what was involved. Indeed, the Canberra conference was the first I had ever attended. My only organisational experience was with the local P&C and community groups; and my position as an academic was precarious to say the least. My Honours results had not been finalised; and I had only just been offered a 12 month contract at Griffith University. A precarious beginning.
Ironically, it didn’t occur to me that it was unusual for a newly-appointed tutor to approach the Vice-Chancellor with a request for administrative assistance for a yet-to- be established association and for support for a gambling conference – a topic marginal to academic inquiry. Professor Webb did not hesitate; he immediately agreed to provide enough support to get started. My new Griffith colleagues also rallied around with advice and practical assistance; and over the next few months I received constant support from the people who had attended the Canberra conference.
A star is born
The inaugural conference of NAGS was held at Griffith University in July 1985. As anyone who has organised a conference would understand, preparation did not always go to plan; we had our share of problems. But the combined efforts of everyone involved ensured that conference planning and the formalisation of NAGS as a registered association were resolved with relatively few difficulties. A committee, consisting mainly of the enthusiasts from the Canberra conference, was elected. A constitution was drafted prior to the conference and was ratified at the AGM, where the NAGS mission statement was also endorsed. Both have stood the test of time fairly well.
There was no conference budget to speak of and thus the event was entirely self- funded. Conference promotion was primitive and word-of-mouth, tapping into
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networks established in Canberra the year before. Even so, we attracted over 80 delegates, including scholars, government and industry representatives from the United States, Hong Kong and New Zealand.
Registration fees were kept to a minimum ($30-40, with discounts for students and pensioners); the conference sessions were held in the university lecture theatres; and delegates were accommodated in student quarters. A far cry from the splendid amenities that NAGS conferences have enjoyed in recent years. We splurged with the conference dinner, however. Dinner was held at Silks, a new restaurant overlooking the track at Albion Park Paceway. Silks was a very innovative concept at the time and the pride of Queensland’s Minister for Racing, Russ Hinze. Patrons could enjoy silver service dining while watching the spectacle of floodlit harness racing. Strategically located betting outlets and television monitors ensured that everybody could place their bets and have a clear view of each race without interrupting their meal. The overseas and interstate conference visitors were suitably impressed; they had seen nothing like it before.
The most serious setback was the local political environment. Optimistically, I had hoped to persuade the Queensland Government to actively support the conference, or at least to participate in some way. My initial request for financial support and invitation to present conference papers was immediately refused. So I tried another tactic, and invited the Queensland Racing Minister (Russ Hinze) to open the conference.
The Bjelke-Petersen government had been in office in Queensland for fifteen years, and Russ Hinze (who held several ministerial portfolios and was known as the ‘Minister for Everything’ – including Police, Racing, Local Government and Main Roads) was a very powerful figure, physically and politically. He was popular with the media, and took particular interest and pleasure in his gambling portfolio. He had established an innovative racing development scheme, investing TAB revenues in industry growth; he owned and bred horses for harness racing; and he had hotel investments. One apocryphal tale illustrates Russ Hinze’s political influence and his convergence of interests: it was widely claimed that (as Minister for Main Roads) he arranged to have the Gold Coast Highway diverted to the Oxenford Tavern (in which he had a financial interest). Coincidentally, the tavern had a thriving, well-appointed TAB which satisfied his responsibilities as Minister for Racing.
I was delighted when the department accepted our invitation for the Minister to open the conference. However in the final weeks I received a curt telephone call from the department withdrawing the Minister’s involvement and saying that no government representative would attend the conference. No formal explanation was given – but concerns were expressed about the ‘political content’ of the conference program. It must be remembered that in 1985 there was no hint of the Fitzgerald Inquiry which later exposed the political corruption of the period, and which introduced a new era of public accountability to the Sunshine State.
The Vice-Chancellor kindly stepped into breach to open the conference; and Justice Xavier Connor presented the keynote address. In 1982 Xavier Connor had conducted a comprehensive and acclaimed inquiry on whether casinos should be established in Victoria. He had recommended to the Victorian government that a casino should not
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be introduced to Melbourne because of the social and regulatory problems which could result. His keynote address to the NAGS conference was an affirmation of that recommendation and a concise summary of the risks associated with commercial gambling and the public morality of gambling. These issues are still highly topical and under-researched. The determination by the Connor inquiry that the casino industry would create profound regulatory and social problems would form the basis for an anti-casino policy in Victoria until 1990s.
In the beginning
At this point it is instructive to digress to briefly consider the state of Australian gambling at the time of NAGS’ conception (McMillen et al. 1999). • Betting activity was closely associated to the development of horse racing, initially with local bookmakers. In the postwar period horse racing became a popular form of entertainment with racetracks in every major town. Greyhound and harness racing also attracted enthusiastic supporters but have never been as popular as horse racing. With the development of telephones and radio broadcasting, illegal off-course SP betting proliferated during the 1930-60s, creating problems of corruption and depriving governments of revenue.
To counteract illegal betting, state governments progressively introduced off- course Totalisator Agency Boards (TABs). By the 1970s betting was the most popular form of gambling in Australia, generating large gambling tax revenues for state governments. The introduction of PubTab, FootyTAB and satellite telecasting through SKY Channel facilitated further market growth during the 1980s.
• The first lotteries were established in Sydney in 1880s as privately run Tattersall’s sweepstakes. Until the Northern Territory introduced a private lottery in 1996 Tattersall’s was the only private lottery in Australia. Lotteries in other Australian states were operated by government monopolies. Revenue was often used for community purposes, establishing a firm nexus between gambling revenues and social welfare programs.
In 1981 Tattersall’s established the Australian Lotto Bloc, combining prize pools from Victoria, Tasmania, the ACT, the Northern Territory, South Australia and Western Australia. Tattersall’s also was authorised to operate Lotto in Queensland. By the 1980s lotteries, especially lotto, had grown to the extent that they were the most popular form of gambling, exceeding expenditure on betting/wagering.
• Legal poker machines were first allowed in NSW registered clubs in 1956 to generate income for improved facilities and amenities for members. Poker machine gambling became extremely popular with NSW residents and the NSW government benefited from the considerable revenues from gaming machine taxes. The ACT introduced poker machines in 1976, primarily to encourage the growing patronage of nearby NSW clubs by Canberra residents and the subsequent loss of revenue. NSW clubs also attracted a sizeable trade from communities close to the Queensland and Victorian borders.
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The not-for-profit status of NSW clubs was instrumental in excluding the hotel sector from access to gaming machines until 1984. Even then, hotels were restricted to a limited number of certain types of machines. Despite the prosperity of NSW clubs and the popularity of machine gaming, concern about the social implications of such widespread machine gambling and accusations of corruption and improper conduct discouraged other state governments from legalisation.
• Until 1973 one of the most distinctive historical features of Australian gambling policy was the uniform prohibition of casino gambling. Contrary to common perception, proposals to legalise casinos were resisted by Australian governments for decades. Casinos were seen as particularly difficult to control and potentially a disruptive force in society. The drive for casino development came from an alliance of commercial interests: hotel-casino operators, tourism and construction companies (McMillen 1993).
The introduction of casinos in Tasmania (1973) and the Northern Territory (1978) was closely tied to the economic downturn in the 1970s and the attempt by those states to revitalise flagging economies. The four casinos introduced to these states were small 'club' style venues reflecting a British-European influence. By the 1980s the continued global recession prompted several other states to consider casinos as a mechanism to stimulate economic growth and tourism.
By 1985 regulatory issues, especially with regard to casinos and poker machines, were at the forefront of public debates about gambling. In 1983 the Costigan Royal Commission raised questions about gambling-related crime and corruption in NSW. The Stewart Inquiry also revealed gambling corruption in the NSW judiciary and police force. The Wilcox Inquiry (poker machines) and Connor Inquiry (casinos) both recommended against legalisation in Victoria because of the potential for crime and corruption.
Against this trend, three casinos were planned to open in that year (in Queensland, Western Australia and South Australia), all driven by the promise that they would attract a flood of tourists. In April 1984 the Lloyd-Jones Report also recommended three categories of legal casinos in NSW, reviving recommendations of the 1977 Lusher Inquiry for 'club'-style casinos to cater for existing illegal demand. No action had been taken by the NSW government on Lusher’s recommendations and illegal casinos continued to operate with only irregular and ineffective police action (McMillen 1993). Recommendations of the Lloyd-Jones’ inquiry were also rejected by the NSW Cabinet. Instead the NSW government in 1984-5 embarked on administrative and legislative reforms of registered clubs and illegal casinos.
Star performers in 1985
In this context, casino development and the potential for organised crime and corruption were the dominant issues at the inaugural NAGS conference. The conference program was very much a reflection of the time.i. It is an interesting exercise to look back through the presentations to review what people were saying at the time, to contemplate the relevance of their arguments for today – and to consider
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whether their papers had perhaps had any impact. Some of the presenters have moved on from the gambling field. Others have made their distinctive mark on Australian gambling research and continue to do so. The extracts selected below are merely a small and arbitrary sample of the broad range of issues and insights presented at the conference.
In a refreshingly candid paper the newly-elected Minister for Racing and Gaming in Western Australia expressed his disagreement with the previous government’s decision to legalise casinos. In his view, it would have been better to legalise the existing illegal operations which were notoriously popular in Perth. In the months following the conference, the licensing process for the Burswood Resort Casino created serious headaches for the WA Government, resulting in investigations into the casino selection process by the Corporate Affairs Commission and later the WA Inc inquiry. The Minister was undoubtedly relieved when the inquiry found that the government did not act corruptly in its dealings with the casino licensee.
I believe the government erred in forcing closure of the illegal casinos. It may have been better to impose government regulation and supervision of the casinos with a corresponding return to the government of a turnover tax. …To my knowledge the illegal casinos were well conducted. … Nevertheless, my government [will] move to legalise casinos ... after careful consideration of the costs and benefits of such a move’ Hon. Des Dans (WA Minister for Racing & Gaming): ‘Establishment of a legal casino in WA’
Also with a casino theme, the chief regulator of the two Tasmanian casinos explained the principles and objectives of Australian casino regulation at the time. He emphasised the distinctive nature of casino industry and its reputation for attracting criminal involvement. Paul Horne previously had extensive regulatory experience in the British casino industry, and his approach was compatible with the British- European influence in the early Tasmanian casinos. Note also the casino expenditure and revenue figures for 1984-5 compared with revenues today.
‘Casino gaming is unlike any other form of gambling and…unlike any other form of business enterprise. This is due to the vast majority of transactions being of a non-recordable nature…It is for this very reason that casino gambling attracts the undesirable as well as the desirable element in the playing and operation of such an enterprise… In the 1984-5 financial year casino gaming amounted to $23.4m Government revenue amounted to $3.75m And the amount gambled was estimated to be $571 million. This last figure…is considerably higher than the amount wagered on all forms of gaming in Victoria during 1983-4.’ Paul Horne (Tasmanian Gaming Commission): ‘Government control and supervision of casino operations’
Not everyone was sanguine about the way governments were addressing policy issues or the benefits of casino development, however. At the time churches and welfare groups were starting to identify social problems associated with the growth in gambling availability. Although their protests lacked an organised forum, some
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community workers and critics of gambling policy were beginning to record evidence of social impacts and gather whatever information was available. Conference delegates also raised questions about the public availability of data and reliable information.
Few people would argue that the people of Darwin gained a recreational resource when the casino was opened… Many of the social workers knew of people who had been casualties at the casino…Others were able to report definite case histories, and reported that the casino was hurting middle class families. Rev. John Tully Uniting Church of Australia: ‘Report on a research project to establish the need for community education’. John Tully is still actively providing practical support for people affected by gambling at the Gold Coast.
It is most difficult to get hold of real, objective information. ..The above illustrations have led me to the conclusion that even our professional call for social impact studies into the effects of gambling will prove inadequate. I now believe that a better proposition is for a Gambling Research Unit…The gambling industry should also be asked to contribute to rehabilitation programmes. Rev. John Woodley, Uniting Church of Australia: ‘Gambling and the church: Another look’. John Woodley later was elected to the Australian Senate as a Democrat representing Queensland.
Significantly, both these papers recognised the potential impacts of commercial gambling on indigenous communities. To our collective shame, this issue disappeared from the NAGS conference agenda for twenty years. Two papers from Queensland presented at this conference have begun to remedy that oversight.
My own paper in 1985 was an extension of the theme raised by John Woodley, and reflected my frustration with the policy environment in Queensland at the time. By 1985 I had taken my first tentative steps in postgraduate research and had been foiled at every attempt to obtain basic information. The public administration of Queensland gambling seemed to be a complex maze of divided responsibility, closed doors and outdated, obscure legislation. My exasperation is perhaps too obvious in the intemperate language, but public accountability in Queensland clearly was not as it should be.
The aim of this paper has been to draw attention to the need to break down the barriers which exist in Australia between social science research, gambling policy makers and members of the public…One or two examples from Qld will illustrate the absurdity and dangers of the uncoordinated, inefficient and alarmingly powerful policy-making structure which is responsible for gambling in that state… A first step to protect the interests of the public would be concerted efforts to generate complete, reliable data…Several proposals are currently being floated to that end: • a permanent body of review established at the national level; • a gaming act to clarify the principles to guide gambling policies; • a watchdog organisation to monitor developments;
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• the establishment of a centralised data bank open to all groups; and • the funding of gambling research from gambling revenues. Jan McMillen, Griffith University: ‘Gambling policies: A sure bet or a stab in the dark?’
Twenty years on, the contributions of the Queensland Government to this 2004 conference are testimony to the significant changes that have occurred since 1985. I doubt very much if anyone took notice of my paper in 1985, but for whatever reasons the government and Queensland Office of Gambling Regulation (QOGR) have addressed most of the issues on my wishful ‘shopping list’: all Queensland gambling legislation now clearly specifies the objectives for legalisation; an independent Gaming Commission (the first in Australia) was appointed in 1991 to regulate gaming machines in clubs and hotels; QOGR regularly posts detailed information about gambling trends and polices on its website (www.qogr.qld.gov.au); and a substantive gambling research program is funded by Queensland Treasury. Participation by representatives of the Commonwealth Government at this and recent NAGS conferences is reason to hope that a more coordinated national approach might also be achieved in the future.
But even experts can sometimes misjudge the apparently limitless capacity for the expansion of commercial gambling. One of the prestigious international visitors to the conference was Professor Bill Eadington, then recognised as the world’s most knowledgeable expert on casino development. Bill Eadington was – and still is – the Director of the Institute for Gambling and Commercial Gaming, based at the University of Nevada-Reno. By 1985 he had advised governments all over the world on casino issues, and thus had a significant influence on the direction of gambling policy. The 1985 NAGS conference was Bill’s first visit to Australia, however. He therefore focussed his remarks on the USA experience. Yet his detailed understanding of the industry failed to anticipate the rapid growth of commercial gambling that occurred during the 1990s in his own country. Like many other delegates to the conference, he also predicted that crime or oversupply were the principal problems ahead. Problem gambling was hardly on his radar screen.
Because of its legacy of illegality and its historic links to crime and corruption, gambling – and especially casino gambling – will likely be a ‘pariah’ industry for some time to come. The kind of growth that commercial gambling has sustained from the 1960s through the mid-10980s is probably not sustainable for too long into the future. At some point, markets for gambling will saturate. Professor Bill Eadington (Nevada University): ‘Trends in the legalisation of gambling in America and implications for Australia’
Barry Reece, an economist based at the University of Armidale, had a quite different view of the future of gambling. His paper focussed on the potential effects of proposed Commonwealth tax reforms on the gambling industry and the demand for gambling. While some of his propositions seem contentious in hindsight, history has shown his judgement about the continued growth in gambling expenditure to be well founded.
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I dismiss the view that there is a fixed amount of expenditure by households on gambling and that this will continue unchanged. The evidence from the United States demonstrates that there is a price elasticity of demand for gambling… Barry Reece (Economics Department, University of New England): ‘Potential effects of Australian tax reform on the gambling industry’s environment and revenues’
A senior delegation from the New Zealand Government also attended the conference and explained the availability of legalised gambling and that government’s current thinking about future policy directions. Many attendees were surprised by the honest and frank comments in the paper – and impressed by the New Zealand Government’s commitment to research. An early example of how we can learn from each other. New Zealand has had a sustained national research program that has allowed policy makers and the general public to monitor the effects of gambling over the years. For example, it is possible to compare the patterns of gambling participation in 1984 with those in 2003-4 and see the changes that have occurred since the introduction of New Zealand’s casinos and gaming machines. Was Brian Fry was correct when he suggested that there was unmet public ‘demand’ for gambling - or has increased participation in New Zealand been supply-driven?
NZ does not have Lotto, Football Pools, casinos or poker machines. Lotto…was rejected by the government on the grounds that it would affect the viability of the racing industry & to a lesser extent its possible detrimental effect on the Golden Kiwi lotteries, and consequently on those organisations that depend on them… The pressure for casinos has come largely from those involved in tourism… I must admit to some doubts whether the NZ government is ensuring that there are sufficient facilities to meet the demands of the public. Buying raffle and lottery tickets were the most popular activities (72% and 60%). The next popular activity (25%) was betting on horse and dog racing. Respondents were asked if there were any…activities which should be legalised and made available… Casinos (government run) 37%; gaming machines (ie slot/poker/fruit machines/one-armed bandits) 35%. Brian Fry (Director of Research, Department of Internal Affairs, New Zealand): ‘A brief history of New Zealand gaming and wagering legislation and a discussion on current gambling issues in New Zealand’.
While casinos were the hot conference topic, other prominent researchers presented papers about more traditional forms of gambling such as wagering. Contributions by some of these scholars have become milestones in the annals of gambling research.
John O’Hara’s erudite paper - ‘Getting a stake: Gambling in colonial Australia’ – was a precursor to his book: A Mug’s Game: Gambling in Australia, published in 1988. This book is acknowledged as the most meticulous history of early Australian gambling to date. Like Geoff Calwell, John O’Hara suggested that the practices and institutions of the Australian gambling culture reaffirm many of the positive characteristics and values of a perceived Australian national identity. The idea that Australians are essentially sports-loving, irreligious, egalitarian and unsophisticated, he saw reflected in the general enthusiasm for horseracing and poker machines, and the persistence of illegal SP (starting-price) betting and two-up. He went further to claim that ‘in the field of gaming and betting...a working-class hegemony has existed
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throughout twentieth century Australia’ (O’Hara 1988: 241). Some, including myself, would later challenge that notion – which John has accepted in generous and scholarly spirit.
John Rosecrance, another American visitor from Southeastern Louisiana University presented an engaging sociological analysis of punters’ betting experiences: ‘Adapting to failure: the case of horse race gamblers’. Like John O’Hara, John Rosecrance later developed this theme into one of the great books of gambling scholarship: The Degenerates of Lake Tahoe, published in 1986. Sadly John was seriously injured in a motor accident during his next visit to Australia which ended his academic career.
Peter Williams, a colleague at Griffith University, also took a novel approach in his conference paper: ‘You bet: A Hardy obsession’. From the perspective of literature studies he examined gambling in the work of author Frank Hardy. Given the pervasive presence of gambling in Australian literature (see Peter Carey, Tim Winton, Shirley Hazzard etc.) and film (from The Sentimental Bloke, Gallipoli onwards), it is surprising that other scholars and PhD students have not followed Peter’s imaginative lead to explore the representation of gambling in works of fiction and other media.
Problem gambling
At the time of the 1985 conference, psychology research was perhaps the only legitimate, established field of gambling studies. Australia was fortunate to have some of the most innovative researchers in that area – all of whom have since received international recognition.
Problem gambling was a residual issue in public debates in the mid-80s. There had always been public concern about the adverse effects of gambling on individuals and society, but the debates had been led by Protestant church groups and defined primarily in moral and religious terms. In Australia, the general thrust of arguments has been not so much about whether gambling should be permitted or not (as it was in Britain and the United States) but whether legalisation would induce gambling by social groups who otherwise might not gamble; which forms of gambling should be permitted and which should be restricted; and attempts to remove criminal influence and corruption.
Indeed, the concept ‘problem gambling’ was rarely used. Drawing on psychological theories developed in the United States, the common terminology was ‘pathological’ or ‘compulsive’ gambling. The predominant ‘medicalised’ view in the United States, New Zealand and many other countries was that problem, ‘addictive’ or ‘pathological’ gambling is a psychiatric disorder or mental illness, identifiable by clinical tests which differentiate problem gamblers from other gamblers. However, Australian psychologists in 1985 were already questioning the basic tenets of that approach (see Dickerson et al. 1997; Walker 1996).
Alex Blaszczynski’s conference paper posited a number of pioneering ideas that anticipated the conceptual advances of the coming decades: the notion that gambling might not be a categorical concept or a mental illness; the gambling continuum with
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different levels of problem severity; the relationship between gambler behaviour and environmental factors.
A fundamental issue yet to be resolved concerns whether this large group of pathological gamblers suffers from some form of ‘mental illness’ or represent one extreme of a smooth continuum from social to excessive levels. …The next step in research is to find a link between socio-environmental factors, information processing modes…. and behavioural pathology.’ Alex Blaszczynski (Clinical psychologist, Prince of Wales Hospital):‘Pathological gambling: Illness or myth?’
Michael Walker and Lily Trimboli shared Alex’s reservations about the dominant medical paradigm and took the argument a step further to consider implications for treatment. Rather than abstinence, the accepted therapeutic approach of the time, they proposed that controlled gambling may be a viable option for some gamblers.
The extent of compulsive gambling in Australia is unknown…In NSW it has been suggested … about one percent of the adult population (Blaszczynski 1983). Estimates such as these define pathological gambling as a major social problem. One perspective… is that heavy gambling is an addiction. …What this suggests is that total abstinence my not be necessary but rather a controlled involvement in gambling may equally prevent the spiral into excessive gambling. Michael Walker & Lily Trimboli University of Sydney): ‘An analysis of heavy gambling as an addiction’
In similar vein, Mark Dickerson and his colleagues were critical of the research methods used in psychological research, arguing the benefits of ‘in the field’ observations. Using field research methods, the preliminary study detailed in their 1985 conference paper raised questions about some of the accepted theories of the day. They too identified ‘control’ as a central issue in understanding problem gambling, although from a different perspective to Michael Walker and Lily Trimboli.
This paper sets out to argue that the failure of psychologists to use field study methods …has contributed to the parlous state of the literature in this research domain…The theoretical assumption that arousal, subjective and physiological, plays an important part in gambling receives limited support from the two [preliminary] studies. …Nonetheless the concept of the illusion of control remains pertinent to an understanding of persistent gambling. Mark Dickerson, J. Fabré, D. Bayliss (Psychology, Australian National University): ‘The importance of a field study approach to gambling research’
My final quotation from the 1985 conference is an extract from that NAGS stalwart and self-proclaimed ‘dinosaur’, Clive Allcock (Allcock 2004). Clive’s paper was a suitably optimistic and practice treatise on how to gamble safely. Long before the notion of safe, responsible gambling became a central principle of gambling policy and industry practice, Clive drew on his detailed knowledge of gambling to offer practical advice and consumer information to the average punter.
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Crucial advice. Set aside a certain amount of money that it will not hurt you to lose, and do not go over this. Also you are a much harder gambler if you increase your bets when winning, not when losing. Here, if you have a lucky run, you are betting mostly with ‘their’ money, not yours. Equally, you must know when to stop, or to take some dividends, as, with the odds against you in most betting games, sooner or later the percentages will ‘bankrupt’ you. Dr Clive Allcock (Department of Health, NSW): ‘How to gamble well in the eighties’. Clive later extended this work into a book: The Guide to Good Gambling, published in 1985.
Industry was well-represented at the conference, although few delegates were willing to present papers. Executives of two gaming companies described the technical and commercial principles which guided poker machine design. Kieran Daley candidly explained how machine games were designed so that players ‘buy time’; and Don Vogelaar presented a case for application of computer technology in the management of games of skill and chance. Fascinating insights into corporate planning for the deluge of poker machines which was yet to come.
Some of the papers were more controversial including that of John Mort-Green, a professional punter and “turf consultant” well-known on racetracks in the eastern states where he traded bets and information. Self-styled as ‘The Butterfly’, he was a flamboyant personality who presented an entertaining paper giving his tips for good punting – ie for winning: ‘Please God save me from the ‘good thing’ – the certainty’. Unfortunately Mort-Green’s desire to win led him to later involvement in the Fine Cotton ring-in, a major scandal in Australian racing. I understand he was banned from Australian racetracks and later returned to the United Kingdom.
Political tensions between adversaries also added to the conference debates – and could have brought NAGS to a rapid end. Robert Clarke’s (NSW Police Task Force) paper (‘Licensing: a new concept in controlling organised crime in the amusement machines industry’) included references to a poker machine manufacturer which became the subject of protracted and bitter legal dispute which lasted over ten years. By mere chance, our ad hoc conference planning procedures enabled NAGS and Griffith University to avoid any liability in the matter. Perhaps John Mort-Green’s gambling gods were smiling on us.
Australian gambling since 1985: commercialisation and market growth
NAGS has gone from strength to strength since that tentative first step in 1985. Michael Walker organised the second conference at Sydney University in 1986; and a succession of energetic conference committees and enthusiastic members have continued to produce high quality research and stimulating debate.
It must be said that NAGS was established at the right time, just as Australian gambling was about to boom and there was an urgent need to understand the rapid changes that were occurring. The following summarises the major changes to the Australian gambling environment that have occurred since 1985 (McMillen et al. 1999):
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• After decades of debate, poker machines were legalised in all states and territories except Western Australia: o 1984 - NSW hotels (draw card machines) o 1991 - Queensland clubs (a venue limit of 280 gaming machines) and hotels (initially a limit of 10, now 40 machines) o 1992 - Victoria clubs (105) and hotels (105 machines) o 1992 - SA hotels and clubs (40 machines) o 1996 - NT clubs & hotels o 1997 - Tasmanian clubs & hotels
• The second and third waves of casino development resulted in casinos in every Australian state and territory (McMillen 1993): o 1980s: large, mass market ‘American’ style casinos (Qld, WA, SA) o 1990s: a trend to larger casinos and increased competition (Canberra, Christmas Is, Cairns, Brisbane, Melbourne, Sydney)
• The introduction of internet gambling provides the opportunity to gamble with providers located anywhere in the world. It also generated tensions between the Commonwealth and state/territory governments, giving rise to Commonwealth intervention (McMillen 2003). o 1995-6 legalisation of internet bookmakers and Lasseters Online Casino, Northern Territory; o Development of the AUSModel for player protection as other states licence internet gambling providers; o 2000-2001 Commonwealth moratorium and Interactive Gambling Act 2001, banning additional internet casinos. Internet lotteries and wagering are exempted and continue to proliferate.
Over the past 20 years Australian gambling has been transformed with the introduction of private operators, privatisation of state-owned TABs and the dominance of commercial imperatives. Market competition, interstate and sectoral rivalry, and state governments’ growing reliance on gambling revenue have affected a dramatic increase in gambling expenditure. Technological development has also contributed to new gambling products and more efficient modes of delivery.
In summary, whereas Australian gambling was dominated by lotteries prior to the 1980s, since the introduction of casinos and gaming machines the gaming sector has attracted the highest level of expenditure, with gaming machines the most popular form of gambling. Western Australians spend the most on lottery products, reflecting the absence of gaming machines outside casinos. Although racing expenditure continues to grow in real terms in most states, it has not kept pace with the various forms of gaming.
By 2002-03, total gambling expenditure within Australia was $15.346 billion. Gaming machines and casino gambling now account for more than three-quarters of gamblers’ losses (Figure 1).
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Figure 1: Gambling expenditure by gambling activity, Australia 2002-2003*. Sports Betting Lottery 0.5% Other Products 1.2% 10.2%
Racing 12.3%
Gaming Machines Casino 59.2% 16.6%
Source: Tasmanian Gaming Commission (2004). *’Lottery products’ include lotteries, lotto, pools and instant scratch-its. Gaming machines refers to machines in clubs and hotels. ‘Casino gaming’ includes wagers on table games, gaming machines and keno systems in the casino. ‘Other’ includes keno, interactive and minor gaming.
Figure 2: Real total gambling expenditure in Australia, 1977-78 to 2002-03.
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Total Gambling Racing Gaming
Source: Tasmanian Gaming Commission (2004).
In 2002-03, real per capita expenditure on gambling in Australia was $1,026.32, compared to $418.61 in 1977-78.ii This represents an approximate increase in real expenditure per adult of 5.8% per year (Figure 2). The increase in real gambling expenditure has been greater than the increase in household disposable income in this same period.
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Figure 3 shows the increase in gambling expenditure as a proportion of household disposable income (HDI) in Australia. At the state level, in 2002-03 adults from NSW, Northern Territory and Victoria spent the most on gambling, with $1,248.30 (3.91% of Household Disposable Income), $1,806.65 (5.11% of HDI) and $1,133.25 (3.58% of HDI) being spent respectively.
Figure 3: Expenditure on gambling as a percentage of household disposable income (HDI) 1977-78 to 2002-03, Australia.
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Racing Expenditure Gaming Expenditure Gambling Expenditure
Source: Tasmanian Gaming Commission (2004). Note: ‘Real’ gambling expenditure has been adjusted for the effects of inflation over time and is given in 2002-03 dollar values. Per capita refers to people over the age of 18 years.
Gambling taxation provides a significant and growing proportion of revenue collected by states and territory governments. The increase is primarily due to the expansion of gaming machines and casino licences. Revenue from gambling taxes has more than doubled since 1985 and now provides approximately 12% of state generated tax revenue (Figure 4). However patterns vary between states, influenced by the extent to which the different forms of gambling have been made available and by the widely variable tax rates which apply in the various jurisdictions. For example, the number of EGMs that operate will affect the taxes earned by government.
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Figure 4. Real government gambling revenue, Australia 1977-78 to 2002-03.
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Total Gambling Gaming Racing
Source: Tasmanian Gaming Commission (2004). Note that the apparent decline in revenue 1999-2000 is an effect of the introduction of GST by the Commonwealth Government.
Contrary to public perception, however, since the 1960s Australian gambling revenues have declined slightly as a proportion of total state government taxation (McMillen et al. 1999, p.45). A number of factors have affected this trend, including the tendency for governments to reduce tax rates for local providers to counteract interstate competition (McMillen 1996).
Research achievements
So what has been achieved in national gambling studies? When I look back at the last 20 years of gambling research there is a lot to celebrate. We now have a much better understanding of the nature and extent of gambling in Australia. No other country has such comprehensive databases or such an active national public forum where the full range of gambling issues and research is regularly debated.
Governments have contributed to this process in three principal ways: • the annual compilation and publication of comprehensive national statistics. Australia is the only country that produces such a valuable and reliable data source; • the establishment of research programs by several state governments (eg Victoria, Queensland, ACT, South Australia). Other jurisdictions have also commissioned research; and • research commissioned by the Commonwealth Government, most notably the Productivity Commission’s 1999 national inquiry.
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NAGS also has been a significant force for research and dialogue. Largely through NAGS conferences, publications and networks, a growing number of researchers have recognised that such a dramatic shift in gambling accessibility would be accompanied by changes to the economy and society. Over the years a new generation of researchers also began to undertake gambling research into those impacts. They focussed on two contradictory tendencies: rapid industry growth and commercialisation, accompanied by problem gambling and other social pressures. While some of the documented gambling impacts were beneficial (regional development, employment opportunities for some groups, etc) there were also demonstrably social costs. During the 1990s, a number of population surveys and psychological studies of gambler behaviour identified disturbing prevalence rates of problem gambling.
Problem gambling became a major national issue. A vocal public backlash culminated in the Productivity Commission’s 1999 national inquiry into the effects of Australia’s gambling industries (Productivity Commission 1999). Members of NAGS played a critical role in that inquiry, while the findings of the Productivity Commission have themselves been a catalyst for further research in several states.
During the 1980s the global network of researchers also grew as an increasing number of British and European researchers attended NAGS conferences, and Australians began to present their research to international gatherings. NAGS members established close ties with delegates attending the international conference organised by Nevada University every three years. Later, the European Association for the Study of Gambling (EASG) was formed, providing a third international research forum. The dialogue and exchange of ideas between those three groups has strengthened from year to year.
There are still some missing pieces of the NAGS jigsaw, however. Given the increasingly global character of gambling, it is important to establish closer dialogue with the Asian-Pacific region (especially our nearest neighbours PNG, the Pacific islands, Indonesia). Links with researchers in South America, Middle East and Africa are still rare.
Importantly, gambling research has been accepted as a legitimate academic endeavour. A significant step towards a vital research environment was the establishment of designated gambling research centres in a number of Australian universities, providing an institutional home for gambling research. There are now gambling research centres or institutes in several universities, each with their own identity and mission. The Nevada institute provided the broad template, but Australian centres in the main have not embraced the Nevada corporate model with core funding links to the private sector. Despite the trend to corporatisation of the Australian university sector over the past decade, universities remain public institutions funded by governments and thus accountable to the general public. Even so, researchers have become increasingly dependent on external research grants (more about that later).
In Australia, the private sector research model has emerged only since 2000, to some extent modelled on US industry bodies and universities with strong industry support such as the Institute for Research on Pathological Gambling and Related Disorders at
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the Harvard Medical School. As has been American practice for some years, the Australian Gaming Council (eg Blaszczynski et al. 2003), the NSW Gaming Industry Operators Group (eg Blaszczynski et al. 2002) and Tattersalls (eg Black and Ramsay 2003) have contracted experienced researchers to undertake specific projects.
Parallel to industry’s response has been the emergence of commercial consultancy firms with gambling expertise (eg KPMG, ACIL, Centre for International Economics) and, from a different perspective, public advocacy groups such as the National Council on Problem Gambling in the USA and the Interchurch Taskforce in Victoria. The focus of advocacy groups, like that of recent government and industry research, tends to concentrate on problem gambling and other adverse effects of modern gambling. While these groups have not been able to match the financial resources of industry, they have effectively used the media to present their case.
The diversity of these research initiatives is probably their most notable feature. As well as both public and corporate perspectives, they utilise a wide range of disciplinary interests and skills. Increasingly it is recognised that the complexity of contemporary gambling can only be understood from multiple perspectives; hence there is an emerging trend towards multidisciplinary research.
Research challenges: what’s at stake and why does it matter?
While we can congratulate ourselves on our achievements, there is much work still to be done. I can see at least three major challenges for Australian gambling research in the immediate future. The first issue relates to significant gaps in our knowledge. The Productivity Commission (PC) and others have documented several areas of research that demand investigation and analysis, including: • A focus on short-term ‘snapshot’ studies rather than longitudinal studies; • Lack of standardised methodologies and data sets that would allow comparative analysis across state/territories; • Lack of local area data and a limited role for communities in data collection and impact assessment; • Over-reliance on economic modelling rather than integrated methodologies that avoid the separation of social and economic analysis; • Neglect of key social categories (cultural groups, etc) and concepts (power, globalisation) • Methodological limitations and insufficient use of the full range of social science methods; • Qualitative research and data tend to be under-valued. These are an essential balance and cross-check for quantitative data; • Inconsistency or disagreement between experts and jurisdiction on key issues, eg the definition and measurement of problem gambling; • Few evaluation studies of policy and treatment services; and • Neglect of recreational studies, social infrastructure needs, local histories, ethnographies.
While problem gambling has been the primary focus of recent research, it would be a mistake to neglect other issues of equal importance. For example, as technology and globalisation affect radical changes to Australian gambling, regulation and
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governance have returned to the spotlight. Despite the policy reforms since 1999, the Chairman of the PC continues to argue that ‘the highest priority [is] the need to reform policy-making and regulatory governance arrangements’ (Banks 2002: 21). Indeed, relationships between gambling regulation and other issues (eg social impacts, problem gambling and crime) raise pressing questions for research.
The second issue at stake is the overwhelming emphasis on applied research at the expense of ‘pure’ academic research. In our enthusiasm for gathering information about gambling, much research displays a heavy bias to applied research - ie projects that describe the current state of play. Government and industry-funded research projects tend to address pragmatic and strategic objectives. Thus there has been an over-reliance on participation studies, surveys and economic models. Critics have also claimed there has been an over-emphasis by governments on studies of problem gambling and community attitudes. Industry-sponsored studies on the other hand tend react to proposed government policies, and are thus selective and self-interested.
In itself that is not a problem. Applied research is essential, of course; but it is not sufficient if gambling research is to realise its potential. We seem to have forgotten that the principal task of research is to progress knowledge (ie to better understand and explain why and how). Academics have an added public obligation to posit theories and raise normative issues (ie to debate what ought to be).
Research dependency on industry or government funding also encourages incrementalism and fragmentation of expertise and infrastructure, rather than sustained and coordinated research programs. Proposals for applied/strategic research are often based on work done previously or elsewhere. To minimise costs or to monitor trends, researchers frequently replicate previous research designs and methodologies. Such studies can provide useful information, but they rarely follow up with theoretical development or methodological improvement.
There has been little support for conceptual development, improved methodologies or critical analysis. Since NAGS took those first tentative steps in 1985, many researchers have found that existing theories are not a perfect theoretical fit to explain the transformation of Australian gambling. My own experience has left me with a lasting appreciation of multidisciplinarity and the importance of theory in understanding role of gambling in social change. My early studies were inspired by the insights of Irving Goffman, Jerome Skolnick, John Maynard Keynes, Georg Simmel, Clifford Geertz and others. Significantly, their work reveals more general insights about the nature of contemporary human existence and society as much as it illuminates the phenomenon of gambling. In today’s research climate, I suspect none of their major works would receive research funding.
Which brings me to the third issue at stake: the twin challenges of research independence and relevance. Underlying both these problems is the precarious state of research funding in the current university environment. The corporatisation of the university sector in the 1990s and subsequent budget cuts have produced a general crisis of academic resources and morale. Australian universities have not normally provided block funding for gambling research. As a general rule, research centres are self-funded and individual researchers must generate their own research grants. Researchers are thus compelled to compete for scarce research funds. Funding from
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independent academic sources such as the Australian Research Council is highly competitive and difficult to obtain; and government-funded research is periodic and unpredictable. Gambling researchers have become trapped on the competitive funding treadmill, constantly chasing after external grants.
At a more general level, funding arrangements for universities also encourage competition, rather than cross-institutional collaboration. Universities want to improve their national ranking (and thus their budgets), so when a cross-institutional research team receives a grant, each participating university strives to be the leading institution. This situation can be a disincentive to assemble the best research team for the task.
The problem is compounded by the practical difficulties facing researchers committed to critical theory and social issues (eg obtaining funding and research partners). A good deal is at stake in the professional rivalry has developed around questions of funding for gambling research. A potential danger for researchers is the emerging imperative to conduct research for (rather than with) private industry. At worst this could lead to a dollar-driven erosion of academic principles and standards to keep the funding agencies happy. TheT risks of ‘capture’ and loss of credibility are acute. The public have expressed very real concerns about the academic independence of gambling research; and some media are only too willing to publicise allegations that research partnerships with government or industry inevitably corrupt or taint the research.
Yet economic realism and meaningful research objectives mean that collaborative partnerships with industry and government are essential. Given the complexity of gambling and the relative immaturity of research knowledge, it would be unreasonable to suggest that research should be conducted without cooperation of industry or government. Their support and cooperation are necessary for the social and policy relevance of research outcomes. If we are to better understand Australian gambling, its impacts, meanings and distinctive character there has never been a greater need for collaboration between government, industry and community groups. Such partnerships can have important benefits for the groups involved, and more generally for an innovative, progressive society.
The potential erosion of research independence and integrity, with the attendant risks of lost legitimacy and tarnished reputation, are a timely reminder for researchers of the value and necessity of independent public scrutiny and peer review. Public confidence in the independence of gambling research can be achieved firstly by explicitly distinguish between commercial consultancies (ie research conducted for industry/government who shape the research agenda) and ‘pure’ research (ie where the researchers determine the central research questions, methodology and outcomes). A second way to demonstrate research independence is to ensure that appropriate lines of public accountability and transparency are in place.
If we are to uphold the public and exploratory relevance of gambling research it is also important to assert the importance of theory and critique. It is my firm view that gambling research should embrace the core academic ethos of commitment to reason, free inquiry, intellectual diversity and public responsibility.
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Building on past achievements, Australian gambling research is potentially ripe for redefinition with a more innovative and analytical gambling research agenda. The way ahead is through bridging some of the gaps between different disciplines and methods, and between theory and empirical research. It is necessary to establish such links so that knowledge about gambling advances on a broad front with aspects of empirical and theoretical development connected. As gambling studies mature, research should also forge links between substantive theory (ie theory specific to gambling) and general theory relevant to substantive areas such as social justice, power, globalisation, philosophy and ethics.
Critical research is essential to a fair and just society. Given the negative effects of gambling on vulnerable and disadvantaged people, there is a need for an assertive and critical approach by researchers to address issues of equity and public morality. Although the research agenda mentioned here is necessarily sketchy, it does suggest that more scholarly and critical gambling research can have a wide and profound impact.
Conclusion
NAGS is a proud, collective affirmation of why we study gambling. Gambling is a reflection of our society, its winners and losers, triumphs and failures, priorities and values. Changes in gambling since 1985 have both reflected and shaped modern Australia – yet we have only a partial understanding of the relationship between the expansion of commercial gambling and problem gambling, why some gamblers experience problems and others do not, the effects of market competition and globalisation, relationships between research and policy debates, etc. All these issues are important for furthering a general understanding of gambling in contemporary society. They also exemplify issues on which researchers have a lot to contribute, both empirically and theoretically.
The success of Australia’s gambling research program and the policies that result from it are inevitably linked in large measure to the wellbeing of our society. Surely the ultimate goal is to contribute to a more equitable and better society. In this way, gambling research can play an important role in redefining and striking a balance between public and private objectives.
References
Allcock, C. and M. G. Dickerson (1986) The Guide to Good Gambling. Social Sciences Press, Wentworth Falls. Allcock. C. (2003) ‘A dinosaur looks backwards and forwards’ Keynote address to National Association for Gambling Studies Annual Conference, Canberra. Australian Gaming Council (AGC) – http://www.austgamingcouncil.org.au/ Banks G. 2002. The Productivity Commission’s Gambling Inquiry: 3 Years On. Presentation to the 12th Annual Conference of the National Association for Gambling Studies. Productivity Commission, Canberra: Australian Government. Black, R. and H. Ramsay (2003) ‘The ethics of gambling: Guidelines for players and commercial providers’. International Gambling Studies, Vol 3(2), pp.199-216.
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Blaszczynski, A., L. Sharpe, M. Walker 2001. Assessment of the Impact of the Reconfiguration on Electronic Gaming Machines as Harm Minimisation Strategies for Problem Gambling. Report for the Gaming Industry Operators Group. Blaszczynski, A., R. Ladouceur and L. Nower (2004) Self-exclusion: A Gateway to Treatment. Report prepared for the Australian Gaming Council. Caldwell, G. et al. (eds) (1985) Gambling in Australia. Sydney, Croom Helm. Caldwell, G., M. Dickerson, J. McMillen and S. Young (1988) Social Impact Study for Casino and Development of Selection 19, Canberra. Department of Territories, Australian Government. Connor, X. (1992) Report on Casinos. Attorney-General's Department, Victorian Government. Dickerson, M., J. McMillen, E. Hallebone, R. Woolley (1997) Definition and Incidence of Problem Gambling, Including the Socio-economic Distribution of Gamblers. Victorian Casino and Gaming Authority. Institute for Research on Pathological Gambling and Related Disorders, Harvard Medical School - http://www.hms.harvard.edu/doa/institute/index.htm) McMillen, J. (1993) Risky Business. The political economy of Australian casino developments. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Queensland. McMillen, J. (1996) ‘Gambling as an industry’, in Michael Cathcart & Kate Darian- Smith (eds). Place Your Bets. Gambling in Victoria. The Australian Centre: University of Melbourne, pp.49-70. McMillen, J., R. Woolley, J. O’Hara and A. Jackson (1999) Australian Gambling: Comparative History and Analysis. Victorian Casino and Gaming Authority. McMillen, J. (2003) ‘Online gambling’ in J. Forder and P. Quirk (eds) E-commerce and Law. 2nd Edition. Wiley Jacaranda, pp.405-445. O’Hara, J. (1988) A Mug's Game: A History of Gaming and Betting in Australia, New South Wales University Press, Sydney. Productivity Commission (1999) Australia’s Gambling Industries. Final Report No. 10. AusInfo. Rosecrance, J. (1985) The Degenerates of Lake Tahoe Peter Lang: New York. Walker (1996) ‘The medicalisation of gambling as an addiction’, in J. McMillen (ed.) Gambling Cultures. Studies in History and Interpretation. Routledge, London, pp.223-242.
Notes: i. A CD copy of the 1985 inaugural NAGS Conference proceedings – Gambling in the ‘80s - is available from NAGS: [email protected]
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EVALUATING THREE PROBLEM GAMBLING SCREENS: SOGS, VGS AND CPGI
Professor Jan McMillen & Dr Michael Wenzel
Centre for Gambling Research, RegNet Program, Research School of Social Sciences, Australian National University, Canberra ACT 0200 Australia. Ph. 61 2 6125 4665. [email protected]
ABSTRACT
This paper presents a comparative evaluation of three problem gambling screens: the Victorian Gambling Screen (VGS), the Canadian Problem Gambling Index (CPGI) and the South Oaks Gambling Screen (SOGS, version 5+). It is based on a population survey of 8,479 Victorian residents commissioned by the Victorian Gambling Research Panel (GRP).
Using methods of concurrent validation, the study undertook content analysis of the three screens to explore conceptual issues; analysis of item distribution and ‘difficulty’; factor analyses to test the dimensionality of the problem gambling screens; analyses of internal consistency; and assessment of construct validity to examine correlative relationships between screen scores and correlates of problem gambling.
While finding limitations with all three screens, overall the study found that the CPGI demonstrated the best measurement properties of all three gambling instruments. As well as essential questions about screen validity, the paper will discuss issues for future consideration in Australian prevalence studies of problem gambling.
Rationale and background to the study
The Productivity Commission’s national inquiry into gambling and its effects (Productivity Commission 1999) found that there was strong disagreement between Australian researchers about the validity of the different measures for problem gambling commonly in use (Productivity Commission 1999: 6.40-6.41). At the time, various versions of the SOGS (South Oaks Gambling Screen) had been most often used in Australia, New Zealand, the USA and Canada to measure the prevalence of problem gambling. It thus offers the advantage of being an established instrument for which comparative figures exist. However, it has been criticised for various reasons, including its underlying clinical theoretical model of problem gambling.
SOGS had originally been developed in the United States to measure problem gambling among people in clinical treatment programs. The development of the SOGS was based on the diagnostic criteria of pathological gambling as used in the DSM-III and DSM-III-R (American Psychiatric Association 1980). It is thus built on a clinical model; it has been designed to identify ‘pathological’ gamblers in clinical populations and has usually been validated with reference to interviews based on clinical DSM criteria. However, Australian researchers and service providers had
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become increasingly dissatisfied with the ability of SOGS to accurately assess problem gambling in the general Australian community.
The Productivity Commission also expressed reservations about the SOGS and DSM- IV instruments given the cultural diversity in Australia (Productivity Commission 1999: 6.42-6.43). The key issue for prevalence studies in the general population was whether problem gambling can be adequately assessed using a psychometric framework with a clinical emphasis on behavioural responses or whether measures more sensitive to cultural and environmental factors should also be included.
Significantly, the Productivity Commission found that ‘there are few individual factors, other than age, that are associated with a higher likelihood of gambling problems’. The Commission found no psychological factors or psychiatric conditions predisposing an individual to problem gambling. This contrasts with the then predominant view in the United States, New Zealand and many other countries that problem, ‘addictive’ or ‘pathological’ gambling is a psychiatric disorder or mental illness, identifiable by clinical tests which differentiate problem gamblers from other gamblers.
Moreover, the Productivity Commission found that problem gambling was not a dichotomous or lifetime category; more precisely, problems occur along a continuum of severity from low risk to severe problems (Productivity Commission 1999: 6.20). Another significant finding by the Productivity Commission and other Australian research is that problem gambling not only affects individual gamblers: it also impacts on families, other groups and the community as a whole. Rather than a problem of individual pathology or psychological disorder, the prevailing view in Australia is that problem gambling is a social and public health issue that occurs when gambling gives rise to harm to the individual gambler, his/her family and/or the community (Productivity Commission 1999, Chapter 7; Dickerson et al. 1997).
The overall opinion of the Productivity Commission was that there was scope for the development of more appropriate measures and methods to recognise problem gambling. In response to criticisms of SOGS the Victorian Casino and Gaming Authority (VCGA) in 2000 commissioned the development of a new screen (the VGS) by Flinders Technologies Pty Ltd for application in the Australian context (Ben-Tovim et al. 2001). However the VGS had not been tested on a large population sample; the only evidence of the screen’s validity was based on a limited pilot study.
In this latter regard, the Productivity Commission also noted that the CPGI (Canadian Problem Gambling Index) was ‘highly promising’. Designed specifically for general population studies, it is intended to include groups that are typically underrepresented in clinical samples and that are less typical problem gamblers. It also aims to address to a greater degree the social and environmental contexts of problem gambling and to include the measurement of correlates of problem gambling that permit a better understanding of the profiles of groups of problem gamblers. Prior to this study, the CPGI screen had previously been utilised in a large statewide prevalence survey in Queensland (2001) and in many Canadian provinces (Ferris and Wynne 2001; Queensland Treasury 2001).
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Our study was commissioned by the Gambling Research Panel (GRP) with the objective to evaluate the measurement qualities and validity of the VGS. It was decided therefore to incorporate three problem gambling screens – South Oaks Gambling Screen (SOGS5+), the Canadian Problem Gambling Index (CPGI) and Victorian Gambling Screen (VGS) - into the community survey to allow cross- validation tests of the three screens.
Methodology
The development and validation of such tools should reflect their principal purpose. For the present research, it was assumed that the primary purpose of a problem gambling screen to be developed for the Australian context is the assessment of the current extent and degree of problem gambling, which can be used to inform public policy and to help study the phenomenon. Consequently, this study used methods of concurrent validation.
A statewide survey was conducted by ACNielsen in April-May 2002 and provided a random sample of responses from 8,479 Victorian residents on gambling participation, attitudes and the prevalence of problem gambling. Over-sampling of gamblers gathered more specific data on the experiences and perceptions of people who gamble regularly and/or who experience problems with their gambling.
As background to the survey and validation study, in 2001 the GRP commissioned a Scoping Study to provide theoretical background, review existing evidence and develop details for the survey design and the evaluation methodology (Project 1a: Scoping Study of the Victorian Gambling Screen). Although that report was not available prior to the design and conduct of this research, a preliminary draft informed aspects of this validation study.1
The survey incorporated three problem gambling screens (SOGS5+, CPGI and VGS) to allow cross-validation tests. For comparability, the research strategy maintained continuity with previous Victorian problem gambling prevalence studies, the Productivity Commission and ACT gambling surveys, all of which used the SOGS5+ score for problem gambling. In this survey, all three screens referred to a 12-month period and thus measured 12-month prevalence of problem gambling.
A significantly enlarged sample was required to achieve an adequate sample of people with gambling problems for cross-validation analysis of the three screening instruments. The selected sample approach developed by ACNielsen produced a robust sample size of regular gamblers which enabled the capture of sufficient problem gamblers for analysis purposes. The distribution of the sample across Victoria and metropolitan/non- metropolitan areas was roughly in proportion to population, using the latest available 1996 census data reported by the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS).2 Interviewing
1 Thomas, S. and Jackson, A. 2003. Project 1a. Scoping Study of the Victorian Gambling Screen. Report prepared for the Gambling Research Panel. Funded by the Victorian Government through the Community Support Fund. Some recommendations in that final report (eg a concurrent validation trial) could not be adopted for practical methodological reasons. In terms of the validation study this meant that inter-relationships between the three problem gambling screens could not be investigated. 2 Data from the 2001 Census was not publicly available before commencement of the survey. National Association for Gambling Studies (Australia) 203 2004 Conference Proceedings
was conducted using ACNielsen’s CATI system (Computer Assisted Telephone Interviewing) and data obtained from the telephone survey have statistical reliability and validity.
The survey provided data from 8 479 respondents. A selected random sampling procedure assured that a sufficient number of regular gamblers was included, to whom a problem gambling screen could be administered. Similar to most Australian studies, respondents were classified as ‘regular gamblers’ if they had participated at least weekly (i.e., 52 times) in any gambling activities other than lottery games or instant scratch tickets in the previous 12 months. In total, 506 respondents were identified as regular gamblers (weighted n = 525, or 6.2%) and completed the full interview.
All regular gamblers were then subjected randomly to one of the three problem gambling screens and asked to continue with the interview. The VGS was applied to one group (n = 149), the CPGI to another group (n = 141) and the SOGS to the remaining group (n = 143). Each regular gambler was thus tested by only one problem-gambling screen.
The administration of screens to regular gamblers only was based on the assumption that problem gamblers were unlikely to be found among non-regular gamblers (and obviously not among non-gamblers). However, this procedural choice also meant that the present study could only estimate prevalence rates of problem gambling, but not the prevalence of groups with lower levels of risk.
The study conducted a content analysis of the three different screens to compare the different tools and their implicit understanding of problem gambling. This allowed evaluation of the face validity of the specific measures used and whether certain facets of the phenomenon are over or underrepresented in the screens.
FINDINGS OF THE VALIDATION STUDY
A content analysis of the three screens showed that the VGS (scorable items) include two behavioural concepts that are not represented in either the CPGI or the SOGS, namely ‘preoccupation’ and ‘escapism’ (Table 1). In contrast, the VGS does not contain items on ‘habituation’ (represented in CPGI) or ‘personal consequences’ (represented in CPGI and SOGS), while three out of four social consequences are not scorable.
Overall, • the three screens are largely similar in the facets of problem gambling they cover (except for stronger emphasis on borrowing money in SOGS); • the scorable ‘harm-to-self’ scale in the VGS is a misnomer and contains a variety of issues; • the lack of personal and social consequences in the VGS is at odds with the presumed theoretical model in terms of harm.
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Table 1. Content analysis of the three problem gambling screens.
Categories VGS SOGS CPGI Preoccupation 2 - - Problem recognition 2 2 2 Loss of control 2 2 - Escapism 1 - - Chasing 1 1 1 Habituation - 1 1 Money issues 3 10 3 Lying, (self) deception 3 2 - Personal consequences - 1 1 Social consequences 1 2 1 Note: Only scorable items are included in this Table.
Another test is the rate to which an item yields negative rather than affirmative responses: medium difficulty is ideal for differentiation between respondents. Analysis of the item distribution and ‘difficulty’ showed that for most items in all three screens responses were skewed and relatively few respondents responded affirmatively (Table 2). This partly reflects that problem gambling is relatively rare. However, mean scores and standard deviations were greater for CPGI and VGS items than for the SOGS, indicating better measurement and differentiation properties.
Table 2: Item difficulty of the three problem gambling screens
Mean Standard Items with more score deviation than 90% “no” VGS 0.54 0.73 1 CPGI 0.55 0.81 - SOGS 0.31 0.39 9
Factor analyses were used to test the dimensionality of the problem gambling screens. Results for the VGS showed: • there was a three-factor solution which only partly replicated findings from the pilot study – the distinction between ‘harm to self’ and harm to others was not found; • there was a strong main factor on which all items loaded substantially except items on ‘enjoyment of gambling’; and • for scorable items (‘harm to self’), evidence supported a single factor and uni- dimensionality.
For the CPGI a single factor and thus clear uni-dimensionality emerged. For the SOGS, six factors were extracted; and while there was a strong first factor, not all items loaded sufficiently on that factor. • VGS and CPGI yielded one main factor with factor loadings > .50
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• SOGS yielded six factors, with first factor accounting for only 33% of variance, and 7 items with loadings < .50.
Correspondingly, analyses of internal consistency showed that both VGS and CPGI (scorable items in each) were very homogenous and highly consistent scales, more consistent than SOGS (VGS alpha = .94; CPGI alpha = .92; SOGS alpha = .86). The reliability of the tests is very good, with Cronbach’s alpha for VGS and CPGI much higher than the .70 that is usually regarded as representing good reliability.
To assess the construct validity of the screens, correlative relationships between screen scores and known correlates of problem gambling were investigated (Table 3): • the VGS scores showed significant relationships to all known correlates; • the VGS score was most strongly related to the ‘self-rating of gambling problem’ and ‘wanting help’; • overall, the CPGI showed the closest relationships to correlates and the SOGS the weakest.
Table 3. Construct validity of the three gambling screens.
VGS CPGI SOGS Correlate 5-point 4-point 5-point binary scale scale scale (no/yes) Self-rating of problem .75*** .82*** .81*** .73*** .68*** Wanting help .66*** .65*** .63*** .53*** .53*** Family history .24** .28*** .28*** .18* .15 Gambling as escapism .43*** .43*** .42*** .40*** .46*** Stress .24** .41*** .40*** .12 .15 Depression .36*** .55*** .54*** .49*** .46*** Suicidal tendencies .36*** .44*** .46*** .27*** .23** Note. *p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001
Using the established cut-off scores for the three screens that define problem gambling (VGS: 21+, based on the pilot study; CPGI: 8+; SOGS: 5+), cross- tabulations with problem gambling correlates were investigated to assess classification validity. The correlates are not true ‘gold standards’ for the classification as problem gamblers and allow at best a comparative (but not absolute) assessment of ‘false positive’ and ‘false negative’ decisions (which are thus put in inverted commas): • the VGS showed a greater rate of ‘false positives’ (a classification as problem gambler that is inconsistent with the correlate) than the CPGI, while the rate is equal to SOGS; • the VGS showed a greater rate of ‘false negatives (a classification as non- problem gambler that is inconsistent with the correlate) than the CPGI as well as the SOGS.
Based on data from the 2003 Victorian survey, an inspection of the estimated prevalence rates of problem gambling in Victoria showed: • the VGS (with a cut-off of 21+) estimated a one-year prevalence of 0.74%; • the CPGI (8+) estimated a one-year prevalence of 0.97%;
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• the SOGS (5+) estimated a one-year prevalence of 1.22%.
With an alternative cut-off score of 14+, as was also suggested in the pilot study, the VGS found an estimated problem gambling prevalence of 1.28%.
Both the weak result for classification validity and the relatively low estimate of problem gambling prevalence, when a cut-off of 21+ was used, suggest problems for the VGS in terms of the definition of suitable cut-off scores.
Further analyses were conducted to provide empirical indications for such a definition: • analysis of the VGS score distribution suggested subgroups of regular gamblers that can be separated by cut-offs of 9 and 15 (and perhaps 5 and 20 as well); • an optimisation of criterion-related sensitivity and specificity yielded a cut-off of 16 for a narrowly defined criterion and 5 or 6 for a inclusively defined criterion; • a revised test for classification validity yielded an improved result for a cut-off of 15+ or 16+, with the result being slightly better for 15+; • the estimated prevalence rate based on a VGS cut-off of 15+ was 1.22%, exactly the same as for the SOGS.
Although the analyses of classification validity need to be viewed with caution because no truly external classification criterion was available in this research, the results suggest problems with the definition of cut-off scores for VGS. The estimates of problem gambling prevalence corroborate this conclusion. Thus, further improvements of the VGS would have to focus on the adjustment of cut-off scores. The present survey data provided convergent evidence for a cut-off score of 15+ for the definition of problem gambling.
Overall, the VGS performed overall reasonably well and seems to be an improvement over the SOGS - specifically in terms of one-dimensionality, internal consistency, item distributions and, to some degree, construct validity. At the same time, it must be noted that the content of the VGS and its implicit meaning of problem gambling do not seem to differ very much from the SOGS, contrary to claims of a departure from that clinical theoretical model.
Moreover, the CPGI demonstrated at least equally good qualities on all these dimensions, as well as superior classification validity. Overall the CPGI demonstrated the best measurement properties of all three gambling instruments tested.
This raises the question of whether it would be effective to invest more effort and resources in further refinements of the VGS; and whether indeed the VGS should be utilised in future Australian prevalence surveys. Given that the CPGI is also shorter and thus more economical than the VGS, and that it tested better than the other screens overall, our analysis suggests that the CPGI could be adopted as a problem gambling screen for general use in Australia.
As well as the essential questions about screen validity, however, issues for future consideration are:
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• the consequences for longitudinal studies and trend analysis if a different screen is adopted than has been used in past surveys; • selection of an instrument which is most likely to be used in all Australian states/territories and internationally, and thus to provide meaningful comparisons; and • whether any of the existing instruments do in fact represent an appropriate understanding of problem gambling, or whether further development and refinement of their present content facets are required.
We have recommended to the GRP that the CPGI could be utilised in tandem with the SOGS to allow continuity and comparison with previous Australian surveys, and possible transition to a more valid national problem gambling measure.
Periodic prevalence studies unquestionably provide governments with an essential tool to monitor the extent of problem gambling in the community, generating useful evidence for policy development. Regardless of the screen used, however, caution should be exercised not to place too much emphasis on statistical variations in prevalence rates from one survey to another. Population surveys tend to under- estimate the prevalence of problem gambling; and apparent changes from one year to another may be simply ‘statistical niceties’. Importantly, variations in prevalence rates alone should not determine resource allocation for gambling support services.
Surveys by their nature predefine problems and issues within the questionnaire and screen design and thus limit the scope of inquiry. The prevalence and incidence of problem gambling have complex causes and appear to be experienced in many and varied ways by different people. Yet current prevalence screens apply uniform measures to the whole gambling population without exploring the nature of the problems being experienced.
Incidence measures are also poorly developed and constrained by problems associated with survey methodology. Problem gambling research has yet to convincingly address causal factors and relationships. More open-ended exploratory research (eg ethnographies, qualitative studies) would allow the gamblers and people affected by gambling to contribute meaningfully to development of screens that better reflect the gambling experience.
Note: This paper is derived from our research report to the former Victorian Gambling Research Panel: Validation of the Victorian Gambling Screen (2004). The detailed final reports of the statewide survey (2003 Victorian Longitudinal Community Attitudes Survey) and the subsequent validation study (Validation of the Victorian Gambling Screen) are available on the GRP’s website; http://grp.vic.gov.au/
References
American Psychiatric Association (1980) Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders and 3rd ed. 1987.
Ben-Tovim, D., A. Esterman, B. Tolchard and M. Battersby, M. (2001) The Victorian Gambling Screen. Report prepared for the Victorian Casino and Gaming Authority. Gambling Research Panel.
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Dickerson, M., J. McMillen, E. Hallebone, R. Woolley (1997) The Definition and Incidence of Problem Gambling. Melbourne: Victorian Casino and Gaming Authority.
Ferris and Wynne 2001. The Canadian Problem Gambling Index: User Manual. Report to the Canadian Inter-Provincial Task Force on Problem Gambling.
McMillen, J. et al. (2001) Survey of the Nature and Extent of Gambling and Problem Gambling in the ACT. Report prepared the ACT Gambling and Racing Commission. Australian Institute for Gambling Research, UWS.
McMillen, J., D. Marshall, E. Ahmed, M. Wenzel (2004) 2003 Victorian Longitudinal Community Attitudes Survey. Gambling Research Panel.Productivity Commission 1999. Australia’s Gambling Industries, Report No. 10, AusInfo, Canberra, pp. 6.40- 6.41.
Queensland Treasury (2001) Queensland Household Gambling Survey. Queensland Government.
Thomas, S. and Jackson, A. (2003) Project 1a. Scoping Study of the Victorian Gambling Screen. Report prepared for the Gambling Research Panel. Funded by the Victorian Government through the Community Support Fund.
Wenzel, M., J. McMillen, D. Marshall, E. Ahmed (2004) Validation of the Victorian Gambling. Gambling Research Panel.
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EVALUATING THE PERCEIVED EFFECTIVENESS OF THE QUEENSLAND EDUCATION MODULES IN RESPONSIBLE GAMBLING DEVELOPED FOR SCHOOL CHILDREN
Jacqui Minnikin
Southern Cross University, School of Tourism and Hospitality Management PO Box 157 Lismore NSW 2480 Email [email protected]
ABSTRACT
In recent years there has been an emergence of adolescent gambling worldwide (Jacobs; 2000; Gupta & Derevensky; 2000; Shaffer & Hall; 1996). A number of children are brought up with gambling in their lives; receiving a ‘scratch it’ in a birthday card or being involved in a bingo game at the local bowl’s club is fairly common in Australia. International research indicates that those between the ages of 12 and 17 years are most at risk for developing addictive patterns of behaviour, including problem gambling (Jacobs; 2000: 119). Responsible gambling education modules aim to teach skills that will be used later in life to help students make informed decisions. Responsible gambling education modules are similar to other public health education modules on topics such as drug and alcohol education which are currently taught in schools. This paper identifies a selection of schools that have decided to implement the Queensland responsible gambling education modules and evaluates their perceived effectiveness. A qualitative research approach was adopted for this paper and three perspectives were incorporated: those of the school teachers, the Queensland government and a welfare agency. It was found that the responsible gambling education modules were perceived helpful in creating awareness and assisted in providing information about responsible gambling. A further finding was that reasons for implementing the responsible gambling education modules which included schools being located in close proximity to gambling venues and problem gambling being evident in the local community.
Introduction
Many state governments in Australia are taking proactive approaches to responsible gambling education. The Queensland Syllabus Authority in association with the Responsible Gambling Advisory Committee also recognised the importance of educating school children and created a number of gambling curriculums for primary and secondary schools, including: 1. Gambling and Health: Communication Skills (Level 5- Lower Secondary), 2. Gambling: Minimising Health Risks (Level 6- Lower Secondary), 3. Gambling: That’s entertainment? (Level 3- Middle Primary), 4. In Control: Taking Responsible Risks (Level 4- Upper Primary) (Qld Government Website; 2004).
These curriculums however are only voluntary modules and act as a guide for schools (Qld Government website; 2004). The Light House Project was a trial run for the above mentioned modules which occurred in late 2002 to evaluate the effectiveness
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and appropriateness of the responsible gambling modules (Qld Government Website; 2004). However, since 2002, no other published evaluations were found on the effectiveness of the Queensland responsible gambling education modules.
Aims & Objectives
This investigation aimed to evaluate the perceived effectiveness of the responsible gambling education modules in a selection of Queensland schools. This was achieved by: 1. Identifying which schools in Queensland are implementing the responsible gambling modules. 2. Identifying and analysing the reasons for their implementation of the responsible gambling modules. 3. Examining the teachers’ perceptions of the effectiveness of the responsible gambling modules. 4. Assessing government and a welfare organisation perception on the value of responsible gambling modules.
Thus, the investigation incorporated three perspectives: those of the Queensland government, the school teachers and a welfare agency.
Methodology
A qualitative research was selected as the focus of the investigation to ascertain people’s attitudes on a particular issue (Cavana, Delahaye, & Sekaran; 2001).This qualitative research approach supported the aim of the investigation which is to evaluate the perceived effectiveness of the responsible gambling education modules.
Sample Size and Participants
Judgement sampling was selected to ensure ‘the sample was chosen on the basis of the individual’s ability to provide the type of special information needed by the researcher’ (Cavana et al; 2001: 458). The majority of the sample in this investigation consisted of teachers who were involved in the 2002 Light House Project. Interviews were conducted with representatives from the Queensland Treasury, Engagement Division of the Queensland Government and a welfare agency to assess their perceptions of the responsible gambling education modules.
Snowball sampling was also utilised in the investigation as this enabled the researcher to locate information-rich informants (Patton; 1987: 56). This secondary sampling technique was adopted to establish whether any other schools in Queensland had implemented the responsible gambling education modules.
Seven of the schools involved in the Light House Project participated in the investigation as well as two government representatives and a welfare agency. Three Observing schools in the Light House Project and three schools located around Brisbane were asked whether they had implemented the responsible gambling education modules. This information is illustrated in Table 1. (See Table 1)
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Interviews and Questionnaire
The primary data collection technique utilised in this investigation was in-depth semi- structured interviews and questionnaires. The questionnaires were utilised for the interviews. The questionnaire was given to participants of the investigation as an interview guide so they could be prepared and confident in the interview (Henderson & Bialeschki; 2002: 186).
Data Analysis
The data collected from the interviews and questionnaires was analysed using Inductive Analysis. Inductive Analysis is the process of determining the meaning of words to find concepts, themes and patterns (Henderson & Bialeschki; 2002: 106). Coding frames are used to arrange the data and to organise findings after the open and axial coding has occurred (Berg; 1995: 188). The data was coded by Open and Axial Coding; Open Coding to identify the common concepts and Axial Coding to reduce the number of concepts by identifying commonalities within the existent themes within the interview transcripts (Johns & Lee-Ross; 1998: 135). The investigation employed a process of systematically integrating the main themes into core categories.
To ensure that the Inductive Analysis was accurate, valid, and extensive in the investigation, an independent researcher reviewed the coding procedures at various stages throughout the analysis.
Results
Objective One- Identifying which schools in Queensland have implemented the responsible gambling education modules
The results reveal that from the Light House Project sample only two schools currently implemented the responsible gambling education modules. Another two schools had the responsible gambling education modules available as electives if the teacher wanted to implement them. The results are found in Figure 1. (See Figure 1)
The three schools involved in the Light House Project that had not implemented the responsible gambling education modules were all primary schools and trialed the same module in 2002: Gambling: That’s Entertainment (Qld Government; 2004: Online).
The investigation also included another three school teachers who were not involved in the Light House Project. All three school teachers were unaware the responsible gambling education modules even existed. This lack of awareness highlights a lack of communication to Queensland schools about the availability and value of the responsible gambling education modules.
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Objective Two-Identifying and analysing reasons for the implementation of the responsible gambling education modules
The two schools which had implemented the responsible gambling education modules shared similar views. The two school teachers commented that: gambling was evident in their community, there were a number of gambling venues available for the community to use and that the schools were located in close proximity to the gambling venues. Thus, it can be concluded that school location close to gambling venues is an obvious factor influencing the implementation of the responsible gambling education modules for these schools.
Other impediments for not implementing the responsible gambling education modules were the fact that there were a wide number of other SOSE and Health subjects to teach, there was a lack of knowledge that the responsible gambling modules existed and the teachers need to have a reason to decide to teach the modules.
Another reason why schools did not implement the gambling modules was that the responsible gambling education modules content was perceived to be complex and beyond a student’s grasp. Thus, the teachers who were teaching the responsible gambling education modules have to choose between competing elective subjects and may be influenced by the modules being too hard for the targeted classes.
Objective Three- Examining the teachers’ perceptions of the effectiveness of the responsible gambling education modules
The teachers’ perceptions were a key component in evaluating the effectiveness of the responsible gambling education modules. Teachers of the responsible gambling education modules perceived that the modules assisted in creating an awareness of responsible gambling and they provided the necessary information for students to think about gambling activities and their consequences.
Students’ reactions were also ascertained from the teachers in this investigation. It was found that the teachers perceived that the majority of children enjoyed the responsible gambling education modules especially the assessments, including the poster creation and the questionnaires. These assessment pieces enabled students to be involved in the process of learning rather than just being taught the facts. Table 2 represents the teacher perceptions of students responses to the responsible gambling education modules. (See Table 2).
The investigation highlighted that teachers perceived that the responsible gambling modules were effective in what they were trying to achieve.
However, one teacher perceived that her students were unaware of gambling and the responsible gambling education modules introduced the children to the topic of problem gambling. This is an area which warrants further research.
Throughout the investigation teachers made detailed recommendations and suggestions about the responsible gambling education modules. Two school teachers believed that resources for the responsible gambling education modules should be extended by including videos, CDs and current statistics about youth gambling. Two
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teachers thought the time for the modules to be taught should be extended from four to six weeks. Another teacher contended that the conflict resolution from the responsible gambling education module should be removed. Another recommendation was removing the responsible gambling focus from South East Queensland to include all of Queensland.
Objective Four- Assessing government and a welfare agency perception of the value of the responsible gambling education modules
The Queensland Government’s rationale for developing the responsible gambling education modules was early prevention and awareness of responsible gambling. The Queensland Government has developed a new resource kit to complement the existing responsible gambling education modules (Qld Government Website; 2004). The interview with a representative from the Engagement Division revealed many of the suggestions and recommendations made by teachers in this investigation have been implemented in the new kit. Thus, this finding reaffirms that some of the recommendations made by the teachers in this investigation were found by the Queensland Government as well.
The welfare agency representative shared many of the same perceptions as the Queensland Government representative. The welfare agency representative saw that the responsible gambling education modules provided the skills which would assist youth with making informed decisions for later in life. Early prevention and awareness were identified as major benefits of implementing responsible gambling education modules in schools.
Conclusion
This investigation incorporated three perspectives: school teachers, Queensland Government and a welfare agency. It was found that two schools currently incorporate the responsible gambling education modules into their curriculum. Another two schools left the decision up to the individual teacher to implement the responsible gambling education modules. The three other schools approached to participate in this investigation were unaware that the responsible gambling education modules even existed.
The main impediment for teachers not implementing the responsible gambling education modules was the fact the module was an elective subject and there are several other life skill subjects that teachers viewed as more important.
The investigation also highlighted that few teachers were fully satisfied with the content of the responsible gambling education modules. The two school teachers who implemented the responsible gambling education modules perceived that the modules were helpful in creating an awareness of problem gambling and responsible gambling practices. However, the teachers’ overall perception was that the responsible gambling education modules required alterations and adjustments to further develop the modules.
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References
Berg, B. L. (1995) ‘Qualitative Research Methods for the Social Sciences’, Second Edition, Allyn & Bacon, Boston. Cavana, R. Y., Delahaye, B. L. & Sekaran, U. (2001) ‘Applied Business Research: Qualitative and Quantitative Methods’, John Wiley & Sons Australia Ltd, Milton. Gupta, R. & Derevensky, J. L. (2000), ‘Adolescents with Gambling Problems: From Research to Treatment’, Journal of Gambling Studies, Vol. 16, No. 2/3, 2000, pp. 315- 342. Henderson, K. A. & Bialeschki, M. D. (2002) ‘Evaluating Leisure Services, Making Enlightened Decisions’, Second Edition, Venture Publishing, Inc., Pennsylvania. Jacobs, D. F. (2000), ‘Juvenile Gambling in North America: An Analysis of Long Term Trends and Future Prospects’, Journal of Gambling Studies, Vol. 16, No 2/3, 2000, pp. 119- 152. Johns, N. & Lee-Ross D. (1998) ‘Research Methods in Service Industry Management’, Cassell Wellington House, London. Patton, M, Q. (1987), ‘How to Use Qualitative Methods in Evaluation’, Sage Publications, International Educational and Professional Publisher, California. Queensland Government (2004), ‘Responsible Gambling’ (Online), Available: www.responsiblegambling.qld.gov.au [Accessed 25 Feb 2004]. Shaffer, H. & Hall, M. (1996), ‘Estimating Prevalence of Adolescent Gambling Disorders: A Quantitative Synthesis and Guide Towards Standard Nomenclature’, Journal of Gambling Studies, Vol. 12, pp. 193- 214.
Table 1: Sample Size Response Rates
Participants Sample Size Reponses Response Rate Light House Project Two teachers One school 7/8 x 100 = 87.5 Schools involved in Light teacher was too % Originally 10 Project had Left the busy to 7 Telephone school 10-2 = 8 participate. Interviews Qld Government Both willing to 1/1 x 100 = 100 % - Treasury 1 participate. 1/1 x 100 = 100 % - Engagement 1 2 Personal Division Interviews Welfare Agency 1 Willing to 1/1 x 100 = 100 % participate 1 Telephone Interview Observing Schools in 3 All school 3/3 x 100 = 100 % the Light House teachers answered 3 Telephone Calls Project questions Schools- Located 3 All school 3/3 x 100 = 100 % around Brisbane teachers answered 3 Telephone Calls questions
(Source: Author).
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Figure 1: The Light House Project Sample with the Responsible Gambling Education Modules
The Light House Sample with Responsible Gambling Education Modules
8 7 6 5 Yes (Schools C & D) 4 3 2 Number 1 No (Schools A & B & G) 0 (Schools C (Schools A (Schools E (Schools Teacher's Choice & D) & B & G) & F) A- G) (Schools E & F) Yes No Teacher's Total Total Sample (Schools A- Choice Sample G) Response
(Source: Author, School Teacher Interviews).
Table 2: The Teacher Perceptions of Student Responses to the Responsible Gambling Education Modules
Responses 1. “Students became aware that gambling can become a serious problem” (School C). 2. “Students liked the modules, especially the poster creation” (School D). 3. “Provided students with information about responsible gambling” (School E). 4. “The students realised the fun of gambling but that in the end no one comes out on top (very few at least)” (School F). (Source: Author, School Teacher Interviews).
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REGULATING ACCESS TO CASH: THE USE OF ATMS IN ACT GAMING VENUES
Lorraine Murphy, Professor Jan McMillen and Dr David Marshall
Centre for Gambling Research, RegNet Program, Research School of Social Sciences, Australian National University, Canberra ACT 0200 Australia. Ph. 02 6125 1518. [email protected]
ABSTRACT
This paper presents findings of the first empirical study of the use of cash facilities (ATMs, EFTPOS and note acceptors) for gambling in the ACT 1. Using multiple methods, including a randomised telephone survey of 755 ACT residents, the study has focussed on access and usage of cash facilities by recreational gamblers, problem gamblers and non-gamblers in gaming venues (clubs, hotels and casinos) – i.e. the number of ATM transactions, average withdrawal, source of funds, etc.
Specifically the project assessed the demands on and need for ATM and cash facilities in gaming venues in the ACT, in addition to attitudes towards existing and potential policies. The aims of the project were to ascertain the extent to which the use of ATMs in licensed gaming facilities is an accepted activity in the ACT and whether there are any identifiable patterns of use which might impact on problem gambling and have policy implications. The research findings have specific application for policy development and reform in the ACT and perhaps in other jurisdictions.
Introduction and background to the study
This research examined the use of ATMs, EFTPOS and note acceptors on electronic gaming machines (EGMs) within ACT gaming venues. Previous research projects and policy papers on this issue have recommended a number of changes be made to policies which govern ATMs, EFTPOS and note acceptors within gaming venues. For example: • The Productivity Commission’s (1999) independent inquiry into the economic and social impacts of gambling industries identified the gambling environment as playing a major role in problem gambling and found problem gamblers were more likely to access money from an ATM at a venue whilst playing EGMs. The Commission therefore proposed restricting access to funds through ATMs and EFTPOS facilities. • In addition, the Australian Institute for Gambling Research (AIGR) (McMillen et al. 2001) report into problem gambling in the ACT indicated that problem gamblers in the ACT were three to four times more likely than recreational gamblers to withdraw money from an ATM to gamble. In relation to the use of note acceptors, the Productivity Commission found 62% of problem gamblers surveyed used this feature ‘often’ or ‘always’ as opposed to 22% of non- problem gamblers. The Commission found that there were grounds that note acceptors should not be included in the design of gaming machines (Productivity Commission 1999: 16.76).
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• In 2001 KPMG was commissioned by the Commonwealth Government to conduct an exploratory study of ATM policies and patterns of use across Australian states/territories. It revealed that although several jurisdictions had introduced policies to restrict access to ATMs, there was no evidence of any research into patterns of ATM use in gaming venues or on the implications of their removal or prohibition (KPMG Consulting 2002: pp.49, 55).
In October 2002 the ACT Gambling and Racing Commission released a policy paper recommending changes to the Gaming Machine Act 1987. The Commission’s Recommendation 35 proposed that automatic teller machines (ATMs) should be prohibited from gaming licensee’s premises in the Australian Capital Territory. The Commission’s recommendation was made on the basis that: ‘in both the Productivity Commission’s findings and the AIGR survey results, the argument to remove ATMs from gaming venues is quite compelling’(ACT Gambling and Racing Commission 2002: 92). The Government asked the Commission to undertake research to consider the impact of this proposal (ACT Legislative Assembly 2003).
This research project was designed to address this issue as well as to examine two additional recommendations put forward by the ACT Gambling and Racing Commission related to the use of EFTPOS facilities (Recommendation 36) and note acceptors on EGMs (Recommendation 44).
The research questions can be broadly categorised into the following areas: Where and how do ACT residents access money for gambling? How do ACT residents use the withdrawn money in gaming venues? To what extent do recreational and problem gamblers use note acceptors? And what are the community’s attitudes to the Commission’s recommended policy changes?
Methodology
This study utilised the following four methods for primary data collection: • a community survey of ACT adult residents; • an audit of ATMs in gaming venues; • daily diaries recorded by volunteer gamblers; and • interviews with self-identified problem gamblers, their families and friends; and interviews with a wide range of community representatives and experts.
ACNielsen were contracted to conduct a randomised telephone survey of 755 ACT and residents. The overall objective of the survey was to explore the usage patterns of ATM and EFTPOS facilities in ACT gaming venues. Issues explored included, gaming venue use; gambling behaviour; use of cash facilities both within gaming venues and in other locations; use of note acceptors and venue loyalty/membership cards; and attitudes towards alternative proposals. The survey did not contain a problem gambling screen and was not designed to obtain a detailed picture of gambling participation or the prevalence of problem gambling. However two survey questions were asked to identify people who might have a gambling problem: • whether gamblers have gambled for longer than intended; and • whether gamblers have gambled more money than they could afford to lose.
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These questions have been recognised as useful indicators of self-assessed problem gambling behaviour. Similar questions were used in the Productivity Commission’s national survey (Productivity Commission 1999) and the 2001 ACT gambling survey (McMillen et al. 2001).
An audit was conducted of all ACT gaming venues within the scope of this research – that is, an on-site inspection was carried out in 69 venues which included ACT clubs and hotels with gaming machines and in the Casino Canberra. 2 The objective for the audit was to obtain an accurate representation of the availability of cash facilities (ATMs and EFTPOS cash-out) within ACT gaming venues. In addition, the location of these cash facilities within gaming venues was noted. Information was sent to each venue detailing the study and requesting access for the purposes of the audit. All venues consented to on-site visits to observe the numbers and positions of ATM, EFTPOS and note acceptors on EGMs. In addition, information was gathered from venue managers relating to how these facilities were used and by whom and requests were made for financial data relating to ATM, EFTPOS and note acceptor usage within each venue.
Eight ACT gamblers were recruited via the ACNielsen telephone survey to keep a two week diary detailing their use of cash facilities in ACT gaming venues and the spending patterns of money withdrawn. All diary participants had gambled in an ACT gaming venue with money withdrawn from an ATM or EFTPOS cash-out facility located inside a gaming venue inside the last 12 months. The aim was to collect comprehensive in-depth information from a small sample of gamblers on how they accessed money and what they spent it on. Participants were required to keep records of the following: • Every occasion they withdrew money, noting the location (club, casino, hotel/tavern or other location) the amount and time of withdrawal. • Every occasion they gambled, including the gaming venue type (club, casino, hotel/tavern), the amount gambled and the time they gambled. • Their use of note acceptors, including the value of notes inserted and whether they gambled all the money inserted. A total of six completed diaries were returned for analysis.
Furthermore, face-to-face and telephone interviews were conducted with a wide range of people and organisations including: self-identified ‘problem gamblers’ and their families and friends; industry representatives; counselling services, financial organisations and industry analysts. Participants were recruited through a number of avenues, including newspaper and radio advertisements and posters and ‘information sheets’ and through recommendations from a Community Advisory Group which was established to assist the research. Interviews were open-ended and informal and canvassed information on a range of topics, including: the current availability of cash facilities in gaming venues; various proposals to remove or restrict cash facilities in gaming venues; and any other information the interviewees considered relevant.
Despite the range of methods used, the study was restricted by the limited time and resources available for research. In addition, a number of gaming venue managers appeared suspicious about the ‘nature’ of the research. Several were reluctant to participate or were hostile, and their comments should be considered in this light. Also, requests to venue managers for financial information about the use of ATMs in
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their venues often were declined on the grounds that such information was ‘confidential’ or ‘competitive’.
Research findings
A brief sample of the research findings are presented in this section.
Community Survey:- • Gaming venue patrons who use ATMs or EFTPOS reported they usually access ATMs for money withdrawals at either a regional shopping centre (50%) or their local shops (45%). A further one in five access ATMs in Civic (20%) or a supermarket (19%). • More self-identified problem gamblers (60%) than other groups usually access ATMs at clubs. Only 25% of regular gamblers, 12.7% of recreational gamblers and 5.2% of non-gamblers usually access an ATM at a club. • ATM withdrawals of less than $100 are most common for all gambler groups, except for self-identified problem gamblers, of whom 60% report withdrawing more than $100 on the last occasion. • The most commonly mentioned reason for using gaming venue facilities to withdraw money is access – 22% of gaming venue ATM users and 29% of venue EFTPOS users say there are no other facilities in their local area. For other gaming venue ATM and EFTPOS users it is an issue of security, with 19% of venue ATM users and 14% of venue EFTPOS users concerned about travelling with money in their wallet. • For the majority of ACT residents who use gaming venue ATMs (59%) there is another ATM within walking distance to their usual venue ATM. However, for 38%, there is no other ATM within walking distance. • When people were asked about alternative proposals such as re-positioning cash facilities within gaming venues and gaming rooms, withdrawal limits and the use of note acceptors for gaming machines, the following policy proposals received the most support: ¾ daily limits on the amount of ATM and EFTPOS withdrawals (86% of ACT residents agree these limits should be in place for ATMs, and the same proportion agree in relation to EFTPOS); ¾ limits on the size of notes that can be used in gaming machines (78%); ¾ bans on cash advances from credit cards at gaming venues (72%); ¾ prohibition of ATM or EFTPOS facilities within gaming rooms (72%); and ¾ prohibition on gaming machines accepting notes (61%).
ATM Audit:- The venue audit which examined the location, visibility and convenience of ATMs and EFTPOS in gaming venues in the ACT found a high degree of compliance with current ACT regulations.
Daily Diaries:- Data obtained from the daily diaries compiled for this study suggest a close relationship between the use of cash facilities located in gaming venues and gambling expenditure however, the small sample size prevents drawing firm conclusions from these data.
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Interviews:- The most compelling evidence in support of removal of ATMs was found in the qualitative interviews with problem gamblers and their families, and from submissions by gambling and financial counsellors. They reported that convenient access to ATMs in gaming venues was a significant factor in the development and persistence of gambling problems. However, many drew a distinction between ATMs and EFTPOS, with ATMs seen as more harmful than EFTPOS.
Industry representatives opposed removal of ATMs from gaming venues, arguing that this would: “encourage patrons to go the nearest external ATM and possibly use their credit card for cash advances, not available from cash facilities in the club”. However, without reliable baseline data on the relationship between ATM use and venue income (gaming and non-gaming) from a number of representative venues, and detailed expenditure data from individual patrons, we were unable to quantify the potential impacts that removal of ATMs or limits on ATM withdrawals would have on venues. Therefore it has not been possible in this study to estimate the effects of changes to current ATM policy on gaming venue income or government revenues.
Summary
In summary, if ATMs were removed from gaming venues in the ACT, we found that: • 63% of surveyed ACT residents would probably be unaffected because they do not use gaming venue ATM machines; • 37% might be affected in some way because they do sometimes use gaming venue ATMs. • 58.7% of surveyed ACT residents who use a venue ATM report that there is another ATM within walking distance; and 71.1% of people who usually access a venue ATM also said that there is an ATM within walking distance; • 3.1% of the sample ACT population (self-identified problem gamblers and regular gamblers who use venue ATMs weekly) might be positively affected but no firm conclusions can be draw from the data available; • However just 1.2% of the sample ACT population rely mainly on venue ATMs to access cash; removal of these ATMs might result in significant inconvenience or negative impacts for these residents.
Conclusion
This study did not find an unequivocally strong relationship between problem gambling and the use of ATMs in ACT gaming venues. The study also found that removal of ATMs is likely to be a relatively minor and temporary barrier for many people with gambling problems. Although some people we consulted stressed the benefits of ‘breaks in play’ that would occur if gamblers were obliged to leave the premises to obtain additional money, evidence from ACT gamblers themselves suggests that people who are determined to continue gambling will access cash from other means.
We also found that removal of ATMs from gaming venues would inconvenience a significant proportion of gaming venue patrons, recreational gamblers and non-gamblers in the ACT. For many ACT residents, ATMs in gaming venues are an important and convenient local facility. Rather, the research findings indicate that a daily limit on the National Association for Gambling Studies (Australia) 221 2004 Conference Proceedings
amount that can be withdrawn from ATMs and EFTPOS would be a more effective and acceptable harm minimisation strategy. This proposal received support from many people consulted for this project and was strongly supported by a large majority of ACT residents surveyed, both gamblers and non-gamblers. It has the added advantage of minimising inconvenience to recreational gamblers and non-gambling patrons of ACT gaming venues.
The study has produced important insights into the way that people access cash for use in gambling venues. But other questions remain unanswered. We recommend that further in-depth research is needed into the issues raised by this study, which would require the support and cooperation of a number of organisations, including the gambling industry and financial institutions. Such research could be based on a comparative study of several representative venues within a jurisdiction to examine the effects of venue and patron characteristics; or on a comparative study of venues operating in different policy environments. This latter approach would allow analysis of the relative impacts of particular policies on specific population groups. Given the regulatory diversity which currently exists between the various states and territories on issues such as ATMs, EFTPOS and note-acceptors, a better understanding of the effects of specific policies is an essential first step towards a national strategy.
Notes
1. The study was commissioned by the ACT Gambling and Racing Commission. The detailed research report can be obtained from the centre’s website: http://gambling.anu.edu.au
2. On advice from ACT Gambling and Racing Commission, TAB agencies and outlets were excluded from this section of the research. By definition they fall into the category of wagering outlets rather than gambling venues and so were excluded from the audit.
References
ACT Gambling and Racing Commission (2002) Review of the Gaming Machine Act 1987
ACT Legislative Assembly (2003) Government Response to the ACT Gambling and Racing Commission’s Review of the Gaming Machine Act 1987, p.23.
KPMG Consulting (2002) Problem Gambling. ATM/EFTPOS Functions and Capabilities. Department of Family and Community Services.
McMillen, J., Tremayne, K., and Masterman-Smith, H. (2001) Survey of Gambling and Problem Gambling in the ACT. Report to the ACT Gambling and Racing Commission. Australian Institute for Gambling Research, UWS.
Productivity Commission (1999) Australia’s Gambling Industries. Final Report No 10. AusInfo, Canberra.
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AN INVESTIGATION INTO GAMBLING NEWSPAPER ADVERTISEMENTS IN QUEENSLAND BY TYPE OF ORGANISATION
Sharen Nisbet, Helen Breen, Nerilee Hing & Jeremy Buultjens
Centre for Gambling Education & Research Southern Cross University PO Box 157 Lismore NSW 2480 Email [email protected] Tel 02 6620 3930
ABSTRACT
Although over $600 million is spent on advertising each year by Australian gambling industries, minimal research has been conducted into the advertising of gambling products and services, either in Australia or overseas (Griffiths, 2003). In the absence of conclusive research to underpin policy, governments and gambling industries in Australia have taken a variety of approaches monitoring advertising of gambling. Restrictions vary both by jurisdiction and by gambling sector. In Queensland, the advertising of gambling is guided by the voluntary QLD Responsible Gambling Code of Practice. Advertising and promotions are identified in the Code as one ‘Priority Action Area’ where gambling providers can ‘promote responsible practices’ and encourage ‘informed decision making by consumers’ (Queensland Treasury, 2002). This paper reports on an investigation into newspaper advertising of gambling in Queensland. It used content analysis to compare eight newspapers from four regions in the state to identify and compare key characteristics of newspaper advertisements of gambling products and venues, both before (2001) and after (2003) the introduction of the Code. This paper found that there was a significant decrease in the number of advertisements published in 2003 compared to 2001; that there was a decrease in the emphasis placed on gambling by clubs, hotels and casinos, but an increased emphasis placed on gambling by bingo and lottery operators between 2001 and 2003. A further finding was that gaming machines featured in casino and hotel advertisements, whereas clubs featured bingo. There was also a reduction in the number of advertisements using persuasive appeal. Introduction In recent years a number of state and territory governments around Australia have amended their industry based gambling regulations and encouraged practices in line with a new emphasis on the responsible provision of gambling. Responsible provision of gambling implies that gambling is provided in a socially responsible way, one which is responsive to community concerns and expectations.
Three principles commonly associated with responsible gambling and responsible provision of gambling – harm minimisation, informed consent and social responsibility and responsiveness – are recognised by the Queensland Government (2002a; 2002b) which defines responsible gambling as:
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‘occur(ring) in a regulated environment where the potential for harm associated with gambling is minimised and people make informed decisions about their participation in gambling. Responsible gambling occurs as a result of the collective actions and shared ownership by individuals, communities, the gambling industry and Government to achieve outcomes that are socially responsible and responsive to community concerns.’
While many of these outcomes are made binding through amendments to the relevant Act or legislation, the QLD State Government, in consultation and partnership with the industry and community chose to introduce and promote a voluntary industry based code of practice in 2002. Released on 27 February 2002 the Queensland Responsible Gambling Strategy encompassed a range of initiatives for achieving its overarching objective…’to minimise the harmful impacts of problem gambling’. Queensland Treasury estimated that almost 3,800 gambling providers across the state would be implementing the voluntary QLD Responsible Gambling Code of Practice [“the Code”] (2002a). Various measures have been adopted to encourage implementation. The major ones comprise developing and distributing the Queensland Responsible Gambling Resource Manual, provision of training in implementing the Code, support and involvement of the industry and welfare services, and placement of responsible gambling signage in venues by the Queensland Office of Gaming Regulation or their agents. These measures have relied in large part on the active involvement of the associations for the club, hotel and casino industries in Queensland. The Code has 6 sections, including those related to: the provision of information; interaction with customers and community; exclusion; physical environments; financial transactions and advertising and promotions. Each section contains a range of elements that are appropriate for each industry sector. To illustrate, Section 6 of the Code (refer Appendix 2) covers Advertising and Promotions, and element 6.11 suggests that venues do “not depict or promote the consumption of alcohol while engaged in the activity”. This provision applies equally to all sectors of the industry.
As well as the principles of responsible gambling, other socially responsible concepts such as ethics and fair-trading were used as guides in this investigation. A voluntary advertising code of ethics is promoted in Australia by the Australian Association of National Advertisers. This self-regulated code has the object of ensuring that “advertisements are legal, decent, honest and truthful, and have been prepared with a sense of obligation to the consumer and society” (www.advertisingstandardsbureau.com.au/ PDF/AANACodeofEthics.pdf Accessed 14 Dec 2004). This advertising code is underpinned by relevant legislation in each State, and is mirrored in the provisions of Section 6 of the Queensland Responsible Gambling Code of Practice.
The Queensland Department of Fair Trading states that their activities are designed to ensure the “existence of a fair and ethical marketplace within the community” ('Office of Fair Trading' 2004) . Thus, responsible business practices are promoted and monitored in addition to those that affect consumer protection.
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In 2002 the researchers were commissioned to evaluate the perceived effectiveness of the implementation of the recently introduced Code. The authors note that, while advertising and promotions can help promote responsible gambling, further research was needed into the advertising and promotions practices of gambling operators and their understanding of what constitutes responsible and irresponsible advertising and promotions practices (Breen et al. 2003). The authors found a lack of understanding and some misinterpretation of the language in this section of the Code.
Therefore, it is the advertising and promotional activities of gambling operators that the researchers sought to investigate. In particular, changes in the advertising practices of gambling organisations were compared. Aim & Objectives This investigation aimed to identify distinctive features of gambling advertisements in Queensland newspapers to compare differences before and after the introduction of the QLD Responsible Gambling Code of Practice in 2002. It did this by:
1. Assessing a selection of advertisements in QLD newspapers during 2001 for their persuasive appeal
2. Assessing a selection of advertisements in QLD newspapers during 2003 for their persuasive appeal
3. Comparing the results of 1 and 2 to evaluate changes since the introduction of the Queensland Responsible Gambling Code of Practice in mid-2002 The method and outcomes relevant to these three objectives are examined in this paper.
Advertising Advertising can be defined as a form of paid, non-personal presentation, the objectives of which are to either inform, persuade or remind (Macnamara 1998; Kotler et al. 2003). Informative advertisements, as the name suggests, lets consumers know about a new product or feature whereas persuasive advertisements seek to build demand (Macnamara 1998; Kotler et al. 2003).
Communications consist of three components – the message, the sender and the audience (Berg 1995). When conducting a content analysis it is possible, and most effective, to measure a message in terms of the theme, emphasis and amount of space devoted to selected issues (Berg 1995). The theme or appeal of a message may be classified as: rational, or appealing to self interest; emotional, which attempts to stir positive or negative motivations; and moral, which appeal to a sense of right or wrong (Beard and Yaprak 1989; Macnamara 1998).
Print advertisements can use a number of formats for a message including the headline, copy, picture/s, size and position, colour and shape. This message ‘style’ is designed to capture the audience’s attention and should provoke their interest (Macnamara 1998).
McGuire (1974) has proposed five components of persuasive communication. This model is contained in appendix 1. In addition to the ‘source variables’ which invoke
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or refute trust and exert power, ‘message variables’ consider the type of appeal, notable omissions or inclusions and the order or relative emphasis given to various parts of the communication. It is also possible to consider the effect of the audience’s initial state. The researchers sought to primarily address the latent and manifest message variables of the QLD gambling advertisements. Other variables included in McGuire’s model (1974), but beyond the scope of this investigation, include those related to the audience or recipient’s previous experience/s, demographic and personality characteristics [‘receiver variables’], those related to the way the message is received and the efficacy of the communication [‘channel variables’] and the impact or effects [‘destination variables’] of the message. This last variable is the subject of a related, follow up investigation proposed by the researchers.
Other factors influencing the effectiveness of advertisements specifically include reach, or the number of people in the target market exposed to the advertisement, and the frequency of that exposure (Macnamara 1998; Kotler 2000). The indicative reach of each of the newspapers selected for this study is presented in Table 1. Methodology
Sample Selection To address the objectives of this project, and to ensure a representative methodology was employed, two newspapers in each of four geographic regions of Queensland were examined. Thus, gambling advertisements from eight newspapers were analysed. These regions represented metropolitan, regional, urban and remote localities. Within each geographic region, newspapers that are typically used by gambling advertisers were sought. These were determined by an examination of each newspaper and discussions with advertising executives to determine the edition to be used. Where a newspaper was published on a daily basis, the edition with an ‘entertainment’ section or feature was chosen. The generic characteristics of the selected newspapers are presented in Table 1. (See Table 1). Sample Size Advertisements were collected from one edition of each paper per fortnight for two 12-month periods – 2001 and 2003 – using archival collections available through the State Library of Queensland. Thus, the sample size was 4 regions x 2 newspapers in each region x 26 weeks (fortnightly) x 2 years (2001 and 2003) = 416 newspaper editions. Every gambling advertisement from each of the 416 editions was examined. This data collection process partly fulfils Krippendorff's (1980) theory on content analysis methods in explaining which data are to be analysed, how they are defined and the population from which data are drawn. Once advertisements from non- Queensland based advertisers were excluded (i.e. NSW gambling operators) the total number of advertisements analysed was 2059. This sampling technique has been used with success in similar studies (Riffe et al. 1993). Elements of the Advertisements Content analysis is a common research methodology that aims to classify communications in an objective and systematic way (Berg 1995; Macnamara 2003). When effective, content analysis considers the who, what, why, type and effects of media communications (Macnamara 2003). It may blend qualitative and quantitative elements (Krippendorff 1980; Weber 1990; Berg 1995; Kotler et al. 2003). Effective content analysis will measure both the latent and manifest attributes of a National Association for Gambling Studies (Australia) 226 2004 Conference Proceedings
communication (Krippendorff 1980; Berg 1995). Therefore, in addition to an analysis of the physical attributes of each gambling advertisement, the researchers chose to code three latent attributes. These were: purpose, persuasive appeal and intended audience.
In their initial consideration of the units of each advertisement to be analysed, the researchers examined a subset of the gambling advertisements that had been collected. A number of the physical attributes of each advertisement that affect the message including its size, position on the page, position within the publication, types of gambling portrayed and proportion of the advertisement devoted to gambling were selected as suitable attributes for measurement. The researchers then deduced a number of additional criteria on the basis of the objectives of the research, an analysis of the literature (Duncan 1989; Graham et al. 1993; Kotler et al. 2003), their experience in gambling research and from the information presented in the advertisement. Thus, a preliminary coding form was developed.
Pre-test Two of the researchers then coded a sub sample of 30 of the collected advertisements from two newspapers. This pre test served two purposes. Firstly, the applicability of the coding form to a wide range of advertisements could be determined. Secondly, it allowed the researchers to establish whether inter-coder reliability was present (Kang et al. 1993; Macnamara 2003). Using the ‘Program for Reliability Assessment of Multiple Coders’ (PRAM), a statistical package developed to assist with the ‘relatively complex formuale for calculating reliability statistics’ (Neuendorf cited in Macnamara 2003 p.11), it was possible to test for this inter coder reliability. The software calculates a number of measures of reliability which indicate agreement. Four measures were chosen for consideration, each of which has a range of between 0 and 1, where 1 indicates perfect agreement.
On the basis of these results it was possible to determine individual variables with the most discrepancy between coders. This resulted in some changes to the coding structure, notably a reduction of the number of available categories, removing the colour or black and white option, moving ‘gambling related corporate logo; from a separate field at end of the form to a field within gambling prize image (Q.12). Type of promotion was also differentiated with the addition of ‘cash promotion’ and ‘gaming cash promotion’ (Q.10).
Following this review, inter coder reliability was again tested on a different sub sample of the advertisements. Once again, PRAM was used to highlight elements that caused low reliabilities, although the value of each of the selected reliability coefficients had improved.
As a result of this analysis, a number of minor changes were made to both the elements being measured and discussion took place about how to improve inter coder reliability on the latent variables. Specific changes to the coding form at this stage included the removal of some sizes, addition of categories for ‘position of advertisement on page’, the addition of ‘scratchies’ as a type of gambling, addition of table games to gambling–related information, and addition of alcohol as an image. The number of categories that could be used to measure the latent variable ‘purpose of the advertisement’ was reduced from five to three.
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Two research assistants then coded the first 25 advertisements from each of eight newspapers/years to check for inter coder reliability. Percent agreement was high, exceeding 90% for each subset of newspapers. The results of each test are presented in Table 2. (See Table 2).
On this basis of this analysis it was deemed that an appropriate level of inter coder reliability had been reached, and that coding could proceed for all of the collected advertisements. The data were then entered into SPSS and analysed descriptively.
Results
This section of the paper presents the findings by organisation type. These are casinos, bingo operators (non-club), clubs, hotels, lottery and lotto organisations, keno operators and wagering interests.
Source of Advertisements
There was a significant change between the number of advertisements represented in each of the four regions before and after the introduction of the Code (χ²=56.53, p=<0.05). In 2001, 1198 advertisements were present in the sample, while only 861 were counted in 2003. This relationship is depicted in Figure 1. While most regions had an overall decrease in the number of advertisements that depicted gambling, Far North Queensland, which included a newspaper each from Cairns and Townsville, had a slight increase. (See Figure 1)
Organisations Who Advertise Gambling Activities
A count of organisations as a proportion of the total advertisements placed that year can be seen in Figure 2. There was a significant decrease in the number of organisations of each type placing advertisements from 2001 to 2003 (χ²=34.816, p=<0.05). However, newsagents and bingo operators advertised slightly more between the two periods.
Proportion of Total Advertisement Devoted to Gambling
The change in the proportion of the total advertisement devoted to gambling between 2001 and 2003 was significant (χ²=46.61, 4 df, p=<0.005). Although the total number of advertisements was down, there was a slight increase – about 2.5% - in the number of advertisements that were wholly devoted to gambling as depicted in Figure 3. However, this increase was accounted for by bingo and lottery organisations which are exempt from this element of Section 6 of the Code.
INSERT FIGURE 3 HERE
Proportion of Advertisements Featuring Gambling by Organisation Type
Considering the proportion of each type of gambling featured in the advertisements clubs, hotels and casinos were found to have placed less emphasis on gambling, and therefore more emphasis on other activities, in their 2003 advertisements. This relationship is shown in Figure 4. This change is consistent with the Code. Since the introduction of the Code, racetracks have almost eliminated the promotion of
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gambling from their advertisements. Lotteries, which are exempt from this element of Section 6 of the Code, have shown a slight decrease.
INSERT FIGURE 4 HERE
Type of Gambling by Type of Venue
Cross tabulations were used to assess changes in different venues’ emphasis on different forms of gambling between 2001 and 2003. Only the gambling part of the advertisements was considered for this analysis.
In 2001 clubs tended to focus the gambling parts of their advertisements on bingo followed by cash promotions and gaming cash promotions with gaming machines only a small part of the gambling mix. In 2003 the club’s gambling mix continued to focus on bingo, although gaming machines increased in prominence over other forms of gambling. Hotels placed the same emphasis on gaming machines in 2003 as they did in 2001. Gaming machines were the predominant form of gambling promoted, followed closely by cash promotions. Wagering was a small part of the gambling advertising mix for hotels. Casinos focused on cash promotions in 2001, but the emphasis shifted to gaming machines, followed by a similar, smaller proportion of mentions of cash promotions and table games in 2003. However, it should be noted that the number of advertisements where table games were featured was small with just 8 of the 59 casino advertisements in 2001 and 6 of the 33 casino advertisements in 2003 promoting table games. Casino advertisements appeared to have a more sophisticated approach to advertising of the gambling product where changes to the mix of advertised products.
Advertisements placed by lottery, lotto and scratch card organisations focused exclusively on their products, although sometimes these advertisements featured specific sales outlets such as newsagencies. Similarly, bingo operator advertisements focus exclusively on bingo. These operators were typically service clubs, schools, or in some cases private promoters. Newsagents advertised the range of lottery products available through their stores.
Gambling or Prize Image Shown
A count of the types of images used in the advertisements as a percentage of the total number of gambling related images can be seen in Figure 5. Notably, there was an increase in the proportion of advertisements that did not use images (about half) from 2001 to 2003. Significant decreases occurred in the number of pictures of money (χ²=12.84), the depiction of prize winners (χ²=6.53) and the use of gambling corporate logos (χ²=27.30) from 2001 to 2003. The number of advertisements that used pictures of cards also reduced from 27 in 2001 to none in 2003.
While the proportion of advertisements that presented images of alcohol and gambling had halved between 2001 and 2003, there were still 15 recorded instances of this in 2003. This is contrary to element 11 of Section 6 of the Code.
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INSERT FIGURE 5 HERE Use of Persuasive Appeal Informative advertisements let consumers know about a new product or feature whereas persuasive advertisements seek to build demand (Kotler et al. 2003). This is a useful advertising strategy in a competitive environment, such as the gambling industry. The theme or appeal of a message may be classified as rational, or appealing to self interest; emotional, which attempts to stir positive or negative motivations; and moral, which appeal to a sense of right or wrong (Beard and Yaprak 1989; Macnamara 1998). It was within this framework that the gambling parts of each advertisement were categorised as entirely informative, entirely persuasive, or about half to inform and half to persuade. The results of this analysis are presented in Figure 6. The number of advertisements that were deemed to have gambling content that sought to entirely persuade the audience rose by a few percentage points between 2001 and 2003. This appears to be due to bingo operators increasing their use of persuasive appeal, possibly due to increased competition between bingo providers or in response to competition from the clubs. It is also notable that clubs have reduced their use of persuasive advertising and introduced more informative advertisements. Thus, it appears that Section 6 of the Code is having some impact on gambling providers who advertise their products and venues. INSERT FIGURE 6 HERE Types of Persuasive Appeal
Where persuasive appeal was apparent in the gambling part of the advertisement, this was categorised into one of six categories: win cash/prizes; social reasons; atmosphere/excitement/buzz; beat odds/challenge; be successful/change life; and donate to charity/good cause. These categories are a synthesis of the findings on motivations to gamble (Productivity Commission 1999; Hing et al. 2002).
There was a significant change in the perceived purpose of the gambling advertisements between 2001 and 2003 (χ²=96.49, p<=0.005). The number of advertisements that appealed to the audience’s desire to win cash or prizes decreased in prominence from 2001 to 2003. This is in accord with the spirit of the Code which suggests that depictions of the odds of winning should not mislead. In contrast, the gambling parts of these advertisements highlighting the atmosphere, excitement and buzz associated with the venue and gambling increased in prominence between 2001 and 2003. These relationships are portrayed in Figure 7. INSERT FIGURE 7 HERE
Responsible Gambling Message and Helpline Message
At the time of data collection and analysis, the inclusion of a responsible gambling message and a helpline number was not mandated for inclusion in the Code for gambling advertisements. As this information is required in venue advertisements in other states, it was of interest to the researchers to see which QLD venues may be presenting this information. While there was a perceived difference in the number of times these messages were included in advertisements, it was not possible to conclude
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significance due to the fact that no advertisements included such a message in 2001. One venue accounted for all but one of the 28 representations of a helpline number and message. This is presented graphically in Figure 8 below. INSERT FIGURE 8 HERE
The Code now includes this element in Section 6 (Queensland Treasury 2004).
Conclusion There was a significant decrease in the number of advertisements published after the introduction of the Code in 2002. While it is not possible to conclude that this is a direct result of its introduction, it is hypothesised that the increase in interest in responsible gambling, as taken up by industry associations, government, the community and the media, has led to increased awareness amongst gambling operators and that this, in turn, may have contributed to some caution or moderation in the amount of gambling advertising. The reduction in the number of advertisements between these two periods was mirrored by a change in the proportion of advertisements focused exclusively on gambling. There was a small increase in the proportion of bingo and lottery advertisements that focused exclusively on these gambling products, but a decrease in the gambling focus of club, hotel and casino advertisements. That is, these organisations have prudently altered their print advertising and introduced other elements such as entertainment and food, into their advertising mix. The casinos and hotels in the sample focused the gambling parts of their advertisements on gaming machines, while club advertisements focused mostly on bingo. Clubs appear to use bingo and gaming machine promotions to draw in patrons, and as such these forms of gambling are dominant in their advertised gambling mix. In 2003 fewer images were used in advertisements that included gambling, most notably images depicting the drinking of alcohol and gambling together. However, the 15 recorded instances of this in 2003 is cause for concern due to the fact that it clearly contravenes Section 6 of the Code. Club advertisements became more informative in 2003 against 2001. This change in emphasis, away from the use of inappropriate types of persuasive appeal, suggests a change in advertising behaviour and practices consistent with the ethos of the Code. In particular, there appears to be some reduction in the use of those types of persuasive appeal that may be misleading or misrepresent the odds of winning by clubs. Similarly, the type of appeal used by all organisations places less emphasis on winning. Most of these changes, while small, are consistent with the Code. Given that the sample of advertisements used in this study was selected from the period immediately after the introduction of the Code, these results are heartening and suggest that some organisations are beginning to advertise in a more responsible way. However, other operators have not amended their practices. While this study has looked into messages projected through the print media to readers, it has not, to date, considered the effect of these advertisements on an audience. Thus, the second stage of this study is to examine how gambling advertisements influence thinking about gambling, feeling about gambling and gambling behavior or decision making (Kotler et al. 2003). This stage of the project National Association for Gambling Studies (Australia) 231 2004 Conference Proceedings
will employ an experimental cue reactivity technique, exposing different groups of gamblers and non-gamblers to these advertisements, measuring physiological response.
References
Australian Association of National Advertisers 'AANA Advertiser Code of Ethics' [online], Available: www.advertisingstandardsbureau.com.au/PDF/AANACodeofEthics.pdf [Accessed 14 Dec 2004]. Beard, J. and A. Yaprak 1989, Language implications for advertising in international markets: A model for message content and message execution. A paper presented at the 8th International Conference on Language Communication for World Business and the Professions, Ann Arbor, MI. Berg, B. L. 1995, 'An introduction to content analysis' in Qualitative research methods for the social sciences, Allyn and Bacon, Boston: 174-199. Breen, H., J. Buultjens and N. Hing 2003, The Perceived Efficacy of Responsible Gambling Strategies in Queensland Hotels, Casinos and Licensed Clubs, Centre for Gambling Education and Research, Southern Cross University, Lismore. Duncan, D. 1989, 'Content analysis in health education research: An introduction to purposes and methods', Health Education 20 (7). Graham, J., M. Kamins and D. Oetomo 1993, 'Content analysis of German and Japanese advertising in print media from Indonesia, Spain, and the United States', Journal of Advertising 22 (2): 5-16. Hing, N., H. Breen and P. Weeks 2002, 'Club Management in Australia: Administration, Operations and Gaming', Pearson Education Australia, Sydney. Kang, N., A. Kara, H. Laskey and F. Seaton 1993, 'A SAS MACRO for calculating intercoder agreement in content analysis', Journal of Advertising 22 (2): 17-28. Kotler, P. 2000, Marketing Management. Prentice Hall, Upper Saddle River, N.J. Kotler, P., J. Bowen and J. Maker 2003, Marketing for Hospitality and Tourism. Pearson Education International for Prentice Hall, Upper Saddle River, N.J. Krippendorff, K. 1980, Content Analysis: An Introduction to its Methodology. Sage Publications, Newbury Park, CA. Macnamara, J. R. 1998, Effective marketing communication and promotion : a practical guide to the ’new promotion mix’ using advertising, public relations, promotions direct marketing, direct mail and other strategies. Information Australia, Melbourne. Macnamara, J. R. 2003, Media content analysis: Its uses, benefits and best practice methodology, Mass Communication Group, Chippendale. McGuire, W. J. 1974, 'Communication-persuasion models for drug education' in Research on Methods and Programs of Drug Education, (ed). M. Goodstadt, Addiction Research Foundation, Toronto: 1-26. 'Office of Fair Trading'2004, Queensland Government [online], Available: http://www.fairtrading.qld.gov.au/ [Accessed 14 Dec 2004]. Productivity Commission 1999, Australia's Gambling Industries: Final Report, Commonwealth of Australia, Canberra.
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Queensland Treasury 2002a, Queensland Responsible Gambling Code of Practice: Trial and Review. Responsible Gambling Advisory Committee. Brisbane, Queensland Government: 22. Queensland Treasury 2002b, Queensland Responsible Gambling Strategy: A Partnership Approach, Queensland Government, Brisbane. Queensland Treasury 2004, Queensland Responsible Gambling Code of Practice. Responsible Gambling Advisory Committee. Brisbane, Queensland Government: 22. Riffe, D., C. Aust and S. Lacy 1993, 'The effectiveness of random, consecutive day and constructed week sampling in newspaper content analysis', Journalism Quarterly 70 (1): 133-139. Weber, R. 1990, Basic Content Analysis. Sage Publications, Newbury Park, CA.
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Appendix 1 The Five Components of Persuasive Communication
I. Source variables A. Credibility • Expertise • Trustworthiness B. Attractiveness • Similarity • Liking • Familiarity C. Power • Control over means and ends • Concern about compliance • Scrutiny over compliance II. Message variables A. Type of appeal • Ethos, pathos, logos • Positive versus negative (fear) appeals • Reinforcements within the communication • Message style, humour etc. B. Inclusions and omissions • Implicit vs. explicit conclusions • Refuting vs. ignoring opposition arguments • Repetition of the message C. Order of presentation • Conclusions first or last page • Ordering with respect to desirability and agreement • Climate vs. anticlimax (strongest arguments last or first) • Refuting opposition before or after own supporting arguments D. Discrepancy from receiver’s initial • Selective exposure position • Perceptual distortion; differential recall • Discrepancy and attitude change III. Channel variables • Direct experience with object vs. communication about it • Modality (eye vs. ear, etc.) • Mass media vs. face to face personal influence • Relative efficacy of the different mass media IV. Receiver variables • Active vs. passive role • Generality of susceptibility • Demographic variables (sex, age, socio-economic class etc.) • Ability factors • Personality factors V. Destination variables • General effects beyond specific target issue • Immediate vs. delayed impact • Direct impact vs. immunisation against counterarguments • Verbal attitude change vs. gross behavioural change
Source: (McGuire 1974)
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Appendix 2
Section 6 of the QLD COP
Gambling providers are to ensure that advertising and promotions are responsible, with consideration for people adversely affected by gambling. These strategies will ensure that any advertising or promotion:
6.1 complies with the Advertising Code of Ethics as adopted by the Australian Association of National Advertisers;
6.2 is not false, misleading or deceptive;
6.3 does not implicitly or explicitly misrepresent the probability of winning a prize;
6.4 does not give the impression that gambling is a reasonable strategy for financial betterment;
6.5 does not include misleading statements about odds, prizes or chances of winning;
6.6 does not offend prevailing community standards;
6.7 does not focus exclusively on gambling, where there are other activities to promote;
6.8 is not implicitly or explicitly directed at minors or vulnerable or disadvantaged groups;
6.9 does not involve any external signs advising of winnings paid;
6.10 does not involve any irresponsible trading practices by the gambling provider;
6.11 does not depict or promote the consumption of alcohol while engaged in the activity of gambling; and
6.12 has the consent of the person prior to publishing anything which identifies a person who has won a prize.
Source: Queensland Responsible Gambling Code of Practice (2002)
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Table 1 – Characteristics of selected newspapers
Region Name Frequency Distribution Day Analysed
Gold Coast Gold Coast Bulletin Daily 47,608 Thursday
Gold Coast Sun Weekly 138,834 Wednesday
Brisbane North West News Weekly 47,195 Friday
Northern Times Weekly 76,670 Friday
Far North QLD Cairns Post Daily 27,150 Thursday
Townsville Bulletin Daily 26,496 Thursday
Outback Longreach Leader Weekly 2,610 Friday
North West Star (Mt Isa) Daily 4,500 Thursday
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Table 2 – Inter-coder reliability
Newspaper Percent Agreement Spearman’s Rho Pearson Correlation
Pretest I North West News 2003 0.890 0.586 0.580
Pretest II Cairns Post 2001 0.907 0.618 0.654
Gold Coast Bulletin 2001 0.914 0.649 0.048
North West News 2003 0.914 0.621 0.680
North West News 2001 0.987 0.963 0.959
Northern Times 2003 0.914 0.621 0.680 Pretest III Northern Times 2001 0.936 0.743 0.743
Cairns Post 2003 0.915 0.683 0.680
Longreach Leader 2001 0.934 0.703 0.756
Longreach Leader 2003 0.934 0.703 0.756
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600 526
500 425 342 400 273 300 199 206 200 47 100 40
0 FNQ Brisbane Gold Coast Outback
2001 2003
Figure 1 – Source and number of advertisements
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2001 2003*
newsagent ot her other 0% 4% newsagent 9% hot el hotel 2% bingo 22% 19 % operator 21% bingo racetrack 1% operator 24% lotto/ lottery racetrack 2% casino 1% lotto/ 5% club lottery club casino 41% 45% 1% 4%
* does not add to 100% due to rounding
Figure 2 – Organisation type
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60 53.5 54.5 50
40
30 17.3 20.4 15.4 20 10.9 11.0 7.2 6.6 10 3.1
0 all/nearly all majority about half minority hardly any
2001 2003
Figure 3 – Proportion of total advertisement devoted to gambling
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2001
major ity about half minority
100
80
60 % 40
20
0 hot el club casino lot t eries racet rack bingo newsagent ot her operator
2003
100
80
60 % 40
20
0 hot el club casino lot t eries racet rack bingo newsagent ot her operator
Figure 4 – Proportion of advertisement with gambling
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2001 2003
gambling ot her pict ure and alcohol gambling ot her pict ure 0.3% 2% and alcohol 2% 2% eye cat ching art work eye cat ching 30% no pict ure art work 36% 33% no pict ure 42%
corporate logo 8% corporat e money prize money logo prize 11% winners table 8% 13 % winners table machines machines 0.6% games 2%cardsgames 4% 2% 0.3% 4% 0.5%
Figure 5 – Images shown
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2001 2003
ent irely ent irely ent irely inform persuade 6% persuade 2% ent irely 5% inform 17%
half half persuade/ persuade/ half inform half inform 78% 92%
Figure 6 – Use of persuasive appeal
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2001
major ity about half minor ity 100%
80%
60%
40%
20%
0% win st uf f social at mosphere beat odds success charit able
2003
major ity about half minority
100%
80%
60% % 40%
20%
0% win social at mosphere beat odds success charit able cash/prize
Figure 7 – Type of persuasive appeal
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2001 2003
yes yes 0% 3%
no no 97% 100%
Figure 8 – Gamblers helpline number and RG message
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IMMIGRATION, CULTURE AND GAMBLING – A GREEK COMMUNITY PERSPECTIVE
Maria Petrohilos & Maria Kladis
Greek Welfare Centre, PO BOX 784, Newtown, NSW 2042, Australia. Tel: 61 2 9516 2188 Email: [email protected]
ABSTRACT
The issues and experiences of problem gambling in the Greek community are similar to those of the broader Australian community.
The issues are however compounded by the experience of migration and cultural factors. Migration to Australia was seen as a way to a better life for oneself and one’s family. Success as a migrant was measured largely by the acquisition of material assets and a good education for the children.
When this did not happen, the person perceived themselves as a failure, and were also judged by others in this way. Where gambling is the cause, the stigma is strong and the gambler and their family will go to extreme lengths to cover up the problem.
This paper includes two case studies to demonstrate gambling counselling interventions and outcomes in the Greek community. These may be used to inform a broader understanding of issues related to the treatment of problem gamblers from Cultural and Linguistically Diverse backgrounds.
Background - Gambling in the Greek community
Sydney, July 2004, Greece had just won the ‘Euro 2004’ soccer title. The media was full of stories of the euphoria of this win, both within the Greek community, and the broader Australian community. One of the radio reporters on the ABC was interviewing a young Greek man at the celebrations in Brighton –Le-Sands (a suburb of Sydney). The reporter asked ‘what are you going to do now, after all this celebrating?’ The young man’s response was: ‘I’m going to collect my fifteen grand mate, I bet $100 when Greece was 150 –1 odds to win!’
Sifakis (1990) states ‘The Greeks have a reputation for being dedicated gamblers and the laws of the country (Greece) support this. This is seen in organized card games in special gambling rooms, in cafes, casinos and the national lottery ‘
There is a lot of mythology and romanticising in the Greek cultural context in reference to gambling. For example, the famous or ‘infamous’, ‘Nick the Greek’ in the USA– there was even a movie about his story.
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In Australia in the early 1900’s, there is a story about Nikos Kallinikos who migrated to Adelaide, worked in coffee houses, quickly discovered that gambling could earn him a better living and devoted himself fulltime to this (Kanarakis, 1987a). Nikos made gambling his living and travelled all around Australia (Melbourne, Kalgoorlie, cane fields of Queensland, the northern territory and Sydney). Between the gambling, Nikos wrote poetry in the form of folk verses inspired by the moment (Kanarakis, 1987b).
An example of one such verse (translated into English) which was obviously based on his gambling experience is noted:
The Heavens and the Stars proclaim’
The heaven and the stars proclaim, The moon is also willing To say each pound we have will ne’er Add up to a shilling (Kanarakis, 1987c).
More recently in Australia, a report by Cultural Partners Australia Consortium (2000), identified the Greek community as having the 3rd highest incidence of problem gambling among ethnic communities after the Chinese and Vietnamese communities (this was based on SOGS scores of 5+).
Introduction
The purpose of this paper is to discuss the links between migration, culture and gambling from a Greek community perspective. We will look at how these factors impact both in the development of problem gambling behaviour, and in developing appropriate interventions and treatment. The paper includes:
• A brief historical overview of migration and gambling • The Greek Welfare Centre’s Problem Gambling Services • Two case studies highlighting the issues
Historical overview – migration and gambling
The Greek community is comprised of Greek speaking migrants and refugees born in Greece as well as other countries e.g. Cyprus, Egypt, Albania, the Middle East. The community also includes people born in Australia. from a Greek speaking background.
The history of Greek migration to Australia is well documented and generally occurred in several waves. The majority of Greek migrants arrived after the Second World War and a second wave (refugees from Cyprus) occurred in the mid 1970’s.
The issues for a problem gambler of Greek background and their families are similar to any other problem gambler. However, for a Greek person migration and cultural
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issues compound the experience. Migration for many Greek people means living a ‘life in a foreign land’. In Greek this is referred to as ‘XENITIA’ (Kanarakis (1987d).
This experience has strong connotations of bitterness, grief and enforced separation. This is on top of a longing for the homeland and the loved ones left behind. Often there is also the intention of one-day returning to the birthplace.
Politis (1985) states ‘Xenitia, orphan hood, bitterness and love, they weighed all four, the heaviest was the foreign land’.
The motivation therefore to migrate was for the good of the family and the needs of the individual were secondary. For some people leaving their country were not their choice. Even when migration has resulted in economic and social mobility, the experience is not without loss and not without nostalgia.
For migrants, success is highly valued and is measured in material assets and tertiary education of children. Success compensates for the losses of migration and reflects well on the individual and the family. The culture reflects a collectivist perspective where group values and needs have precedence over individual needs.
Conversely, the family shares failure. If a person ‘doesn’t make it’ as a migrant, this is viewed as failure.
The person feels humiliation and they ‘lose face in the community’. The family also shares this. Another factor, which impacts on the life of a migrant, is the resettlement process and how the host community received them. Limited English, poor knowledge of services and systems and often a hostile reception from the mainstream has reinforced the feelings of ‘living in a foreign land’, of being foreign.
To counter these feelings, Greek migrants have been persistent in trying to retain their culture and religion especially in relation to family and community. Of paramount importance is the role of the family, the name and honour of the family. The individual’s ability to meet family obligations will also reflect success and good community standing.
Traditions, rituals and social customs are an important channel for passing on ‘the culture’. As an example of social customs, many Greek men would frequent ‘coffee houses’ also known as ‘kafenia’. Here they would have a coffee, talk and play cards.
Kanarakis (1987d) describes this: ‘They became the heart and the pulse of everyday Greek community life. Young men found an outlet for escape from their isolation, their loneliness and the frustrations of living and working in a foreign, frequently hostile environment.’
This poem by Elias Bizannes (Café- Habitues) highlights the role of ‘kafenia’ in the lives of these men.
‘When you want to learn news from your homeland….
Where will you find your compatriots, where else – in the café?
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And when you want some conversation and to drink a cup of coffee
Where will you go and take a seat? Where else in the café.
In the café, all together we while our time away and with coffee thick and sweet we extinguish our longing.’
For the men the ‘kafenia’ represented a safe, friendly, social venue but where over time many men also developed problem gambling. It was not too different from family gatherings and festive occasions in Greece where men played backgammon and cards and the winner shouted drinks. This was socially and culturally acceptable. Over time, however, many men developed problem gambling, as the notion of social gambling became more confusing with gambling taking up more time and more money being spent.
For women they (the kafenia) became a source of angst where the heartache and losses of problem gambling were attributed. Women and families were also affected by the impact of problem gambling on their finances, relationships, physical and mental health.
“Stress reactions during the process of acculturation can lead to confusion, anxiety, depression and feelings of marginality and alienation’. (Williams and Berry, 1991)
‘These factors have also been identified as contributing to the development of problem gambling.’ (Beattie et al, 1999).
Studies by Blaszczynski, Wilson and McConaghy in 1986 and Trevorrow and Moore in 1998 have helped with our understanding of the attraction to problem gambling in the ethnic communities.
‘They highlight that when stress levels are elevated due to factors associated with acculturation, gambling may be used as an escape.’
Greek Welfare Centre
The Greek Welfare Centre is the welfare and community services arm of the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of Australia and provides a range of services and programs for the community, including: • Bilingual counselling • Information and referral • Group work with women, the elderly, families • Community education, workshops • Community Development projects
The Centre in Sydney has dealt with the consequences of problem gambling throughout its 30 years of operation. These were problems related to gambling of the early migrants principally in the ‘kafenia’, betting on horses and card games: homelessness, financial problems, mental illness, depression and suicide, domestic violence, family breakdown.
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Gambling Services Project
Since mid 1999, the Centre has been providing a specialised bilingual Gambling Services Project funded by the NSW government through the CCBF. This service provides both counselling and community education, and is staffed by bilingual social workers and psychologists. It has been integral in developing linguistically and culturally appropriate resources for the community, and assisting the community to access relevant services. Among the outcomes to date, are:
• Specialised bilingual gambling counselling • Survey of priests in local parishes • Regional community education project • Group work • Bilingual resources • Workshops with families affected by problem gambling • Linking the community to specialised treatment services
Accessing people with problem gambling in the Greek community is challenging for various reasons such as:
• Concept of counselling is unfamiliar (perception that ‘psychologists are for crazy people and social workers are for financial assistance’)
• Asking for help implies weakness / failure
• Failure reflects badly on self and on family • Outcome is feelings of shame and humiliation
• Family name is tarnished
• Family honour is damaged
• Fear of gossip
• Fear of ostracism in community
• Preferable to keep problems inside the family especially where the problem has stigma attached to it or is about hardships
• Strong attitudes of ‘I can cope alone’
• When family resources are exhausted, may be forced to seek help
Two case studies will be presented to highlight the issues of problem gambling in the Greek community and the role of the Greek Welfare Centre in supporting them.
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Case studies
1. ‘Angelo’ ‘Angelo’ aged 50 came to Australia when he was 17 years old. He came to work and earn enough money to support himself as well as his widowed mother and two unmarried sisters who remained in Greece in poverty conditions.
On arrival, ‘Angelo’ joined a distant uncle in rural NSW to help him out in his take- away food shop, whilst he learned English and went through the process of resettlement. He worked long hours, seven days a week with no holidays. Due to his hard work, ‘Angelo’ managed to save money and before long bought his own business.
Over a short period ‘Angelo’ was able to sponsor his mother and two sisters and was instrumental in their resettlement process and the marriages of his two sisters. ‘Angelo’ married through family introduction and had two children. He earned good income and provided well for his family e.g. material assets, private school education for his children.
He was a successful migrant. He had honoured his family name. He was proud and his family was proud. They had good standing in the community.
Several years later his marriage became strained when Angelo’s wife went out to work. She became financially and socially more independent and more assertive. ‘Angelo’ believes she became too ‘Australian’. ‘Angelo’ found this threatening. He believed his role in the family was being challenged.
His stress levels were increasing and he had no one he could share his worries with. He also had more time on his hands as his wife was at home less. He went with a friend to the club and ‘Angelo’ discovered poker machines. He began spending more and more time at the club as a way of relieving his boredom and loneliness.
Money was not an issue for him, as he believed he was providing well for his family worked hard and believed he was entitled to some recreation. More and more time and money was spent on gambling. ‘Angelo’ began using his savings and then his account became ‘overdrawn’. He accrued debts, borrowed more money from banks and family and was unable to keep up with his repayments.
Communication and marital relationships became more strained. ‘Angelo’ was found out. He had disgraced himself and his family. He felt deep humiliation and avoided any contact in the community. He thought everyone was gossiping about him, putting him and his family down.
2. ‘Nick’
‘Nick’ is a 21-year-old man, born in Australia to Greek parents. His parents migrated to Australia in the 60’s. They left Greece because they lived in extreme poverty and knew they could not provide the life they wanted for their children. They also wanted to support their elderly parents.
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It was very important for ‘Nick’s’ parents to succeed financially and socially. They had left their country, their families and everything that was familiar in order to make a good life for themselves and their families. Nostalgia was a constant feeling for them. They experienced financial and social hardship on arrival and could speak no English. Their focus was to work hard before they had children, buy a house and thus provide security for them.
They worked in factories, doing heavy manual work. They worked long hours and often did shift work and double shifts. They purchased their first house, had three children and purchased a second property. They developed a network of friends and a ‘name and identity’ in the community. ‘Nick’s’ father also socialised with his male friends. Often the form of social activity involved gambling. It was not uncommon for ‘Nick’ to accompany his father to these outings.
As the children grew older, ‘Nick’s’ parents had expectations of them of academic success and tertiary education. This was particularly the case for ‘Nick’ as he was the only son. ‘Nick’ however, was not very interested in school and did not perform very well especially in comparison to other friends’ children. ‘Nick’ was more interested in playing soccer. This created a lot of tension in the family with ‘Nick’ being told constantly of the sacrifices his family had made for him.
On leaving school ‘Nick’ found it difficult to find employment. He had many short term jobs which usually did not pay well. ‘Nick’ began placing bets on the horses, with the hope of a 'big win’ which he thought would solve his problems. His ‘big win’ did not eventuate and by his early 20’s he had serious problems with gambling. Binge drinking and drug use were also issues of concern for ‘Nick’.
Interventions
In both case studies family members contacted the Greek Welfare Centre desperately needing support for themselves and their loved one. The counselling process and the concept of confidentiality were outlined. Education about gambling was provided and resources were provided in Greek. They were encouraged to access the services of the Greek Welfare Centre where they could communicate in their mother language and be understood in their cultural context. Both families attended for counselling and they were successful in encouraging and supporting ‘Angelo’ and ‘Nick’ to also attend for counselling. Skills were developed to improve stress management, communication and self esteem. Relationship and family counselling was provided as was referral to specialist services e.g. drug and alcohol.
I will use some quotes from the families, which highlight the issues that compound problem gambling for them. Generally they fall into the following four areas: • Shame and stigma ‘what will the community think?’ • Understanding problem gambling • Role of the family • How to access support
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The perspective of ‘Nick’s parents was that ‘Nick can stop if he really wants to. ‘Bad friends’ are influencing him. They felt they had failed. ‘We have done everything for ‘Nick’, paid his fines, his debts. We have bailed him out and this is how he repays us. Our other children are good, what did we do wrong?’ ‘Nick’ reported feeling ‘bad’. ‘ I have spent so much money .I know I have a problem. They keep telling me I am a failure. I have let them down. They are ashamed of me. I feel ashamed. I don’t know what to do.’
‘Angelo’s family believed his wife had ruined him and that she had lead him to gambling as she did not appreciate him. ‘Angelo’ believed he had failed. ‘My family was proud of me but not any more. I have lost my self-respect. I can’t face my community. I have nowhere to go. Everyone will judge me.’
Outcomes
‘Angelo’ had not gambled 12 months after the commencement of counselling. He enjoyed improved family relationships and was in a new relationship with a woman. He had increased confidence and better self esteem. His current life style does not include gambling.
‘Nick’ engaged in the counselling process and despite several relapses was able to identify short-term goals and he was working towards these. There was improvement in family relationships and he was linked to a drug and alcohol counsellor.
Summary
The effectiveness of interventions for problem gambling in the Greek community will vary depending on many factors which include:
• Access to culturally appropriate services
• Communication barriers to be eliminated e.g. bilingual counsellors
• Inclusion of family in treatment.
• Education in mother language
Culture, language and role of family are integral components for appropriate interventions when working with problem gamblers.
This is the particularly relevant for people of culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds and needs to be incorporated into the counselling process .In addition the experience of migration also needs to be recognised and acknowledged.
As seen with the case studies of the Greek Welfare Centre it is possible to achieve positive outcomes when working with problem gamblers of Greek background.
References
ABC – 702 Sydney radio segment
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Beattie, L., Blaszczynski, A. ,Maccallum, F. and Joukhador, J ‘Gambling problems in a Multicultural Society’, NAGS conference 1999
Blaszczynski, A., Wilson , A., and McConaghy, N. ( 1986 ) ‘Sensation seeking and pathological gambling behaviour ‘, an APS position paper, Australian Psychologist, 34, (4-16).
Cultural Partners Consortium – ‘The impact of gaming on Specific cultural groups’ prepared for the Victorian Casino and Gaming Authority, Feb 2000
Greek Welfare Centre Gambling Services Project Kanarakis, G. (1987 ) ‘Greek Voices in Australia – a Tradition of Prose, Poetry and Drama’, ANU Press, Sydney, NSW ( 47 / 48, 52/54)
Politis, N. (1985)‘Selection from the songs of Greek people’, Athens
Sifakis, C. (1990) ‘The Encyclopaedia of Gambling’, Facts of File Inc, North Ryde, NSW Australia, (141-142)
Trevorrow, K. and Moore , S. (1998) ‘The association between loneliness, social isolation and women’s electronic gaming machine gambling’ Journal of gambling Studies, 14, 261-84
Williams, C. L. and Berry, J. (1991) ’Primary prevention of acculturative stress among refugees, application of psychological theory and practice’, American Psychologist, 46, 632-41.
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AN EXPERIMENT ON THE SOCIAL CONTAGION OF GAMBLING BEHAVIOUR
Dr. Matthew J. Rockloff & Ms. Victoria Dyer
Centre for Social Science Research, Central Queensland University, Rockhampton, QLD 4702, Australia. Ph. 61 7 4923 2105. [email protected]
ABSTRACT
The presence of other gamblers has two proposed influences on gambling behaviour: 1) the presence of others – some of whom might be winning - creates an impression that winning is more likely, and 2) the mere presence of others performing the same task motivates persistence in behaviour. Fifty male and 66 female participants (116 total) played a computer-simulated poker machine with a fixed ‘winning’ sequence, followed by an indefinite ‘losing’ sequence. The primary dependent measure was the final winnings, as the losing sequence would continue until all monies were lost or the player quit. Some participants received bogus feedback from the computer suggesting that other gamers in adjacent rooms were playing – and sometimes winning – at the same game. Compared to the control condition with no feedback, persons who were lead to believe that others were gambling at the same time showed greater gambling persistence in the face of mounting losses.
Introduction
Past research shows the profound effect that the ‘mere presence’ of other people in an environment can have on individual behaviour (Zajonc, 1965). In many cases, performance of behaviour is enhanced by the presence of others (Triplett, 1898). For example, often athletes produce their best performances in the presence of competitors rather than during practice sessions.
We hypothesized that individual gambling behaviour may be more persistent in the presence of other gamblers. This prediction was based on two premises. First, the mere presence of others performing the same activity may stimulate people to continue to engage in the behaviour. Second, the ‘wins’ experienced by other gamblers produce an impression about how frequent wins should occur. In a large gaming environment visible wins occur more frequently. Bells and lights advertise wins to other patrons, and may create an impression that a win is ‘due’ to the gambler. In short, we devised an experiment to measure whether the presence of other players increases the persistence of gambling in the face of losses. This phenomenon of ‘chasing losses’ is characteristic of problem gambling behaviour (Custer, 1982).
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Participants and Procedure
One-hundred and sixteen participants (50 male and 66 female) played a computer- simulated poker machine. All participants played the machine with a fixed ‘winning’ sequence, followed by an indefinite ‘losing’ sequence. The primary dependent measure was the amount cashed-out at the conclusion of gambling, as the losing sequence would continue until all monies were lost or the player quit.
At the beginning of the session, participants were handed $5 as compensation for their time. Subjects are then offered the opportunity to gamble with this $5. All of the 116 participants agreed to gamble with their original stake. To increase the perception that participants were gambling with their own money, the $5 stake was retrieved by the experimenter prior to starting the task. In turn, 500 one-cent points were displayed as the initial bankroll on the simulated poker machine.
In a completely randomised design, a portion of participants received bogus feedback from the computer suggesting that other gamers in adjacent rooms were playing – and sometimes winning – at the same game. The feedback included two forms of information. First, half of participants had a banner at the top of the screen that would show ‘wins’ made by players in adjacent rooms. The other half of participants had no visual cues to the performance of other players. In addition, half of the participants also heard a winning bell when players in adjacent rooms presumably had won, while the remaining half heard no such sounds. These two factors, named Sight and Sound respectively, were crossed conditions. As such, all participants were assigned at random to the combination of conditions illustrated in Table 1. (See Table 1).
In reality, there were no players in the other adjacent rooms. The ‘sight’ and ‘sound’ information simply gave the impression that other players were participating at the same time on networked computers. To reinforce this impression, the experimenter led each participant to a waiting room with several doors alternately labelled ‘Room 1’, ‘Room 2’ and ‘Room 3’. The computer randomly assigned participants to conditions. The participant was left alone to complete the experimental task in ‘Room 2’, and thus the experimenter was blind to condition.
Results
The study confirmed the major hypothesis. When subjects are led to believe that other players are gambling in adjacent rooms, they persist longer in their gambling in the face of mounting losses. As evidence, Figure 1 shows that the final winnings of participants is sharply reduced when participants are given both the bogus ‘sight’ and ‘sound’ information regarding wins in adjacent rooms. As expected, a contrast showed the sight and sound information together produced greater persistence of gambling in the face of mounting losses, t(112) = 2.15, p = .04. However, there were no significant differences among the remaining three conditions containing less information. (See Figure 1)
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The speed at which participants played the game as measured by the number of seconds between successive ‘spins’ is illustrated in Figure 2. The existence of both sight and sound information significantly slowed the pace of gambling compared to the condition with no feedback, t(51) = 1.78, p < .04 (one-tailed). Therefore, the persistence of gambling in the face of losses increased, while somewhat paradoxically the pace of the game slowed. This may be due to the fact that participants had to attend to this information when making their gambling decisions. (See Figure 2)
We also searched for information about whether these sight and sound manipulations were actively noticed by the participants. In particular, we believed that the reason why people persisted in their gambling despite mounting losses was because they believed that others were gambling at the same time (although not necessarily in the same room). Therefore, we asked each participant to estimate the number of people who gambled, ‘at the same time as you did - but not necessarily in the same room?’ The average results of these estimates are shown in Figure 3. As predicted, a contrast showed the bogus ‘sight and sound’ information significantly increased the estimate of the number of players who participants thought were in adjacent rooms, t(110) = 2.21, p = .03. (See Figure 3)
Summary
This research shows that the perceived existence of ‘other players’ may increase the persistence of gambling in the face of mounting losses. Large gambling venue spaces may therefore contribute to the ‘chasing of losses’ merely by the presence of many players. In a large venue, more players will be experiencing ‘wins’ within any fixed period of time. As a result, perceptions can be altered regarding the relative frequency of winning. In addition, the mere presence of others performing the same activity may motivate the desire to continue with the behaviour. This research can have important applications in terms of the physical design of gambling premises. It suggests encouraging smaller gambling venues or smaller rooms within large venues.
References Custer, R. L. (1982) In Addictive disorders update: Alcoholism, drug abuse, gambling (Eds, Carone, P. A., Yoles, S. F., Kiefer, S. N. and Krinsky, L.) Human Sciences Press, New York.
Triplett, N. E. (1898) American Journal of Psychology, 9, 507-533.
Zajonc, R. B. (1965) Science, 149, pp. 269-274.
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Table 1. Number of Participants Randomly Assigned to Each Condition.
Sight No Sight
Sound 35 31
No Sound 32 18
500
400
300
200
100 Final Winnings (cents) 0 Sight & Sight & No No Sight but No Sight & Sound Sound Sound No Sound Condition
Figure 1. Differences in Final Winnings by Condition.
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8
7.8
7.6
7.4
7.2
Seconds Between Spins Between Seconds 7 Sight & Sight & No No Sight but No Sight & Sound Sound Sound No Sound Condition
Figure 2. Seconds between Spins by Condition.
10
8
6
4
2 Estimated # of Players 0 Sight & Sight & No No Sight but No Sight & No Sound Sound Sound Sound Conditions
Figure 3. Average of Participants’ Estimates Regarding the Number of Players in Adjacent Rooms.
National Association for Gambling Studies (Australia) 259 2004 Conference Proceedings
EDUCATING MELBOURNE’S YOUTH: TURNING AFL FOOTY PLAYERS INTO RESPONSIBLE GAMBLING ADVOCATES
Prue Sabelberg & Ms Corinne Rice
Gamblers Help Western, PO Box 147, St Albans, Victoria 3021, Australia. Ph: +61 3 9296-1294. [email protected]
ABSTRACT
Gaming losses in the Western region of Melbourne are approximately 35% higher than the state average making it a key target area for problem gambling messages (Office of Gambling Regulation, 2004). This paper describes a partnership project involving the Department of Human Services (Victoria), the Western Bulldogs Football Club and Gamblers Help Western. The purpose of the partnership was to extend the messages of the Victorian Problem Gambling Communications Strategy by targeting disadvantaged youth and at risk groups (particularly young males) who live in Melbourne’s Western Metropolitan region. The program utilized the Western Bulldogs high profile among the target population to raise awareness about the risks associated with excessive gambling.
Introduction
In June 2003 the Victorian Department of Human Services and the Western Bulldogs Football Club established a partnership aimed at educating young people about the risks associated with excessive gambling later in life. Its focus was on Melbourne’s Western metropolitan region whose demographic and socio-economic profile contributes to it being a high risk area for the development of gambling problems. For example, unemployment rates are above state average in some local government area’s in the region eg. Maribyrnong’s 10.3% unemployment rate is almost double the state average (Maribyrnong City Council, 2002). There is also a large portion of newly arrived migrants (Maribyrnong City Council, 2001) and limited social infrastructure. Gambler’s Help Western, as the primary problem gambling support service in the region, was invited to take part in the partnership to assist in the delivery of activities and key messages.
The strategy for the project was to utilise the high profile nature of the Western Bulldogs players and the expertise of Gamblers Help Western to raise awareness of the impacts of risk taking behaviours eg. gambling. As role models for young people it was thought that the players would be in the best position to deliver strong messages about assessing risks and taking responsibility for one’s own behaviour.
The main target groups were 8-12 year old primary school students and adolescents aged 15-19 years who were not engaged in the mainstream school system. The project involved five key components (1) Player Information Sessions (2) Dogs Day Out Sessions (3) Woofer Camps (4) Development of a Responsible Gambling Policy (5) Youth Pathways Program. These components are described below.
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Project Components
1. Player Information Sessions
The entire Western Bulldogs team and some support staff were provided with two responsible gambling information sessions by Gamblers Help Western. Some of the session topics included problem gambling signs & impacts; support services; reasons why people develop problems with gambling & responsible gambling strategies. The aim of the sessions was to highlight some of the risks associated with gambling. A secondary aim was to provide the players with enough knowledge so that they could attend schools and educate young people about such risks thereby helping them to make more informed decisions later in life. The sessions attempted to portray four key messages to the players. These messages were:
1. That gambling can become a problem for some people. 2. There are support services available to assist people who are being negatively affected by gambling. 3. The impacts of gambling are wide-ranging. 4. High profile football players are not immune to developing a gambling problem. In fact they can be considered a high risk group (often young, single with high disposable income and they travel a lot). Furthermore, if any player wished to seek treatment it would be treated confidentially.
2. Dogs Day Out Sessions
Dogs Day Out is a development program aimed at primary school children. It involves the Western Bulldogs players visiting schools and providing information about a range of topics including team work, what it is like to be different from your friends, things you are good at and risk taking behaviours. In this project, the Dogs Day Out players and Gamblers Help staff visited around 16 primary schools in Melbourne’s Western Region providing information about risk taking behaviours and their consequences. In each of the sessions the players and children participated in a game called ‘What do you know about games’ which was adapted from an activity developed by the Office of Queensland School Curriculum Council (2002).
2.1 What do you know about games?
In this game players would read out a series of statements about gambling and games. The children would then be asked to make a decision as to whether they believed the statement to be True of False. Players engaged in a discussion with the children about why they chose the option they did and provided them with examples about what happens in real life. Examples of statements included: (1) Only children play games (2) Betting on a game doesn’t cause any harm (3) If you have a problem with gambling there is nobody to help you (4) People only gamble to win money (5) Only old people develop problems with gambling.
The main purpose of the Dogs Day Out sessions was to help the children to understand that:
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1. Playing games can be fun. They can also create serious problems when money is involved and lost. 2. Anybody can develop a problem with gambling. 3. Some adult games involve the betting of money. 4. Gambling can sometimes cause problems for individuals and families. 5. If the children know an adult who is having problems as a result of playing a gambling game there is somebody they can talk to.
All of the children who participated in the Dogs Day Out sessions were presented with a prize (frizbee or football) containing the Gamblers Helpline number that could be autographed by the players.
3. Woofer Camps
During the school holidays the Western Bulldogs Football Club hosts two-day overnight camps from the Whitten Oval. The camps involve the children "living the life of an AFL star." They sleep in the change rooms, participate in a video analysis session with an assistant coach and they are given challenges which they will conquer as a team. Additionally the children were invited to participate in a workshop that examined the definition of gambling, why some people develop problems with gambling and the impacts that follow.
Approximately 50 children aged 8-12 years attended the problem gambling component of the camps. The activity involved the children watching a Simpson’s’ episode called ‘Viva Los Simpsons - $pringfield (2000)’ where Marg develops a pokies problem. The video depicted some of the impacts that gambling can have on a family such as a lack of food, broken promises and the normal household chores being neglected. The children were asked to identify the impacts and discuss responsible gambling strategies that Marg could have adopted such as talking to Homer. This session was facilitated by Gamblers Help Western counsellors and educators.
4. Responsible Gambling Policy
The Western Bulldogs Football Club operates two gaming venues under its banner. They are the Vic Inn and the Western Bulldogs Social Club. Gamblers Help Western worked with gaming venue staff and management to develop a responsible gambling policy applicable to both of those venues. The policy described a range of different problem gambling scenarios that could occur in the gaming room and procedures for staff to follow if such situations arose. A Responsible Gaming Register and Compliance form were also developed to ensure that all incidences relating to the code of practice would be documented. The policy which will be reviewed on an annual basis was designed to operate in conjunction with the Australian Gaming Council’s Responsible Gambling Code with a focus on customer & staff care.
The policy had four main goals:
• To provide universal standards of practice in dealing with problem gambling situations on the gaming floor. • To provide clarity amongst gaming room staff in dealing with problem gambling situations.
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• To create a safer workplace for staff by providing best practice standards for dealing with problem gambling situations. • To increase staff confidence in dealing with problem gambling situations, thereby improving job satisfaction.
Example of a Policy Statement and Response
Statement: A patron becomes irate and accuses the venue of rigging the machines.
Response: • Explain to the patron that the machines are run on a random system • If the patron is not satisfied explain that a complaint resolution process exists and provide the patron with the necessary form • Provide the patron with a copy of “The pokies: before you press the button know the facts” (Victorian State Government, 2003) • Advise the supervisor/duty manager
5. Youth Pathways Program
Youth Pathways is an alternative education program for young people disconnected from the state secondary-school system. Many of the students in the program had very low literacy levels and lacked the confidence to thrive in the mainstream school system.
As part of this project Gamblers Help Western staff developed a nine session problem gambling curriculum that was incorporated into the Youth Pathways Program. Each session was about 60 minutes duration and was attended by approximately 5-10 participants aged 13-17 years. The goal of the sessions was to provide the students with information about problem gambling using a fun learning environment with a range of interactive and group activities. The sessions had a particular focus on:
• Gambling terminology. • Some of the negative impacts of problem gambling including family problems, financial difficulties, increased time spent away from important things in life such as work/education and increased sadness, anger or agitation. • The reasons why people gamble e.g. for fun, socialization, relieving boredom, as a reward or peer pressure. • The services and support networks to help problem gamblers and those affected by gambling. • Strategies to control the urge to gamble and alternative activities. • Financial management and budgeting skills.
It was also anticipated that the activities will provide or enhance other skills in the participants including:
• The ability to work collaboratively with their peers. • Critical analysis. • The ability to view issues from a holistic perspective. • Creative skills such as expressionism.
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• Methods of resisting peer pressure and developing decision making skills.
After an extensive evaluation process it was determined that there were a number of issues that needed to be addressed before conducting the program again. They included the need to (1) provide at least two different activities for each session (2) allow time for discussion on completion of activities (3) promote where possible critical and analytical thinking to develop participants ability to explore all avenues of problem gambling issues (4) provide more examples of problem gambling issues as they relate to young people.
As a result of the feedback from the participants the curriculum was readapted and shortened in length to contain five sessions incorporating the following activities:
• Puzzles - aimed at expanding the knowledge of terminology and the impacts of problem gambling • Simpson’s Episode ‘Viva Los Simpsons - $pringfield (2000)’– aimed at exploring the impacts of problem gambling on the individual and family. • Gambling Cartoons – aimed at exploring government, industry and social issues around problem gambling • Case scenarios – aimed at exploring the impacts of problem gambling on the individual and family • Activity aimed exploring risk taking behaviours and the factors that determine the level of risk that they pose • Comparing addictive substances – aimed at determining risks, impacts, government and social attitudes (Activity adapted form Know the Odds Inc, 2002) • Budgeting skills activity using a scenario specific to young people and a budgeting calculator tool • Quiz : aimed at providing a summary of the program and testing the participants knowledge.
The revised program seemed to be more successful in reaching its goals and maintaining the interaction and motivation of the participants. This program has been repeated again with similar success and will continue to be adapted in the future
Future directions for the partnership
Further funding has been received from the Department of Human Services to continue the project throughout 2005. Furthermore, a formal evaluation of the activities will be undertaken by a professional services firm. Gamblers Help Western will continue to offer ongoing support to the Western Bulldogs and Department of Human Services in all areas of the partnership.
Conclusion
Gambler’s Help Western’s involvement in the partnership has been a positive and rewarding experience. With the assistance of the Western bulldogs Football Club we were able to gain support for this early intervention strategy aimed at reducing the incidence of problem gambling in the community. The opportunity to work within the Youth Pathways Program allowed us to successfully target a group of young people who were particularly vulnerable to engaging in risk taking behaviours. National Association for Gambling Studies (Australia) 264 2004 Conference Proceedings
Furthermore, the development of the Responsible Gambling Policy has allowed us to further expand our relationships with the industry and local gaming providers so that we can work together to reduce the risk of individuals developing problems with gambling.
References
Know The Odds (2002). You Figure It Out - Problem Gambling Today. Kit for years 9-12 (2002), p.18. Maribyrnong City Council 2001. Retrieved November 4th, 2004, from http://www.maribyrnong.vic.gov.au Office of Gambling Regulation 2004. Retrieved November 2nd, 2004, from http://www.ogr.vic.gov.au Office of Queensland School Curriculum council (2002) Studies of Society and Environment: Gambling: That’s entertainment?, p.9. Viva Los Simpsons: $pringfield 2000, videorecording, Twentieth Century Fox Home Entertainment.
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THE NEW ZEALAND GAMBLING ACT 2003: STRIKING A BALANCE BETWEEN PERMITTED GAMBLING, PROBLEM GAMBLING, AND COMMUNITY EXPECTATIONS.
Andrew Secker, John Markland & Michael Osmond
Department of Internal Affairs, PO Box 805, Wellington, New Zealand. Ph 64 4 495 9329, Fax 64 4 494 0567. [email protected]
ABSTRACT
Rapid growth in gambling in New Zealand and of money spent on it, coupled with research on problem gambling and more people seeking help for gambling problems, led the Government to conduct a review of gambling in recent years. It considered the difficult questions of who may operate gambling and for what purpose; how to prevent and minimise the harm caused by gambling; and how to involve local communities in decisions about the availability of risky forms of gambling.
Key decisions included: no more casinos; local government consent required for new gaming machine venues or to increase the number of machines on existing venues; an integrated problem gambling strategy focused on public health and funded by a levy on gambling operators; and a requirement for gambling operators to show, amongst other things, how they propose to minimise the risks of problem gambling at their venues.
These decisions are reflected in the Gambling Act 2003, which came fully into force on 1 July 2004iii. As well as allowing certain forms of gambling and providing for their scrutiny under a government regulatory scheme, the stated purpose of the Act includes: controlling the growth of gambling; preventing and minimising the harm caused by gambling; facilitating responsible gambling; ensuring that money from gambling benefits the community; and facilitating community involvement in decisions about the provision of gambling.
Many of these factors were not present in the Acts revoked and replaced by the new Act. The multi-faceted purpose of the new Act has inherent tensions that require government regulatory agencies and other interested parties to re-examine how they operate.
Introduction
By the late 1990s it had become clear that the existing legislative framework for the regulation of gambling in New Zealand was not responding satisfactorily to the pressures placed upon it. Various ad hoc attempts to prolong its usefulness had been made, but it was becoming increasingly apparent that the existing framework was unsustainable and that a fresh approach was required.
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Some of the pressures placed on the existing legislative framework included: • an “explosion” in growth in “harder, continuous” forms of gambling, both in availability and expenditure; • more people seeking help for gambling problems coupled with a growing community concern about this issue; • technological changes in the way in which gambling is delivered; • a growing desire (fuelled by the growth in gambling opportunities) within local communities to have a say in determining the provision of gambling in their district; • inconsistent regulatory treatment of gambling forms; • strong commercial profit pressures operating in an ostensibly non-commercial sector. (Many forms of gambling had been allowed only when conducted by non- commercial operators to raise funds for community purposes.)
These drivers for change led to a Government decision in 2000 to conduct a review of gambling. The decisions from that review are reflected in the Gambling Act 2003.
The new Act has multi-faceted, sometimes conflicting, purposes that need to be balanced by those operating within its environment. This paper discusses these tensions and how those operating within its framework need to re-examine how they conduct their activities.
Drivers For Change
Some of the changes over the last 20 years that were important in bringing about a Government decision to conduct a review of gambling in 2000/2001 are as follows.
Growth of Gambling
In 1984, a person who wished to gamble legally had a choice of betting on racehorses and greyhounds, buying tickets in a nationwide paper ticket lottery, or participating in a variety of small-scale community forms of gambling. Race betting was the dominant gambling form, making up 75% ($150miv) of the $200m players spentv on the three major gambling forms, and a quarter of all betting was on-course. Players spent about $40 million on the nationwide lottery, and perhaps $10 million on housie (or bingo).
2004 presents quite a different picture. Gambling expenditure exceeded $2 billion, with gaming machines in pubs and clubs accounting for just over half of this amount. There are about 23,000 gaming machines in about 2,000 pubs and clubs, and 6 casinos in 5 places. The Lotteries Commission (the nationwide state lottery operator) sells a range of products through terminals in about 600 retail outlets. Sports betting has become a significant part of the TAB’s activities, accounting for 8.5% ($105m) of betting turnover. Only 6.6% of race betting now takes place on course. More than a third of race and sports betting turnover is bet through betting accounts: 28% ($342m) is bet by telephone; 8% ($95m) by the Internet; and a small fraction (0.5%) by interactive television. Despite this expansion in the range of betting activities and delivery mechanisms, in 2004 race betting had dropped from 75% to only 12% of player expenditure. Housie expenditure is now insignificant.
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The changes in gambling expenditure since 1991 across the four main modes of gambling are shown in the diagram belowvi:
[insert “Gambling Expenditure 1991 – 2004” table here]
It can be seen that race and sports betting and the New Zealand Lotteries Commission are virtually flat throughout the period, despite the introduction of various new products. (In real terms, this represents a significant drop in money spent on these forms of gambling.) Casinos experienced solid but not spectacular growth, apart from an initial spurt when Sky City’s Auckland casino opened in 1996.
However, the non-casino gaming machine figures tell a different story, with very rapid growth in player expenditure from about 1996 onwards. In 2003/04, players lost $1.03 billion through these machines, slightly more than the combined total of the other three main gambling products illustrated in the table. This is an average of about $346 per adult spent on gaming machines.
The increasingly dominant position of gaming machines in pubs and clubs in the New Zealand gambling sector was particularly important in leading the Government to decide on its Gaming Review. Existing laws governing the activities of machines were not well suited for the task, instead being tailored for raffles, housie and other similar products. Their strong growth was important in bringing about a desire on the part of communities to have greater input into decisions on venue placement and machine numbers. Most of the growth was in machines licensed to groups operating on commercial sites (generally speaking, pubs) while numbers of licensed club sites underwent a decline. The shift to commercial sites increased availability because, generally speaking, pub machines are more accessible to more people than club machines. Last, but not least, gaming machines are by far the most favoured form of gambling among people seeking assistance for problem gambling.
Problem Gambling
Problem gambling and its management became increasingly prominent as an issue requiring attention. The reasons for this included:
• the 1999 National Problem Gambling Prevalence Survey (Abbott & Volberg 2000) estimated that, conservatively at least, 36,800 adults were suffering from gambling problems of varying severity. (This represents about 1.3% of the adult population.); • growing numbers of people were seeking help for gambling problems: 2,317 people in 1999 compared with 923 in 1997. This had risen to 4,351 in 2003. (Paton-Simpson et al 2004); • New Zealand’s Problem Gambling Committee (an independent industry body) had responsibility for the funding and management of problem gambling counselling services. However, the Committee had indicated to the Government that it no longer wished to continue with this role; • recent research results (Korn & Shaffer 1999) pointed to the need for a “public health” perspective on problem gambling management involving preventative measures (eg correcting information imbalances) as well as treatment initiatives;
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• Department of Internal Affairs research revealed that an overwhelming majority of New Zealand adults believed there was a problem with people gambling heavily (Amey 2001).
Community Involvement in Gambling Decisions
Another key driver for change was a growing desire by local communities to have a voice in the provision of gambling in their district. This stemmed from two issues: • the existing lack of local consultation over the growth of non-casino gaming machine venues and the social problems associated with that growth; • local opposition to the establishment of casinos in Hamilton and Queenstown, which seemed to have little weight under the Casino Control Act.
In both cases, existing laws offered little opportunity for a balanced consideration to be given to the effects of the establishment of these venues on communities, or for public input into the decisions.
Technological Developments
Another key policy issue seen as a “driver for change” was the impact of technology on the way gambling is delivered - in particular, the ability of existing laws to cope with the new ability for gambling to be transmitted digitally across national borders. Some of the points for consideration were: • Technology was blurring the boundaries between previously distinct gambling forms; • Research undertaken in 2000 (Amey 2001) revealed that not many New Zealanders gambled on the Internet (1% of respondents) but many of the reasons given for non-participation were short term (eg not having access to the Internet, credit card security, not knowing how to use the Internet); • Internet gambling (the Department’s preferred term is “remote interactive gambling” as it encompasses a wider variety of activities involving digital transmission) was not specifically addressed by existing gambling statutes; • The implications for taxation and community funding if large numbers of New Zealanders gambled on products supplied from overseas; • The approaches of overseas jurisdictions, where the 2 approaches noted were either legislative prohibition or licensing. However, no technologically advanced country had enacted measures to actually block access to Internet content; • Independent Australian research (NOIE 2001) concluded that blocking access was not practicable. There were some methods available that could be used to implement a ban, but none would be 100% effective and all could potentially affect Internet performance.
Summary
As noted earlier, the existence of the above issues underpinned the Government decision in 2000 to conduct a Gaming Review, which ultimately led to the Gambling Act 2003.
The Review considered the difficult questions of who may operate gambling and for what purpose; how to prevent and minimise the harm caused by gambling; and how to National Association for Gambling Studies (Australia) 269 2004 Conference Proceedings
involve local communities in decisions about the availability of risky forms of gambling.
The Gambling Act 2003
The key initiatives taken by the Gambling Act include: • The repeal of the Gaming and Lotteries Act 1977 and the Casino Control Act 1990 (and the amendment of the Racing Act) with a view to establishing a more harmonious framework for the regulation of gambling; • The prohibition of new casinos and not allowing existing ones to expand their gambling activities; • In relation to new pub and club gaming machine venues, the introduction of a cap of 9 machines per venue. (Previously it had been double this number.); • The prohibition of remote interactive gambling in New Zealand (with the exception of the New Zealand Lotteries Commission and the Racing Boardvii which can conduct approved interactive forms); • The introduction of a risk-based regulatory regime, with the focus on activities seen as having the highest risk in terms of problem gambling, community impact and attraction to undesirable operators; • A requirement for local government consent for new gaming machine venues or for proposals to increase machine numbers at existing venues; • The introduction of a problem gambling strategy focused on a public health approach, funded by a levy on gambling operators and delivered by the New Zealand Government’s Ministry of Health; • The establishment of the Gambling Commission - an independent body that considers casino licence renewal applications as well as appeals against decisions made by the principal regulator, the Department of Internal Affairs.
For someone seeking to understand the Act, the starting point should be its statement of purpose, set out in section 3. This section provides an overview of the Act’s key objectives. These are to - • facilitate responsible gambling; • prevent and minimise harm, including problem gambling; • limit opportunities for crime and dishonesty; • ensure profits benefit the community; • facilitate community involvement; • control the growth of gambling.
A key point is that all of these objectives are of equal significance. This is an important difference from the Act’s predecessors.viii
The equal status of the Gambling Act’s objectives creates new issues for gambling operators and regulators working within the Act’s framework to deal with. An emphasis on a particular objective to the complete or partial exclusion of others is not tenable. Instead, a balancing process is required, often involving the juggling of competing objectives.
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Balancing the Act’s Objectives
How will this balancing process work in practice? At the most fundamental level, the Act recognises that gambling is here to stay and provides for its continuation to facilitate (for the most part) the generation of funds for community purposes. Balanced against this is the objective of limiting the growth of gambling, and preventing and minimising the harm arising from it.
Classes of Gambling
The Act provides guidance on the balancing process by establishing 6 classes of gambling that reflect relative levels of risk. By “risk” is meant the relative risks of the Act’s objectives (such as limiting criminal activity and limiting gambling harm) not being met. Thus, where a particular gambling activity does not possess one countervailing risk, say gambling harm, it is possible to pursue other objectives such as community fundraising more vigorously.
The classes (in ascending order of risk) are as follows:
• Private gambling at home and sales promotions, which are permitted provided they comply with statutory requirements; • Class 1 and class 2 are minor forms of gambling that do not require licences, but must comply with statutory requirements and any prescribed game rules. (Examples are small-scale lotteries and sweepstakes.); • Class 3 (examples are high turnover lotteries, with valuable prizes such as houses.); • Class 4 (which presently covers gaming machines in pubs and clubs); and • Casinos. (The remaining class is gambling conducted by the New Zealand Lotteries Commission.ix)
In weighing the Act’s competing objectives, an issue that arises is where, say, on a “community fundraising – harm prevention and minimisation continuum” the balance might be struck. The Act itself provides a partial answer with its inclusion of various requirements and parameters around the attainment of the objectives within the various classes:
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Regulatory Requirements Class of Gambling Class 1 & 2 No licence required.
Basic statutory requirements on conduct. Must generate funds for community purposes, or in the case of class 1, return all turnover less expenses to winners. Class 3 Licence required. Must be non-commercial society. Must generate funds for community purposes. More stringent statutory requirements governing conduct. Class 4 Local body consent required. 2 licences required (operator and venue licences). Must be non- commercial society. Must generate funds for community purposes. Age limit on play (18). Mandatory problem gambler exclusion procedures. Subject to Gambling (Harm Prevention and Minimisation Regulations) 2004. Mandatory electronic monitoring. Subject to problem gambling levy. Casinos No further casinos permitted; existing casinos not able to expand gambling activities. Licence required (with stringent renewal criteria, involving independent casino impact report, public hearing). Age limit (20). Mandatory problem gambler exclusion procedures. Subject to Gambling (Harm Prevention and Minimisation Regulations) 2004. Mandatory electronic monitoring. On-site Inspectorate. Subject to problem gambling levy.
The balancing process is also required for organisations operating within its framework. As a means of illustrating how this works, we can examine the Act’s implications for a gaming machine operator, the New Zealand gambling policy maker, the New Zealand gambling regulator and a local authority (ie a City or District Council).
The Gambling Operator
In the case of a gaming machine or casino operator this could extend to relationships with individual players. Casino and gaming machine venues provide a welcoming atmosphere and offer attractive gambling opportunities with a view to fostering play. In the case of non-casino gaming machine operators, this assists with fulfilling one of the Act’s objectives: raising funds that can be distributed for community purposesx.
However, a countervailing factor is the relatively high proportion of regular gaming machine players in New Zealand - at least 19% - that have gambling problems (Abbott & Volberg 2000)xi. This means that a significant proportion - roughly one- fifth - of the gaming machine venue’s regular players are likely to be having problems with their gambling. As one of the purposes of the Act is to minimise harm caused by
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problem gambling, it follows that, as well as fostering play, venue managers need to be mindful of this and be alert to the signs of it. If a player is showing signs of distress, the Act requires the operator to approach the gambler concerned, establish whether he or she needs assistance, offer information or advice about problem gambling, and if necessary issue an order excluding him or her from the venuexii. From the point of view of the operator, these requirements go beyond the more “reactive” self-exclusion policies currently in force in some jurisdictions.
It might be argued that, regardless of legislative requirements, the incentive for a venue operator to foster play will always win out against the requirement to prevent harm. There is some force to this argument; however, a few points can be made on this issue with regard to the New Zealand context.
In the case of a pub gaming machine venue, the pub – a commercial operator – may not operate the gaming machines. They must be operated by a licensed society established for community purposes. The society may reimburse the pub for the costs of operating the gaming machines there, but the pub may not have any say in where profits from the machines are distributed; only the society may do that, as those profits from the gaming machine are generated for the community. There are few links between venue operator income (basically costs associated with operating the machines at the venue, including site rental)xiii and machine income. A stronger barrier could be venue operator apathy or, given high staff turnover in many pub venues, a lack of knowledge. In the end the principal factor encouraging compliance might not be altruistic motives but the possibility of the annual venue licence not being renewed if accumulated evidence means that the Department of Internal Affairs cannot be satisfied that the risk of problem gambling at the venue is minimised.
The new environment poses a different (and perhaps a stronger) challenge for club and casino venues as their machine income is directly linked to their income as operators. In the case of clubs, a factor in favour of compliance may be that the welfare of club members is at stake. And as with pub venues, there is always the possibility of the club’s annual venue licence not being renewed if the Department of Internal Affairs cannot be satisfied that the risk of problem gambling at the venue is minimised.
Casinos do not have these factors to encourage compliance. However, in New Zealand they do have by far the most experience in excluding problem gamblers from their venues, have the most exacting staff training requirements for problem gambling management, and (in most cases) have a permanent on-site Government Inspectorate. In addition, casino operators, as large companies in the business world, have a corporate reputation to maintain to protect shareholder value.
In all cases (pubs, clubs and casinos), machine operators will be subject to regulatory educational, enforcement, monitoring and evaluation activities.
The Gambling Policy Maker
In the case of the gambling policy maker considering new regulatory initiatives under the Act, the recent introduction of harm minimisation regulations provides an example of the interplay of the Act’s objectives in a policy making process.
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During this process, one issue that arose was whether a minimum play duration time should be imposed for gaming machines. One reason gaming machines are so strongly associated with problem gambling is that players know immediately they have won, and can play quickly and repetitively. Reducing reel spin speed on a gaming machine slows the rate of play. The New Zealand Department of Internal Affairs released a public consultation document that, inter alia, sought feedback on a possible minimum game duration of 3.5 seconds.
The document noted that Australian research (Blaszczynski, Sharpe & Walker, 2001) shows that slowing play might reduce the entertainment value for most players, but have little effect on problem gamblers, who may compensate by playing for longer. There might also be unintended negative social effects as a result of longer play, such as failing to meet work and family commitments. In New Zealand, these effects themselves would probably be classified as harm arising from gambling.xiv
During the consultative process, a significant number of submitters considered that a minimum game duration should not be imposed. (One significant group that advocates harm prevention suggested breaks in play as an alternative.) Submitters who supported introducing a restriction seem to have assumed that a minimum of 3.5 seconds was the status quo, but some machines currently have faster reel spin speeds. Those who opposed it did so on the basis that the research findings summarised above do not support it as an effective harm minimisation measure. Submitters also expressed concern that the implementation costs would be significant.
In the absence of stronger evidence that slowing play would be an effective harm minimisation measure in the New Zealand context, it was considered that the potential negative effects caused by problem gamblers playing for longer to compensate and the potential reduction in money available for community purposes outweighed any possible advantages. Therefore, it was decided not to proceed with minimum game duration requirements.
As many commentators, operators and regulators have stated in many forums, there needs to be a great deal more research undertaken before we can be confident about what causes problem gambling and what measures we might usefully take to minimise it. It is hoped that the work to be done or funded by New Zealand’s Ministry of Health under the new Actxv, as well as much other valuable work being done world-wide, will go a long way towards providing the evidentiary base that we would all welcome.
The Gambling Regulator
The statutory balancing process also extends to the gambling regulator. An example can be found in the licensing requirements for class 4 gambling.
The Act provides that when considering applications for a class 4 operator’s licence (and any associated class 4 venue licence), the Department of Internal Affairs “must refuse to grant a licence” unless it is satisfied that, inter alia, the following requirements are met: • the applicant’s purpose in conducting the gambling is to raise money for community purposes; and
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• the applicant will maximise the net proceeds from the class 4 gambling and minimise the operating costs of that gambling; and • the applicant will minimise the risks of problem gambling.
These requirements apply to both new licences and applications for licence renewals.xvi Essentially this means that under the Act licences will be harder to get, and easier to lose. Under this new regime the following scenario could arise:
The Department receives a class 4 operator’s licence renewal application together with licence applications for a number of venues. The applicant has performed well in generating funds for the community and minimising its operating costs: factors in favour of renewing the licence. However, the Department has also received complaints from problem gambling counsellors about comparatively high numbers of clients they have assisted who gamble at the operator’s venues. These complaints had been brought to the attention of the operator by the Department, but had not reduced. In these circumstances it may be difficult for the Department to be “satisfied” that the licence applicant “will minimise the risks of problem gambling”.
If the Department is not satisfied, an issue then arises as to the appropriate course of action. Complaints concerning a number of venues may be an indication of systemic defects in the applicant’s approach to minimising problem gambling, meaning that the class 4 operator’s licence renewal application may be declined. Or, if it became clear that the problem gambling management issues were confined to a small number of the operator’s venues, and were indicative of failings at individual venues rather than systemic failings, a possible outcome could be a decision to not renew at least some of the operator’s relevant venue licences rather than the operator’s licence.
Essentially, the above scenario provides an example of a gambling operation that is “unbalanced”, with all efforts devoted to the generation of community funds, one of the Act’s objectives, without adequate regard for the Act’s harm prevention and minimisation objectives.
The Local Authority
The Gambling Act requires every City and District Council to adopt a policy on the location and numbers of class 4 gambling opportunities (essentially, gaming machines in pubs and clubs). The Racing Act requires the same approach to the establishment of Racing Board venues. The policy can only be adopted after a community consultation process that conforms to minimum statutory requirements.
The Act requires the Council, in adopting a gambling venue policy, to have regard to the social impacts of gambling within its district.
All Council gambling venue policies offer examples of communities making their own choices regarding the balancing of the Act’s objectives. Some Councils, often in less developed areas, have proved to be relatively liberal in their approach to the approval of new venues and machines and are clearly placing emphasis on potential
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benefits to be obtained from community fundraising. Other Councils’ policies reflect a view that their districts are already sufficiently supplied (or even over-supplied) with gambling opportunities, and a wish to control its growth and minimise its associated harmful effects.
Summary
Conducting and regulating gambling is a much more complex undertaking under the Gambling Act than was previously the case under the now repealed Gaming and Lotteries Act and Casino Control Act.
The Act provides a graduated scale of regulation with the degree of regulation commensurate with degree of risk of harmful gambling or other problems. The multi- faceted purpose of the Act creates inherent tensions that require organisations operating within its framework (and that are used to more single purpose objectives) to re-examine how they operate. A particularly careful balancing process is required of gaming machine and casino operators, given that the nature of their gambling activities means that there are higher risks that some of the Act’s objectives will not be met.
The full implications of this major change have yet to be fully established, and an important role for the Department of Internal Affairs will be monitoring and evaluating the effects of this change. Of particular interest will be whether attempts at balancing the competing factors are being made by decision-makers operating within its framework.
As to the Act’s relevance internationally, none of the issues addressed by it is unique to New Zealand. It seems likely that, with variations, the requirement to balance competing objectives will become more common in jurisdictions as they struggle to come to terms with the benefits and drawbacks associated with gambling in the 21st century.
Notes
1. Parliament passed the Act in September 2003, and some preparatory provisions came into operation at that time. 2. In this paper, references to sums spent by players (and, accordingly, references to expenditure) mean the net amount lost by those players. For example, if a player spent some hours playing a gaming machine and started with $100 but left with $80, they have spent $20. 3. All monetary sums in this paper are expressed in New Zealand dollars. 4. Amounts spent are in actual dollar terms; they have not been converted to present- day values. 5. As a result of legislative changes in 2003, the Board operates the former Totalisator Agency Board as the sole form of off-course race and sports betting. 6. For example, the Gaming and Lotteries Act’s overriding objective was to utilise non-commercial gambling to raise funds for community purposes, with harm minimisation or community involvement in decision-making receiving little or no attention; and under the Casino Control Act, one specific purpose was to promote
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the development of casinos in a manner consistent with the promotion of tourism, employment and economic development generally. 7. The other main NZ gambling form, racing and sports betting, is regulated under the Racing Act 2003. 8. Casinos are exempt from the community fundraising objective as a special case. 9. “Regular” means weekly or more frequent gambling participation. 10. Gambling Act 2003, sections 308 and 309. 11. The Act confers a power on the Department of Internal Affairs to prescribe these costs by notice in the NZ Gazette. This power has been exercised. 12. “Harm” is defined as harm or distress of any kind arising from, or caused or exacerbated by, a person’s gambling. It includes personal, social or economic harm suffered by the person himself or herself; the person’s spouse, partner, family, whänau (Mäori wider family), or wider community; in the workplace; or by society at large: section 4(1) Gambling Act. 13. The Ministry must devise and implement an integrated problem gambling strategy covering, amongst other things, independent scientific research and evaluation: section 317, Gambling Act. A problem gambling levy amounting to approximately $56 million over three years has been imposed on gambling operators to fund the Ministry’s role. 14. Sections 52 and 56(4), Gambling Act.
References
Abbott, M.W. & Volberg, R. (2000) Taking the Pulse on Gambling and Problem Gambling in New Zealand, Department of Internal Affairs, Wellington.
Abbott, M.W. (2001) What Do We Know About Gambling and Problem Gambling in New Zealand? Department of Internal Affairs, Wellington.
Amey, B. (2001) People’s Participation in and Attitudes to Gaming, 1985-2000: Final Results of the 2000 Survey, Department of Internal Affairs, Wellington.
Blaszczynski, A.P., Sharpe, L. & Walker, M. (2001) The Assessment of the Impact of the Reconfiguration on Electronic Gaming Machines as Harm Minimisation Strategies for Problem Gambling, unpublished paper, University of Sydney, Sydney.
Department of Internal Affairs, (2004) Gambling Act 2003 – Consultation on Possible Regulations, Department of Internal Affairs, Wellington.
Korn, D.A. & Shaffer, H.J. (1999) ‘Gambling and the Health of the Public: Adopting a Public Health Perspective’, Journal of Gambling Studies, Volume 15, 4, 289-365.
National Office for the Information Economy (NOIE), (2001) Report of the Investigation into the Feasibility and Consequences of Banning Interactive Gambling.
Paton-Simpson, G.R., Gruys, M.A. & Hannifin, J.B. (2004) Problem Gambling Counselling in New Zealand – 2003 National Statistics, Problem Gambling Committee.
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Gambling Expenditure 1991 - 2004 ($ millions)
2500
2000 Casinos 1500 Gaming Machines New Zealand Lotteries Commission 1000 Race and Sports Betting Expenditure 500
0
1 2 5 6 8 9 1 2 3 9 9 9 0 99 99 99 00 1 19 1993 1994 1 19 1997 1 19 2000 200 2 20 2004
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GAMBLING PROBLEMS AFFECTING CLIENTS ACCESSING FOODBANKS: INTEGRATING HELP INTO A GENERIC SOCIAL SERVICE
Dr Sean Sullivan1 & Lynette Hutson2
1 Registered Psychologist, Abacus Counselling & Training Services Ltd 2 National Manager, New Zealand Salvation Army PO Box 90710, Auckland Mail Centre, NZ. Ph. NZ 09 360-6957 Facsimile NZ 09 360-6357 Email [email protected]
ABSTRACT
Problem gambling has often found to be elevated within lower socio-economic populations. Relatively few problem gamblers seek help from. Help-seeking by the family of problem gamblers is even less likely.
Over 1,200 Salvation Army clients seeking food parcels in Auckland and 500 in Christchurch were invited to complete a brief questionnaire comprising a gambling screen (EIGHT Screen) and a family gambling screen (COGS) identifying the effect of problem gambling on others.
High proportions of clients were affected by their own, or another's problem gambling, with poverty rather than ethnicity appearing to be the predictor of higher problem gambling risk. The research informed the initiative to integrate a specialist (gambling) role into a generic social service. Those affected by gambling were offered brief on-site information, support, and where appropriate, referral to a specialist problem gambling treatment service.
Introduction
Anecdotal information is that many financial problems are contributed to by problem gambling. Aims of this study were: 1. (Initially) Identify the prevalence of problem gambling issues (problem gambling themselves or affected by another’s gambling) amongst those seeking help from a social service that provides food parcels, and, following initial results, a second aim to 2. identify if further assistance can be provided to those affected by gambling by an on-site problem-gambling trained social worker, and willingness to accept referral to specialist services
Methods
The Salvation Army provides a substantial range of social services, including the provision of food parcels. Following training in problem gambling intervention by Abacus Counselling & Training Services Ltd, three Auckland Salvation Army social service centres, and one at Christchurch, that provide food parcels commenced
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offering screening of their clients for problem gambling (using the Eight Screen1) and for those affected by another’s gambling (using the COGS2). Within weeks of screening commencing, in response to very high findings of clients experiencing gambling harm, a new service model was established as an effective response. This included an Oasis (specialist problem gambling treatment service) social worker providing help at the largest centre (Manukau). This help included a brief intervention using Motivational Interviewing, health promotion, social work and referral to specialist services on-site at the social service centre.
Results
Over 9 months of screening, 1,219 clients were screened in Auckland and 517 in Christchurch. Six months of the screening process included the new service model of help. Three quarters of Auckland clients and half of Christchurch clients were female. Ethnicity of Auckland clients comprised Maori (49%), Pacific (30%), Pakeha (15%) and other ethnicity (3%), with 3% missing. Christchurch ethnicity differed substantially, with Pakeha comprising 71%, and Maori 22%.
Problem gambling: 13% of clients (11.4% of females, 14.7% of males) in Auckland were identified as problem gambling with an age range of 18 to 67 years. This compared with 17% of Christchurch clients problem gambling (age range 18-70 years). Over 80% of these clients had dependent children. In comparison, the National Prevalence Survey3 estimated 1.35% of the NZ population as clinical or sub-clinical problem gamblers. When these problem gambling clients were combined from both Christchurch and Auckland, there was no significant difference in prevalence of problem gambling between ethnic groups (p>05).
Affected by another’s gambling:68% (n=377) of clients responded that they had never been affected by another’s gambling in their lives. Of the remainder, 10% were uncertain if they had been affected by gambling, 17% said they had been affected in the past, and 4.4% (n=52) were currently affected by another’s gambling. One in four of these clients were themselves problem gambling.
Table 1: Current effects of another’s gambling on the client (n=367 clients responded with n=447 responses) Current effects Number (% of effects) I’m uncertain 73 (16%) I worry about it 113 (25%) I’m nervous about it 27 (6%) It’s affecting my health 28 (6%) It’s hard to talk about it 29 (6%) I’m concerned about my, and my 45 (10%) family’s, safety It doesn’t affect me any more 132 (29%)
Help desired: When asked about help these clients wanted for the gambling effects, 47% stated they wanted help, while 53% did not want help at this stage. 16% wanted information, 9% counselling, and 17% asked for support.
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Help provided: 410 (34% of all clients) clients who were identified as affected by their own, or another’s, gambling received feedback on their screen results.
111 (27% of these clients) received a further intervention from the on-site Oasis social worker, and 35 (9%) received a full Oasis assessment. Just 7 (2%) were referred to and attended specialist counselling services.
Conclusions
One in three clients attending these Salvation Army Social Services, usually for a food parcel, were identified as affected by their own, or another’s, gambling.
14% of clients from Auckland and Christchurch were problem gambling themselves, substantially higher than general population findings (1.35%). This may support the limited, usually anecdotal evidence, that those with less financial resources were at greater risk for gambling problems. Gambling can cause poverty. However it appeared that in this project, clients were from larger families, and from poorer areas, and were from a population that had less resources that may have been further impoverished by their (or a family member’s) gambling. The great majority of problem gamblers had dependent children, suggesting a widespread impact of gambling on these families.
Many problem gamblers responded they were themselves affected by another’s gambling. Further research is needed to interpret these effects, and its implications for treatment, and it is noted that one influential study has noted problem gamblers are 19 times more likely to have a parent with a gambling problem4.
There was little clustering of those who were problem gambling around variables such as age (18-70 years), gender, or ethnicity, with the one commonality being poverty. Past research has identified that problem gambling risk varies with ethnicity, with Pacific and Maori being at greater risk than Pakeha. There were no differences for problem gambling risk found in this population seeking support for immediate financial difficulties, while the prevalence rate for problem gambling was high, compared with other studies. This may suggest that poverty has a strong association with gambling problems, and that poverty may be an underlying explanation between many of the differences found for risk between ethnic groups in epidemiological studies3. Further research would be required to confirm this but levelling effect (albeit within a specific population) does raise this possibility.
It was noted that these clients were willing to disclose problem gambling issues, and to receive brief interventions, but preferred a ‘social worker’ response to specialist counselling. An example of this may be to assist with budgeting, housing, referral to a cost-free GP, and with legal representation. In many cases this may require a hands on approach by the counsellor/social worker, extending outside the counselling room. Further outcome research is required, however there has been identified a substantial need and opportunity to reduce gambling harm, through the integration of social and health services. This opportunistic intervention has modelled the approach of the recent Ministry of Health Strategic Plan5 to provide early and brief help for those at- risk for gambling harm, through specialist and primary services. It has also identified
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a willingness to disclose gambling problems and to accept brief interventions, amongst a population with few resources, and often with dependent children. It has also identified a need amongst family of problem gamblers, who are poor at accessing specialist problem gambling services.
References
1. Sullivan S. The GP ‘Eight’ Screen. Thesis for PhD (Philson Ref W4 S952- 1999). Auckland University: Auckland, 1999 2. Sullivan S. (2003) What’s up Doc? A project to assist problem gamblers and their families through their family doctor. A paper presented at the National Association of Gambling Studies Conference at Canberra 26th-30th November 2003. 3. Abbott M & Volberg R. Taking the pulse on gambling and problem gambling in New Zealand: a report on phase one of the 1999 National Prevalence Survey. Report No. 3. Wellington: Dept Internal Affairs, 2000. 4. Productivity Commission. Australia’s Gambling Industries. Canberra: Ausinfo, 1999. 5. Ministry of Health. Preventing and Minimising Gambling Harm Strategic Plan 2004-2010, Needs Assessment, Proposed Three –Year Funding Plan, Proposed Problem Gambling Levy Rates. Draft document for consultation. Wellington: Ministry of Health, 2004.
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THE PROPOSED DIPLOMA OF PROBLEM GAMBLING WORK
J. Stephen Thomas, Gillian Bonser & Susan Scowcroft
J. Stephen Thomas. Project Officer, Education and Training, Casino Community Benefit Fund (CCBF) Branch Department of Gaming and Racing GPO Box 7060, Sydney, NSW 2001, Australia Ph. 61 2 9995-0360 [email protected]
Gillian Bonser, Consultant NSW Community Services and Health Industry Training Advisory Body PO Box 562 Gladesville, NSW, 1675 Ph 61 2 9816-2869 [email protected]
Susan Scowcroft, Executive Director NSW Community Services and Health Industry Training Advisory Body PO Box 562 Gladesville, NSW, 1675 Ph 61 2 9816-2869 [email protected]
ABSTRACT
The Productivity Commission Report, ‘Australia’s Gambling Industries: Final Report’ undertaken in 1999, identified merit in a consistent national accreditation process for gambling counsellors. In addition, ‘The Policy Framework on Treatment Services for Problem Gamblers and their Families in NSW’, developed to guide the policy and funding decisions regarding the provision and coordination of treatment services in NSW, identified the need for a minimum qualification for working in the problem gambling treatment sector.
In partnership with the NSW Community Services and Health Industry Advisory Body, the Casino Community Benefit Fund (CCBF) is developing a problem gambling treatment specific qualification.
The proposed Diploma will be set as the minimum standard for working in the CCBF- funded sector in the future. This is intended to be the first of a suite of qualifications for the problem gambling treatment sector from undergraduate to post-graduate level.
Rationale
In NSW we have been developing a minimum qualification for counsellors in the problem gambling treatment sector for the following reasons:
Currently there is no minimum qualification for the sector The NSW IPART Review recommends having one This is an opportunity to identify the knowledge, skills and attitudes (KSA) to work in the problem gambling treatment sector One way to ensure all workers have basic skills It will be a point of entry for current workers It will be a stepping stone to higher qualifications
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It will be a much needed specialist qualification in gambling
This qualification is to ensure that competent counsellors are working in the problem gambling treatment sector and are recognised as such.
Background and context
This minimum qualification project reflects:
¾ ‘The Policy Framework on Treatment Services for Problem Gamblers and their Families in NSW’, developed to guide the policy and funding decisions regarding the provision and coordination of treatment services for NSW
¾ the recommendations of the Productivity Commission Report, ‘Australia’s Gambling Industries: Final Report’ undertaken in 1999, which identified merit in a consistent national accreditation process for gambling counsellors and the recent IPART inquiry in NSW.
¾ the recent IPART Report, ‘Gambling: Promoting a Culture of Responsibility’, which recommends that the minimum qualification be progressed as a matter of priority. Incorporated into the qualification are four main strategies, identifies by IPART, as particularly relevant to problem gambling counselling treatment: Multi-modal treatment; comprehensive assessment and treatment planning; strong client counsellor relationship; and the involvement of clients in setting realistic goals.
In February 2003, the Casino Community Benefit Fund (CCBF) Branch contracted the NSW Community Services and Health Industry Training Advisory Board (NSW CS&H ITAB) to coordinate this project.
The NSW Community Services and Health ITAB is the key training and assessment information resource hub for the community services and health sectors, providing advocacy, advice, support and leadership. It is a not for profit association formed from, and made up entirely of people and organisations associated with the industry. It is the authoritative voice on the provision of training for the community services and health industry in New South Wales
The current Community Services Training Package (CHC02) covers 61 qualifications covering many diverse areas of community service work. Employment services, social housing, telephone counselling, financial counselling, community mediation and service coordination are an example of sectors who have sought and succeeded in introducing specialised qualifications in the last Community Services Training Package. At this stage there is no gambling specific qualification.
Community Services Qualifications have three components.
Shared competencies – reflect the shared set of competencies involved in working in the community services sector. Such as:
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o working successfully with cultural diversity o a client-centred approach to work o principles of a non-discriminatory service o the holistic needs and rights of clients
Sector specific competencies – reflect the specific competencies related to a particular sector
And elective competencies – which may reflect the different modes of work and competencies used in a particular job role
The Australian Qualifications Framework (AQF) is a single, coherent framework for qualifications from Senior Secondary Certificates through to Doctoral Degrees. The Framework links together all these qualifications and is a highly visible, quality- assured national system of educational recognition, which promotes lifelong learning and a seamless and diverse education and training system. It covers qualifications issued by secondary schools, vocational education and training (VET) providers and higher education institutions. All qualifications are nationally recognised. Within the framework, there are six VET qualifications available: Certificates I, II, III and IV; Diploma and Advanced Diploma
The AQF provides the opportunity to progress to higher level qualifications, but also allows workers with higher education qualifications to gain specialist vocational qualifications.
The minimum qualification has been set at the diploma level.
A diploma level qualification is characterised by a worker who is required to demonstrate understanding of a broad knowledge base incorporating theoretical concepts, with substantial depth in some areas analyse and plan approaches to technical problems or management requirements evaluate information using it to forecast for planning or research purposes transfer and apply theoretical concepts and/or technical or creative skills to a range of situations take responsibility for their own outputs in relation to broad quantity and quality parameters take limited responsibility for the achievement of group outcomes
As part of the national training agenda, the proposed qualification will be: • Workplace based • Competency based • Assessment based • Be mutually recognised • Flexible and participatory
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The Project thus far
Consultation and validation with various stakeholders has been, and continues to be, an integral part of determining the structure of the proposed qualification and the development of resources for its implementation.
Industry Reference Groups consisting the CCBF, the ITAB and other stakeholders in the problem gambling counselling sector have been working to develop a minimum qualification and resources to support the implementation of a minimum qualification.
To date, some draft competency standards, resources and programs have been developed and piloted by the Industry Reference Groups and project partners (CCBF and NSW CS&H ITAB). The success of the piloted programs and resources has encouraged the CCBF to start rolling out the programs and resources across the CCBF funded sector.
The Project – Next Steps
NSW is committed to the process of a minimum qualification and it is progressing this minimum qualification to seek accreditation for NSW; however there are many benefits to incorporating the minimum qualification in the next (national) Community Service Training Package. It is anticipated that within the next two years, that the proposed minimum qualification will be accredited in NSW and, if supported, nationally as well.
Getting a qualification accredited as part of a Training Package is time consuming, thorough and complex. The qualification developers need to demonstrate the need for such a qualification, wide consultation with all stakeholders, sound methodology and practices in the development of the qualification and seek stakeholders validation through endorsing the results of the qualification development.
In order to achieve national status for accreditation it is necessary to, and consult and obtain validation with other interstate stakeholders.
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The Process to obtaining the Minimum Qualification
Proposed Diploma in New TRAINING Problem Gambling Work workers PROGRAM
13 Compulsory Units (Specialisation and
ASSESSMENT National/Common) RESOURCES
3 Electives Units Experienced RECOGNITION workers TOOL ie. Total of 16 units of competence
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Proposed new qualification - INITIAL DRAFT – FOR CONSULTATION PURPOSES ONLY
DRAFT - Diploma of Problem Gambling Work
This qualification applies to workers providing services to clients in relation to problem gambling issues. It includes counselling, referral, advocacy and education/health promotion services. It requires high level specialist knowledge, skills and competencies especially in regard to laws affecting clients, the range of services available to them, models of work and interrelationship of issues affecting clients with problem gambling.
Workers at this level will be required to have an understanding of Indigenous culture and history and to work with local communities in the provision of services.
Occupational names may include: • Problem Gambling Worker • Problem Gambling Counsellor
Pre-requisite CHCCSL601A Work within a structured counselling process is a pre-requisite unit to this qualification
Packaging Rules 16 units must be selected for this qualification including: 13 compulsory units 3 elective units
Compulsory CHCGMB1A Orientation to work in the Problem Gambling sector CHCGMB2A Assess the needs of clients with problem gambling issues CHCGMB3A Counselling clients with Problem Gambling Issues CHCCOM3C Utilise specialist communication skills to build strong relationships CHCINF3B Coordinate information systems CHCCS301A Work within a legal and ethical framework CHCCS402A Respond holistically to client issues CHCCS405A Work effectively with culturally diverse clients and co-workers CHCCS501A Assess and respond to individuals at risk of self harm or suicide procedures for a work place CHCCSL602A Facilitate the counselling relationship CHCCSL603A Provide support for clients implementing a course of action CHCCSL604A Reflect and improve upon counselling skills CHCOHS301A Participate in workplace safety procedures
Electives yet to be decided
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FROM TELEPHONE SUPPORT TO FACE TO FACE COUNSELLING: A GAMBLING COUNSELLOR’S PERSPECTIVE
Meg Welchman & Julia Arnold
Gambling Help Counsellor, Relationships Australia (QLD) 61 7 3349 5111 [email protected] [email protected]
ABSTRACT
The journey from initial brief intervention via the telephone into ongoing face to face therapy is a well travelled path by many people affected by problem gambling. There is a general acceptance that this process is a natural way of receiving help. Telephone intervention is a chance to plant the seed of change during crisis whilst attending therapy is a chance to grow together. Yet for some counsellors the transition from telephone work to face to face work or vice versa is new territory. How does a counsellor work effectively within two very different modes of relating to clients? This paper reflects on personal experiences of the skills required for telephone and face to face counselling when working with people experiencing problem gambling behaviours.
Background
Meg Welchman and Julia Arnold both have extensive experience in providing telephone and crisis support to clients, and have moved into ongoing therapy with the Gambling Help Service provided at Relationships Australia. This paper provides an overview of the similarities experienced by both authors while adjusting to the transition from telephone to ongoing therapy. As this paper is written relating to personal experiences, it is important to keep in mind that it is not a research paper, and definitions and examples used, while supported by research, are devised by the authors. This paper will outline an overview of brief intervention, ongoing therapy, observations of the differences between the two from a counsellors perspective, supported by a case study. The paper will conclude with an overview of what works well in both situations.
What Is Brief Intervention?
For the purposes of this paper, brief intervention is viewed as a time limited form of therapy. It is more counsellor driven, as there is a certain amount of information to cover in a short period of time. It can occur in a variety of settings, and is well suited to telephone support. Research also indicates that it is as effective as longer courses of treatment (Koss and Butcher, 1986).
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What is Ongoing Therapy?
Once again, for the purposes of this paper, ongoing therapy is viewed as being open- ended, and more driven by the client rather than the counsellor. It can occur also in a variety of settings but is most usually used in face to face situations. Counsellors also have the opportunity to utilise a variety of therapeutic tools and frameworks that are not as easily used in brief intervention work.
Telephone Counselling
“I have just spent an hour on the phone to this person in distress… I wonder what is going to happen for them next? I wish I could find out”.
From a client’s perspective there are many advantages to telephone counselling. The client can call in the midst of crisis and is able to access support immediately. Telephone support is also anonymous, so it is accessible to people who, for a host of reasons do not wish their identity to be known. The client also maintains control of the session. They can choose to hang up if they so wish, and can choose what options to follow through with, such as continue to talk to the telephone support counsellor, receive information, take up referral option. Generally speaking clients have an expectation that their immediate needs will be addressed hoping the counseller is someone who will listen to them and not judge them) and some alternatives to their ‘problem’ will be provided. Quite often clients who access telephone support are in the pre-contemplation or contemplation stages as set out in the Transtheoretical Stages of Change Model.
From a counsellors perspective, telephone counselling can be unpredictable, as every time you pick up the phone, you don’t know what the presenting issue will be on the other end of the line. Telephone counselling is more counsellor driven, as there is a brief window of opportunity to conduct a risk assessment, gather information, and provide the client with information in a short time frame. This form of counselling is problem based, and the goal is to deal with the immediacy of the crisis situation that the client has called in, while providing information to assist them to deal with the crisis, and engender hope that change is possible. With telephone counselling, there is the absence of non-verbal cues, and this leads for the counsellor to be more directive in asking questions to ascertain further information, that may be available in a face to face situation. An additional benefit of the telephone setting is that if a client becomes aggressive, the worst they can do is hang up on the counsellor.
The physical setting of the work varies depending on the organisation, but can be in an open plan space, divided by corrals. This environment can be helpful if you are with a client who is ‘high risk’ as someone is close enough for you to get additional supports in place, however, the down side is it can be a little noisy, which can be distracting for both the counsellor and the client. The work is usually shift work, and there is a perception that telephone support counselling is not as ‘skilled’ or as valued as face to face ongoing therapy, which is emphasised by the high degree of burnout and turnover in any type of call centre.
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Face To Face Counselling
“Okay, that is the end of the first hour… We have covered everything to ensure you are safe and have some strategies you can put in place… Now what am I going to do with you?”
From the client’s perspective, face to face counselling allows them to experience the whole organisation – going to the venue, being greeted at the front reception, walking into the counselling room, getting to see the counsellor, etc. There is an expectation that the counselling will be ongoing and last for a series of sessions. Clients usually are in the contemplation, decision, planning, action, or relapse stages when the attend counselling and if they have made the appointment themselves usually have a commitment to engage. Clients can be assured that counselling will be conducted in an environment that is safe and confidential. Sometimes clients can believe coming to counselling they will get the GP equivalent to a script with counselling to ‘fix’ them, or expect to be in a group situation, having to ‘air their dirty laundry’ to all group.
From the counsellor’s perspective, working with a client in face-to-face ongoing therapy means that with the opportunity of ongoing sessions they are able to see long term change with the client. There is the opportunity to use different therapeutic modalities and expanding on the therapeutic tool kit. This can also lead to feelings of inadequacy with clients when counsellors feel out of depth or are not sure which way to progress. Referral and supervision are both helpful ways to overcome these issues. There is the advantage of being able to sit with the client and take time when dealing with underlying issues and triggers. The counsellor is able to track with the client the progress made and encourage strengths. There is more opportunity to explore process rather than just content, including more awareness of body language. Counsellors have more opportunity to demonstrate appropriate use of self, and self disclose. Safety can be an issue with aggressive clients, and with other clients, there may be the need for Glen 20!
Case Study
Client
The client in this case study is a 34 year old male who is married with two children under 5 years. His form of problematic gambling is horse racing – betting at the TAB. He has spent his entire pay check gambling, and his wife has threatened to leave him, which motivates him to contact the counselling service.
Using Telephone Support Brief Intervention
The client’s defined goals are to save his marriage, and appears quite resolute that he will not gamble again. “I have no money to gamble now, and there is no way I will ever do it again”.
The counsellor’s defined goals are to assess the extent of the gambling, obtain a basic history of the client, and an understanding of his support networks. A risk assessment would be carried out and some harm minimisation strategies would be discussed. The client would be encouraged for making the call, and provided with a referral to
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someone who could work with him in an ongoing way. The counsellor would aim to provide the client with hope that their situation can change.
Using Ongoing Therapy
The client’s defined goals are to save his marriage, give up gambling, become a better father, improve communication with his wife, feel better about himself, stop lying, start saving money.
The counsellor’s defined goals are to build trust and rapport, engender hope, understand the clients goals, work towards meeting the clients immediate needs, work with the clients expectations, challenging when/as appropriate.
Session One would cover ¾ History taking – brief personal history of gambling, history of marital problems, relevant history of family of origin ¾ Risk assessment and assessment of alcohol and other drugs/medication. ¾ Psycho education, harm minimisation strategies around the gambling ¾ Provide an enticer for the next session.
Session Two would cover ¾ Review goals and check in ¾ Provide further psycho education around gambling, obtain more in depth history of gambling ¾ Discuss relapse as a real possibility, provide urge management and relapse prevention strategies. ¾ Encourage attendance at next session regardless of relapse.
Session Three would cover ¾ Review goals and check in ¾ In depth discussion of family relationships, including family of origin ¾ Examination of values and belief systems ¾ Relapse prevention strategies and relaxation techniques.
Session Four would cover ¾ Review goals and check in ¾ Focus on emerging changes as a result of counselling – relationships, communication, work, finances ¾ Work with underlying emotions – stress management, anger, frustration, fear ¾ Discuss rewards for non-gambling. Encourage resilience.
From the above example it is easy to notice the differences in the amount covered in ongoing therapy compared with brief therapy. There is a wider net cast in terms of expectations from both the client and the counsellor and a greater holistic approach.
Some Learnings
In both the authors’ experience, motivational interviewing strategies work really well in both telephone and face to face settings. When clients come back for additional sessions, it is a real honour to share their journey with them, but as with telephone
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counselling, we don’t always know how it ends for the client. The other key learning was being able to sit with the client, take things slow, and not feel as though the counsellor is not doing their job when things don’t seem to be moving for the client.
Conclusions
The goal of this paper was to share the personal experiences of two counsellor’s journey from telephone support and brief intervention into ongoing therapy. Even though there are distinct differences between telephone and face to face support, brief intervention and ongoing therapy, many skills used in both arenas are transferable and appropriate in assisting the client. Finally, both modalities can be complementary to support the needs of people affected by problem gambling.
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LOGIC OR LUCK? - SOME GAMBLERS DO WIN!
Allen Windross
Balmoral Consultancy Services, 71 Beach Street Coogee NSW 2034 61 2 93157111 (phone) 61 2 96642081 (fax) E-mail: [email protected]
ABSTRACT
This is the third of a series of three papers that report on an extension of research conducted for the award of a Masters in Gambling Studies completed at the University of Western Sydney in 2002. In the original study it was found that gamblers on horse racing could be categorised as adopting one of three broad approaches: logical, naïve or superstitious, although the boundaries between each was often not sharp or easily defined. Companion papers, presented to the 12th and 13th NAGS Conferences, examined superstitious and naïve practices among gamblers in greater detail and developed theories on the origin of the habits. This final paper looks at the processes adopted by logical gamblers. Logical players are defined are those adopting a disciplined and consistent approach to their gambling with a consequent outcome of success. Examples of such logical approaches in different forms of gambling are provided.
Introduction
Gambling is a process that is best described by percentages. In a one-to-one bet at even stakes the loser pays 100% of the stake to the winner who makes a 100% profit. In most forms of gambling, however, there is a third participant. This is the stakeholder or operator. The loser still pays 100% of the stake but the operator deducts a percentage fee and pays the remainder to the winner. Thus it is the winner who pays the fee to the operator. The size of the percentage fee varies enormously depending on the form of the gambling. Lotteries and similar drawn numbers games take fees, including taxes; of around 50% while some casino table games are structured to have theoretical operator retention rates in single digits. The most popular form of gambling on electronic gaming machines has operator returns typically set around ten to 15%.
There are two regularly repeated mistakes made in commentary on gambling. The first is a most ill informed, yet commonly held, belief that a gambler wins from the game operator. They ‘break the bank’, ‘empty the bookie’s bag’ or ‘clean out the TAB’. Except by some extreme error of judgement or process flaw the operator never loses especially over multiple events. The gambler’s peers provide the winnings. The second mistake often comes from those who have thought more intensely on the gambling process. These commentators use phrases like: ‘the operator’s percentage ensures that you will eventually lose your entire stake’ and ‘no one can win at gambling’. This paper will show this view to be just as invalid as the first for it can only be correct if there is but a single gambler against the operator. There are, however, sets of gamblers that are not the peers or equal of the majority. These sets include professional gamblers and those that might be called ‘little players’. The paper National Association for Gambling Studies (Australia) 295 2004 Conference Proceedings
will also note the differing attitudes to professional gamblers that exist across gambling operators.
Winners and Losers
All gamblers can probably be placed into one of three categories of success though the processes of gambling do not aid proving the proposition. In this regard many forms of gambling facilitate anonymity and in others privacy laws are a factor. Nonetheless qualitative and observational research conducted to date appears to support the hypothesis. The first category for level of success, or in this case lack thereof, includes those that regularly lose the entire stake, the second category, involves probably the majority, who sometimes win and sometimes lose and the third category those who regularly win or ‘stay in front’. Expressed on a bell curve graph collating both total players and total losses it is anticipated the sides of the bell would be very steep with the second category dominant. The first category will be of little interest to the gambling operator unless the set includes an irrational although wealthy person. Interest in the activities of the third category of regular winners often varies as a consequence of the form of gambling. Casino operators, including those in the USA and Australia, strongly discourage experienced card counters in games like blackjack using exclusion processes that many consider to have dubious bases in law. (For commentary see Jane Dowling, Lionel Sawyer and Henry Tamburin). At the other end of the scale in horse racing, many totalisator operators actually encourage the activities of professional betting syndicates (pros) that regularly win. Firstly the pros are provided with superior facilities not unlike the high roller room of a casino. Information on betting trends is delivered in a continuous stream and bet input devices are designed for speed. Within the United States totalisator operators also openly disclose that they ‘kickback or rebate’ segments of the pool deductions to the pros who are there now commonly termed ‘rebaters’. The practice is also present in Australia but acknowledgement is best described as constrained and the term rebater in not in the national racing lexicon.
Professional Race Betting
The pros typically use computer based sophisticated statistical modelling techniques in their operations. Vast data sets for every runner are weighed and compared to produce lists of likely race outcomes. These results are then aligned to betting trends and the anticipated payouts. Multiple selections are made and the size of each stake is adjusted to give a consistency of return. Within the data set for each runner there may be as many as 80 to 100 individual weighting factors. An example might be to place a value on the recorded previous performances of a horse at the distance of the race now under evaluation. The type of questions to be addressed would be: has the horse won or been closely placed at this distance? What was the standard of the race? How many runners in the field? When was the race held? What weight did the horse carry? What was the condition of the track surface? What amount of time did the race take to run? Who was the jockey? The answers to these questions might carry a maximum result of 20 points with deductions for less suitable answers such as the horse carried a weight three kilos lower in its last race. For weight handicap races a lot of these questions will have already been addressed by the official handicappers in the evaluation and allocation of weight handicaps to the entries. These officials, however, are constrained by rules relating to minimum and maximum weights. Thus in many
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races there are horses carrying a greater weight handicap than is warranted by their past performances and sometimes horses carrying loads lighter than their record suggests is appropriate. The latter is a primary factor that governs the statistic, reported by Knowles, Windross and others, that horse number one, i.e. the horse with the highest weight, wins more races than any other number. The output from the pro’s computer may be a table of percentages with each runner ranked on the likelihood of it winning the race. As noted above these percentages are then compared to the betting returns on offer. The following table is a highly simplified and summarised representation of the process followed by a pro bettor in an imaginary ten horse race. The second column in the table shows the output of the computer form evaluation process. The third column expresses this output as a dollar value where a horse certain to win would return money back, i.e. $1, and a horse with a 50% chance would return even money, i.e. $2. (See Table 1).
Column four represents the betting returns available to the pro a short time before the commencement of the race. These returns are created as a consequence of the weight of money invested by the general group of bettors. Column five is the reflection of these betting returns as a chance of winning. It will be noted the return for horse one matches the pro computer calculation while horses three, four and five are showing a superior result. The pro has allocated $1,000 to bet on the race and spreads her or his bets as shown in columns six to eight. The average return on total outlay for the four selected horses is approximately 25%. A pro does not expect to win on every race or even on every race day. Possibly the target will be to win in about 41 races in every 50. This brings the overall percentage winning return back to around 2% on outlay. The actual notional sum being: $50,000 outlay, $41,000 plus 25% return equals $51,250 or 2.5% profit. If the pro has been able to obtain a 2% commission rebate the profit rises to 4.5%. All over it is a logical process with no allowance for luck although chance still remains within the procedure. As already noted this is very much a highly simplified example of a pro betting process. Often pro bettors operate only in the so-called ‘exotic’ multiple contingency betting pools such as the trifecta. Thus the computer modelling is not only on the chance of the horse winning the race but also on its prospects of finishing second or third.
It will be noted that the sum of column five exceeds 100. This additional amount represents the operator takeout or fee and in this case it is at the rate of 17.5%. It is often proposed, especially amongst pro bettors, that takeout rates should be lowered so as to enhance the return with the aim of encouraging greater participation. A US economist, Richard Thalheimer, has carried out a number of studies and his findings support the proposition. A recent practical illustration of the application of the theory may be found in Great Britain where a significant reduction in the rate from late 2001 has seen an increase of around 90% in betting levels within less than three years. (Source: Australian Racing Facts Book and British Horseracing Board.) This enormous increase will no doubt be of great interest to those that study the incidence of problem gambling within society.
The Consequences of Professional Race Betting
As detailed above reductions in rates would facilitate the logical activities of the pro bettors. These pro bettors operate in most parts of the racing world but they are particularly attracted to those jurisdictions where there exists a high level of betting
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and reasonably modest takeout rates. The country with the greatest amount of race betting is Japan but takeouts there are set fairly high. The second greatest amount of betting is in Hong Kong. A region that also has the status of the highest per capita betting in the world. The takeout rates in Hong Kong are significantly lower than those in Japan. Anecdotal evidence suggests that Hong Kong has a very high number of pro betting syndicates and that their number has grown over the past two decades. Despite the presence of these pros, betting in Hong Kong has been in decline for the past seven years with a cumulative drop of 29% coupled with a fall in race meeting attendances. The Hong Kong Jockey Club has blamed these falls on various factors including greater competition from places like Macau and unsatisfactory economic conditions in the region. The latter, of course, would belie the old adage that liquor and gambling industries prosper during recessions. A campaign has been mounted for the Hong Kong Government to adopt a similar rate reduction to that in Great Britain. (Source: Hong Kong Jockey Club.) This researcher, however, proposes that there could be an alternative explanation for the declines in Hong Kong. The alternative is that the second success category of sometimes win and sometimes lose initially dropped back to the first category of regular loss and then discontinued this form of gambling. Two analogies are offered to explain the proposal:
The local sports club has a monthly sports trivia night and ‘bring a plate for supper’ as a fund raising social event. An admission charge and raffles raise the funds to keep the club solvent. The members place their food items on a table to form a type of smorgasbord that is the supper. The food is shared around and all are content. Then the club gets three very active new members: all competitive weightlifters. Each of the three brings a plate but their consumption capacity far outstrips that of the other members. The non-weightlifting members have less to share and some start to go home still hungry. The club committee fails to notice the food problem but is greatly impressed by the enthusiasm of the weightlifters so it actively seeks to recruit more such members from the gymnasiums of the district. Soon there are nine weightlifting attendees every month. All the non-weightlifting members now go home hungry and the event starts to lose its appeal. Attendance and the quantity of food on the table fall to below the original level. The decline accentuates and eventually even the weightlifters leave hungry. They inform the club committee of their dissatisfaction and the committee reacts by buying food for the table. The fund raising original purpose of the event is thus diminished, as is the overall number of attendees at the monthly event.
A water pond contains a variety of native types of small fish. The processes of nature ensure the fish have enough to eat and thrive. Then a flash flood introduces a pair of large carp to the pond. The carp eat what is available more quickly than the native species and the latter are weakened. In this state they fall prey to the carp. The carp breed and the native types disappear. The carp have to resort to cannibalism and in time the pond is left without any fish.
This matter is of current interest in Australia as a consequence of two developments: betting exchanges and merged totalisator pools. The debate regarding the former has mainly concentrated on issues relating to the likely detrimental impact on the integrity of racing and other sports. There are, however, seen to be financial issues involving pro bettors similar to those outlined above for it is reported that betting exchange commission rates are based on the level of turnover by the individual bettor or layer.
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That is rebating is available. In regard to the latter development it has been widely publicised that the impending merging of the NSW and Victorian totalisator pools will result in the greater volumes attracting the interest of big bettors from overseas, i.e. pros. The operator will have to be vigilant that the carp do not consume the locals. In particular it is considered essential that US style rebating to the pros is not facilitated.
Professionals in Other Gambling
Pros do exist in other forms of gambling and sometimes they even spread across the different environments. In card games card counting and its variant the detection of ‘card clumping’ are freely discussed in both academic and popular literature. The game of poker is presently in an obvious resurgence and pros appear to operate with some success. In many places though the gambling operators seek to detect and debar pro gamblers. The rules of games are sometimes changed to take away any potential advantage for the pros. An example may be found with NSW Lotteries. In January 2002 the rules of the Lotto add-on game called Lotto Strike were changed so as to limit the available jackpot for Strike 4 to a maximum of $2 million. Strike 4 involves selecting, in correct order, the first four numbers drawn in the primary Lotto game for that draw. Under the heading ‘Lotto Strike’ the NSW Lotteries Annual Report contained the following explanation:
During the year changes were made to the Game Rules which resulted in the Strike 4 Jackpot (the top prize) being capped at $2 million until it is won. This was mainly implemented to deter ‘high roller’ syndicates from covering all bet combinations when the jackpot reaches high levels, which is clearly against the spirit of the game and not in the interests of the regular players that support the game each week.
Thus the management of NSW Lotteries were more concerned to protect their native fish rather than just gleefully accepting the very large increase in turnover generated by the carp. It has been said, albeit by anecdote, that the carp in this matter was the biggest professional gambler in Australia who used a team of casual employees to bet all the Lotto Strike combinations for him.
Logic and Luck amongst Other Gamblers
The first part of this paper has dealt with those gamblers who adopt a professional approach to their gambling. But what of those that might be described as little players? Are any of them able to achieve a level of success that enables them to be called long-term winners? Reliable data on the subject is mostly unavailable although the operators sometimes report big collects. NSW Lotteries is an example. In July 2003 it was reported that a 40-year-old sales manager of Sydney won $13.7 million on a $2 outlay. The winner was said to be planning to buy a waterfront home and set up his family financially. Ten months later a NSW North Coast farmer, aged in his seventies and facing a bank debt foreclosure on his property, is recorded as having collected $10.55 million, again for a $2 stake. The farmer was reported as planning to help his family and take his wife on a trip to the USA. These wins brought to mind a subject interviewed by this researcher who said that in his first bet on a horse race he won a very large amount on a Melbourne Cup. More than ten years later the subject
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claimed he was still able to gamble from time to time using part of the winnings from that original windfall. The subject was referring to the 1989 Cup won by Tawriffic at 30 to 1 when the NSW TAB trifecta on the race paid $13,929. He declined to indicate how he had selected the horses but it might be noted that all three placegetters were trained by either of two of the leading trainers: Lee Freedman and Colin Hayes. At a cost of a $6 box trifecta the subject had won enough to be able to bet in a similar manner on 2,321 other races. If he confined himself to betting just on all Australian group one thoroughbred races he had enough to bet without further collects for over 36 years.
Logic and the ‘Little Players’
Each week the TAB in NSW issues a media statement entitled ‘TAB Winners’. The document lists a small selection of large wins enjoyed by individual bettors at sales outlets within the state during the previous Saturday. The entry describes the bet, where it was made and the amount of winnings involved. The media statement usually describes two or three selections. A typical example was found in the issue of 5 October 2004:
Most people who snag a trifecta are just happy to have it for a half unit or maybe even a full unit, but one astute punter from Avoca Beach Hotel was rewarded for confidence on Saturday. Obviously fancying the chances of County Tyrone in The Metropolitan, he had a $10 trifecta on County Tyrone, Itemise and Don Raphael straight up. The trifecta paid $721.20, producing a $7,212 collect for the clever trifecta punter.
Analysis was undertaken of the ‘TAB Winners’ statements covering a period of approximately 2.5 years. Entries involving bettor outlays exceeding a $12 stake were overlooked, as the purpose was to detect the circumstances that involved little players. Examples of these ‘a lot for a little’ collects exceeded 60 and included: $21,663 for $2; $26,443 for $10; $12,074 for $1 and $21,160 for $12. Obviously such large payouts came when horses not favoured in betting were successful. Consequently the analysis looked for the reasoning involved with selecting these horses. It was anticipated that patterns would be obvious such as superstitious practices involving lucky numbers, colours or names. In this regard it seemed unlikely that bettors could enjoy such success using logical bet selection systems. This hypothesis proved to be totally invalid as in each case an argument could be mounted for making the winning selections and there was an absence of superstitious connotations. The analysis of two of the above examples is summarised in the following table. (See Table 2)
Obviously each of the successful bettors behind these transactions collected enough to keep up their practices for many more race days subject of course to continuing to stay within the bounds of their small outlays.
Other forms of gambling inhibit the ready collection and analysis of logical practices leading to success. One instance though is mentioned. During the course of race betting research a subject claimed to have devised a method for winning on poker machines (EGMs). It is noted here as simply as an example of an attempt to devise a logical process and no effort has been made to verify the level of success. The subject said he gambled $10 in an EGM once per week. He selected maximum lines on minimum credits. On any win he took the ‘gamble’ option. If successful he checked the updated win amount for that spin. If that amount was more than double the spin
National Association for Gambling Studies (Australia) 300 2004 Conference Proceedings
stake he returned to normal play. If less than double he again selected ‘gamble’ and repeated the process. If in the course of normal play his total credits reached or exceeded $20, i.e. double the original outlay, he cashed out and left the area. As a minimum the described system includes the logic of a moderate and sensible staking plan. Certainly it is a vast improvement on notions like: ‘this machine has not paid out for a while and must be due’, or ‘the jackpot symbols are showing up fairly often so they will line-up soon’.
Contrary to the opinions of some, pro gamblers do operate systems around EGMs. Anecdotal evidence is available of two methods being practiced. The first is ‘buying wins’. The pro loiters near to machine players looking for a high value successful spin. The pro then seeks to ‘buy’ the machine from the player so as to stake the winnings on the ‘gamble’ option. The second method relates to linked cumulative jackpots that are limited by value and time. Once it is obvious that the jackpot will be paid out within the immediate future the pro uses a team to constantly play the machines until the jackpot is won. This practice has a relationship to the Lotto Strike process noted above as the non-pro gamblers have created the jackpot and pushed it to a level where there exists the highly certain opportunity to make a profit.
Luck and the ‘Little Players’
The ‘TAB Winners’ statements also record examples of large wins achieved through the option of Mystery Betting. Under this option the bettor simply relies on the TAB computer to make selections. The computer uses a random number generator but one with the contradiction that a bias is applied towards those horses most favoured in the general betting. Thus the favourite in a race will appear in the individual Mystery Bet selections far more frequently than the one least favoured by the betting public. As favoured horses win about one third of all races successful Mystery Bets consequently will often deliver moderate winning amounts making them ineligible to appear in ‘TAB Winners’. Nonetheless the 2.5 years of statements gave more than 30 examples of large wins for a little outlay. The largest recorded was $17,130 for a stake of fifty cents in June 2003. The mean average was around $7,500 for a $3 stake. Taking a half-box three-horse trifecta bet costs $3. Most would probably judge these winning bettors as simply lucky. But the question hangs: are they also displaying logic by relying on the structured computer selection process?
Conclusions
Some gamblers do win but their winnings flow from other gamblers not from the operators. The research suggests that professional gamblers are those most likely to be the winners over the long term although there is evidence that a proportion of ‘little players’ can also win by adopting consistent and structured logical practices that include staking limits. The variations in approach towards the presence of professionals by some gambling operators have been shown. There appears to be sufficient evidence to warrant a review of the approach adopted by those that deliberately facilitate the activities of professionals.
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References
Australian Racing Board, (2002), Australian Racing Facts Book 2001- 2002, Mascot NSW.
British Horseracing Board. http://www.britishhorseracing.com
Dowling, Jane, 11/9/2004, ‘Crown bans 1,200 Gamblers’, The Age, Melbourne. http://www.theage.com.au
Hong Kong Jockey Club http://www.hkjc.com/english/news
Knowles, M. (1999). Betting by Numbers, Racebooks Australia, Fadden, ACT.
NSW Lotteries http://www.nswlotteries.com.au
______(2002) Annual Report, NSW Lotteries, Sydney.
Sawyer, Lionel, ‘Nevada Gaming Law: List of Excluded Persons’, Lionel Sawyer & Collins, Nevada. http://www.lionelsawyer.com
Tab Limited, ‘TAB Winners’, Ultimo, NSW.
Tamburin, Henry, ‘Is Card Counting Legal’, Casino City Times, Newton, MA, USA. http://tamburin.casinocitytimes.com
Thalheimer, R. and Ali, M. M., (1988) ‘An Economic Analysis of the Demand for Wagering: A Case Study of the Florida Racetrack Industry’, in Eadington, W. (ed) Gambling Research: Quantative Analysis & Gambling Vol 4, University of Nevada, Reno, pp. 259-281.
Windross, A. (2003), ‘The Luck of the Draw; Superstition in Gambling’, Gambling Research, Vol 15 (1), Alphington, Victoria, pp. 63-77.
______(2003) ‘Numerate or Naïve’, Paper presented to NAGS Conference, Canberra.
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Table 1: A Pro Betting Process Horse Calculated Win % Actual % Chance Pro Pro Pro % % chance expressed bet of bets potential return of winning as a bet return winning $ return on return in $ in $ based on $ outlay actual bet return 1 55 1.80 1.80 55 720 1296 30 2 16 6.00 3.80 27 3 14 7.00 8.00 12.5 160 1280 28 4 6 17.00 17.00 6 75 1275 28 5 5 21.00 26.00 4 45 1170 17 6 <1 >101.00 26.00 4 7 <1 >101.00 34.00 3 8 <1 >101.00 34.00 3 9 <1 >101.00 51.00 2 10 <1 >101.00 101.00 1 Totals 100 117.5 1,000
Table 2: Race Result Analysis Date & Bet Type & Horse Name Newspaper Form Pre Post Starting Meeting Collect Summary Betting Price 18/9/04 Quadrella Natural Blitz Pay to forgive $21.00 $5.50 Rosehill $26,443 latest efforts Al Maher Will give this a $5.00 $3.20 shake Nips Rarely far away $13.00 $17.00 Western Beau No surprise to $26.00 $26.00 see him improve ------19/4/03 First 4 Deprave Capable of $7.00 $8.00 $26,160 making presence felt Tully Dane Should be $21.00 $18.00 thereabouts Generalissimo Should be $17.00 $13.00 charging home late Sea Rover Place claims $21.00 $21.00 preferred
Source: Daily Telegraph, Sydney 17/9/04; Sunday Telegraph, Sydney, 19/9/04; Sydney Morning Herald 17/4/03; Sunday Telegraph, Sydney, 20/4/03.
National Association for Gambling Studies (Australia) 303 2004 Conference Proceedings
National Association for Gambling Studies (Australia) 304 2004 Conference Proceedings
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