THE OTHER CRIMES of ADOLF HITLER* Arguing from Within The

publication pending, in a book edited by Michael Berenbaum and Abraham J. Peck

THE OTHER CRIMES OF ADOLF HITLER*

Arguing from within the parameters of Biblical theology, we will stipulate immediately that the Holocaust was indeed Hitler's major crime. Outside the Biblical context, killing Jews is no more significant - except to Jews, of course - than the killing of Russian apparatchiks and PoWs. From within the Biblical worldview, the text most often cited as a warning to those who wish, plan or contemplate the genocide of the Jews is Zechariah 2:8: "he that toucheth you toucheth the apple of His eye." We are not arguing from a proof-text, however, but rather in the spirit of the Scriptures so ably interpreted by Eric Voegelin in his Order and History. The dialogue with the Book of History (of which this conference is a part) consists neither in the piling up of mountains of "scientific" facts nor in the chronicle of endless cycles of rising and falling civilizations (a la Arnold Toynbee). The giving of the Torah. the Way of Life, came as the sign of a "leap in being," a radical discontinuity in human affairs1. Previously the tribes and peoples had used the gods to bless and assist their purposes: now the god WHO IS (Exodus 3:14) created a people to do His will. Our dialogue with the past, in which the memory of the Holocaust hovers over our minds like a dark cloud, is carried on during an historical drama which has a beginning, a direction, and an end. In that drama, the survival of the Jewish people is fundamental - a truth never understood by triumphalist Christendom in the 14th century nor by dissolving Christendom in the 19th century. The question still before the churches, in the seven lean years before the 21st century of the Common Era ("Anno Domini," as they say), throughout the half century since the effort to render Christendom iudenrein was launched by some officially Christian peoples - the only worthwhile question for the churches - is this: whether the significance of the survival of the Jewish people is penetrating the centers where the clergy are trained, Sunday School and catechetical literature is prepared and published, the holy days of remembrance and instruction are identified and published in church calendars, and the hymns and liturgies and prayers written and distributed.

*A paper by Dr. Franklin H. Littell, Robert Foster Cherry Distinguished Visiting Professor, Baylor University (Texas) , at the Inaugural Conference of the U. S. Holocaust Research Institute: ' Washington, D.C., 8 December 1993 The Question of Uniqueness Next: we shall also stipulate the uniqueness of the Holocaust, although the nature of that uniqueness is in dispute. Nowhere is the contrast between the language of the Enlightenment and the language of the Bible more evident than in the attempt to identify the uniqueness of the Shoah. In the language of a reasonable universe - in the idiom of Kant, Descartes, the Encyclopedistes and Bertrand Russell - the effort may be made to portray the uniqueness of the Holocaust in terms of the exigencies of modern war, or the inexorable logic of dictatorships, or the disposal of "surplus populations," or the sheer mass of the project, or an explosion of violent ethnic nationalism... In other words, some general principle or abstraction is sought - a rubric under which the Holocaust may be subsumed. This is the way the children of the Enlightenment think: all of the above are attempts to explain the Holocaust in language that a modern, long out of touch with the Biblical worldview, can understand. Such attempts have one merit: they turn the reader away from the most insensitive and inhuman misuse of Biblical myth, in which the Shoah is said to be God's punishment upon a reprobate people. This wicked line of preaching and teaching, even more spiritually debasing than the politics of the Holocaust deniers, is beginning to circulate again in the cultural underworld of Christianity, Islam and even Judaism itself. However, shrinking our confrontation with the Holocaust to the confines of a Cartesian or Kantian mode of thought exacts a price that must be rejected as excessive on two counts. First, a premature closure is effected: our necessary wrestling with the spiritual and intellectual meanings of this watershed event is stopped too soon. If we are with a certain kind of historians' conference on the Holocaust, we find ourselves drifting into the same mood and atmosphere that usually characterizes a seminar on the Thirty Years' War ot a conference on the Wars of Napoleon. In premature closure we give, in effect, answers that we have already memorized to questions that were not asked. Second, with premature closure the moral burden is lifted too soon from our consciences - in our present memory of the past, our awareness of present choices, and our present commitment to the future. There remains a core to the Holocaust story that resists rational explanation, a gravitational pull that draws us back again and again to the story and its meaning(s). What glimpses we have into the dark core of a collapsing universe of discourse reveal a terrifying, mysterious, and demonic chaos for which we have no words adequate to communicate. Only the poets, the musicians and the liturgists, the artists - whose message travels along the nerves of the right hemisphere of the brain - were able at first to ' help us. Even yet, as the survivors and liberators and rescuers have begun to speak after "forty years in the wilderness,"2 after the sheer mass of the event has risen up to command the horizons of our past, present and future, we look above and beyond pedestrian science for help to rise above our impoverished prose in telling the story and searching its lessons. When we move on to what Richard Libowitz has called the "third phase," from telling the story and interpreting the message to Holocaust pedagogy3, we face another parting of the roads: we may deviate to the abstract and propositional and declarative style or we can hold to the human measure. The human measure will involve ambiguities, mysteries, paradoxes, varying interpretations and conflicting insights - what in the Hebrew and early Christian world of thought was called midrash. The declarative style, the triumphalist style of which we have a prime example in the recent church statement Veritatis Splendorr is life-destroying in both religious and secular formats. The midrashic mode of discourse calls for dialogue. Since Galileo Gallilei wrote enthusiastically about "the language of the universe" - which he thought to be Mathematics - intellectuals and academics often have attempted to transfer the style of the dialogue with the Book of Nature ("hard science") over to other sectors, especially obvious in the attempt to control the dialogue with the Book of History and to define the dialogue with the Book of Books. The human being, who is both the observer and the subject observed, may escape the trap set for him - but if he does he will carry a good many scars acquired in the process of being set free from the chains of Rationalism and "objectivity." With a theology that consists of cement blocks, so to speak, with a method of dealing with the Holocaust that has everything tidy, one can go about his business relatively undisturbed. But if he truly confronts the Holocaust, if he allows himself to be addressed by it, he will be a changed person. He will, so to speak walk the rest of his life with a limp. The uniqueness of the Holocaust is not to be expressed in the propositions, abstractions and generalizations that academics are accustomed to use in order to seem to tame all disorder and appear to render chaos harmless. The Holocaust is a specific story to be told,, its uniqueness made troublesome by a concrete truth: six million Jews were targetted and systematically murdered in the heart of Christendom, by baptized Roman Catholics, Protestants and Eastern Orthodox who were never rebuked, let alone excommunicated. Harry James Cargas, who calls himself a "post-Auschwitz Catholic," has called for a symbolic act by one section of the Christians: the posthumous excommunication of Adolf Hitler4, Roman Catholic - an action which his church could take but which unfortunately is not available to contemporary Protestants in their painful recollection of Hermann Goering and other evangelische < Hitler's Other Crimes 3 baptized. Professor Cargas' appeal not only points up the moral uniqueness of the alpine event called "the Holocaust:" it also points to the core of the problem of the Shoah for those who still profess Christ, a problem that is neither technical nor rational, but rather existential.

The Uniqueness of the Holocaust depends upon its Moral Significance The uniqueness of the Holocaust is not in definition but in moral quality. Repeated for emphasis: using the frame of reference of the Enlightenment, there is no essential difference between what happened to the targetted Jewish victims of Nazism and what happened to the targetted victims of Stalinism. It may be unseemly for a German scholar to say so, but the equation is fixed by the formula used. Neither is there in general terms any difference between the fate of the six million and the fate of the other five million who perished in the KZ. A sectarian Jewish objection might unthinkingly be raised to this line of thought, since the person inside the targetted group, who has lost precious family and friends quite naturally feels his suffering and his losses most keenly. This response reflects human nature and life in its condition of equivocation and paradox, and it evokes sympathy when it comes to our ears as the outcry of those who still suffer. However, it cannot be made useful as a form of communication to those outside the hearing range of personal association - not to those at a distance today, and not to the generations yet unborn. The sectarian Jewish warp, which unhappily has become much more pronounced in the last decade of Holocaust seminars, conferences and institutes, is in the long run self- defeating and false to the truth. Furthermore, it is spiritually degrading for a Jew to argue that the loss of Jewish lives is in principle any more serious than the pitiful death of Polish intellectuals, Russian prisoners, German pacifists and Romanian gypsies. That word about the meaning of Jewish death and survival is given best by believing gentiles. For Jewish colleagues, the uplifting and transcendent word reflects a spirit carried by the text, "Blessed be Egypt my people, and Assyria the work of my hands, and Israel mine inheritance." (Isaiah 19:25) Bruno Bettelheim made the point very well in The Informed Heart, and also in an essay5 on "Freedom from Ghetto Thinking," in lamenting the "tragic ghetto thinking that so many Jews still see this greatest tragedy in Jewish history only from the perspective of their own history and not from that of world history to which it belongs." I Hitler's Other Crimes 4 But note carefully who is speaking, as well as what is being said! When a Jew makes the case against a narrow sectarianism in this way, he is a Jew with universalist principles. When a gentile argues in similar language for "the principle of universalism," he is usually trying to escape confrontation with the awful specifics of the Holocaust. This is another of the many reasons why partnership - true collegiality between Jewish and Christian and other gentile scholars of conscience - is imperative in study and discussion of the lessons of the Holocaust.

The Credibility Crisis for Christians That partnership must have a more substantial common ground than admission of the important but factually marginal consideration that surrounding the Jewish Holocaust there were a few rescuers and a few liberators of camps. No honest Christian will be able to divert his eyes long from the fact that the overwhelming number of the baptized were perpetrators and spectators. Nor, unless he runs to escape into some mode of denial (in which case his latter end will be worse yet), can he for long avoid facing the credibility crisis in which post-Holocaust Christianity finds itself. The rabbis of old taught that had the gentiles realized the meaning of the destruction of the [Second] Temple they would have mourned it more than the Jews. For thirty-five years I have been preaching and teaching with utter conviction that when the baptized gentiles, the "Christians," realize the meaning of the Holocaust they will mourn it more than the Jews. In Biblical language: the Lord has delivered Israel, and in time to come no Jewish community will use the Holocaust as the primary means of Jewish self-definition. The Hebrew genius across the generations has been to avoid the necrophilia in which gentile enthusiasts of Nazism and Stalinism and other false religions have sought their identity. In due season it will be understood by Jews that a restored Israel and a renewed Jewry in the galut are far more central in the Jewish return to history than the agony of the Shoah. The work of remembrance which we commit in this Museum must never be sectarian or self-justifying: our remembering is at the center of our pledge to life (1'Chaim!). When, however, will the Christians return to history? This question cannot be answered as long as the churches continue to avoid confrontation with the story and the lessons of the Holocaust. Rabbi Irving Greenberg's challenge to Jewish and Christian thinkers has become a classic: that no theological claim should be made after the Shoah that could not be uttered in the presence of burning children6. The German Catholic scholar, Johannes Metz, has issued a similar authoritative word about post- Auschwitz theology to co-believers7: I Hitler's Other Crimes 5 "What Christian theologians can do for the murdered of Auschwitz and thereby for a true Jewish-Christian ecumenism is, in every case, this: Never again do theology in such a way that its construction remains unaffected, or could remain unaffected, by Auschwitz." Neither individual Christians nor their communities can find a road back, a path that will take them up to Jerusalem again, without the fraternal concern and assistance of Jewish colleagues. For the sake of both communities, the interfaith cooperation which was present when Holocaust Studies were launched in this country must be stubbornly maintained. This means, among other things, that we must avoid structuring conferences on the Holocaust in which the church factor is purely marginal, or perhaps an after-thought. To be further specific, we must resist the bent of university administrators to render Holocaust Studies harmless by placing them in Jewish Studies. For wisdom and not power politics to rule the agenda, all concerned must recognize that the Holocaust is an alpine event in the history of Christianity as well as in Jewish history. On this side of the mountain nothing is ever the same again, but not all of the Jewish scholars have yet made it over the pass, and comparatively few of the Christian academics have as yet assayed the icey slopes.

Hitler's Other Crimes Confrontation with the story and the lessons of the Holocaust is the necessary specific to cure the malaise of Christendom. Yet to let the impression arise that Hitler's only crime was the genocide of the Jews is dangerous, both politically and spiritually. Even if the German Third Reich had laid no heavier hands upon the Jews than upon other peoples conquered and controlled, the system was guilty of monstrous sins and crimes. By 1932 there were courageous opponents of the NSDAP terrorist movement; in 193 3 some already were risking everything to subvert the regime, before the assault on the Jews was well launched. The first million were in the concentration camps before any Jews as such were incarcerated, and years before the killing centers were established. Hitler's other crimes should never be slighted, least of all by declared Jews and believing gentiles (Christians). The chief wickedness of Hitler was not a crime at all, but a sin - a sin from which monstrous crimes reasonably, even predictably, issued forth. That sin was idolatry, rendering to a finite and temporal power - in the Biblical sense of the word a I Hitler's Other Crimes 6 "creature" - an ultimate authority that rightfully belongs only to the Most High. The Fiihrerstaat was an idol of the intellectuals and the Fiihrer was an idol to the masses he betrayed. Reading that handwriting on the wall, we see again the merit of government that is limited and secular, and a politics that is problem-solving and pedestrian rather than sacral or ideological. Here again we have our minds opened to the benefits of the social model that features cultural pluralism and Religious Liberty, in contrast to the monolithic and monochromatic model - whether carrying over from the medieval period or artifically induced (kunstlich) by a dictatorship. Above all, we see the inevitable end of idols, idolaters, and idolatry. Before that clarification reaches us, however, we must wrestle with the first crisis: the implications of Christian apostasy and betrayal; with the implications of the second crisis: the treason of the intellectuals; with the third crisis area: the unhealthy twist that mere majoritarianism can give to government of, by and for the people. To make sense of the story, we are using "Hitler" as a metaphor - the way many Europeans use "Auschwitz" when they mean the Shoah - when we speak of Hitler's "other crimes."

The Credibility Crisis of Academe Were the sins and crimes of which we speak "Hitler's crimes?" To illustrate the point, the claim is frequently entered that among Hitler's other crimes was the corruption of the professions and the perversion of professional ethics (Berufsethik. on which German philosophers of ethics have always placed a high value). After the classics of Max Weinrich8 and Werner Richter , not to mention the recent studies by Robert Ericsen (on theologians)10, Benno Muller-Hill (on doctors)11, Joseph Borkin (on business managers)12 and Ingo Miiller (on jurists)13, no one can deny the debasement of professional ethics associated with the Third Reich. But did the initiative lie with "Hitler" alone? The authoritative studies show otherwise. The years when the victors spoke of Hitler and Hitlerism as uniquely German maladies are gone. So too are the days when Germans could attempt to bracket Nazism and its accompanying crimes as an interregnum, a mysterious mushroom growth without roots, an inexplicable interruption in the course of national history - best speedily set aside, ignored, forgotten. The uniqueness of the Holocaust lies elsewhere. The antecedents to the Nazi genocide of the Jews are intelligible, explicable, and susceptible to scientific analysis and explication if not to a final explanation. The caesura which the Shoah represents is religious and moral, not rational.

I Hitler's Other Crimes More than that: the line of development of the terrorist movement which was the NSDAP could have been charted, its style of governance predicted, and its genocidal mode foreseen - had there existed seventy years ago the body of information and analysis of the motif and methods of populist extremist movements that is now available. There are lessons to be drawn from study of the the Nazi and Holocaust era of Western civilization, none practically more important than the refinement of an Early Warning System14 on potentially genocidal movements. We do not have a science when a narrator reports on some plague that ravages a city or a people. Fundamental to science is predictabilitv. We have a science when a group of specialists can say with certainty that given certain conditions there will be a plague. We are coming close to that situation today in the identification of potentially genocidal movements, of terrorist movements that in both theory and practice are outside the political covenant, movements that say they mean to destroy some republic or democracy, and the constitution - written or unwritten - that guarantees the liberties of its citizens. A fifteen-point identification "grid" has been published15. To it the distinguished scholar of the Armenian genocide Vahakn Dadrian has recently added another basic identifying characteristic: the process by which a single party infiltrates and absorbs the fundamental functions of the state16.

The Credibility Crisis of Democracy What de Toqueville called "democratic societies which are not free"17 and Jacob Talmon called "totalitarian democracies"18 have shown the disturbing capacity of spawning populist movements that are disloyal to the constitution of a free nation and destructive of the the rights of loyal citizens (including "loyal oppositions"). Following on the identification of potentially genocidal movements there must be developed the network of laws and enforcements that inhibit their development in time, before they become strong enough to induce civil war or come to power. One has only to remember the extent to which Hitler's policies were reinforced by plebiscites, mass meetings, and other "evidences" of overwhelming popular support, or contemplate the way in which in a very short time the injection of tens of millions of dollars has succeeded in creating a Rush Limbaugh cult of racism and verbal assault, to see that "democratic" politics still have a weak flank.

1 Hitler's Other Crimes The Three Fronts in Teaching the Lessons The Third Reich was not an inexplicable aberration. The churches were not infiltrated and corrupted: their corruption - theological and cultural antisemitism, anti-democratic orientation, and lack of formative work among the laity - were well advanced before the Nazi Party was founded with its Article 24, net for the unwary: non-sectarian religion, in that time and place called "positives Christentum." The professions were not infiltrated and corrupted: their essential disinterest in morals and ethics and the claims of life itself, their deference to technological "progress" at all costs, was far advanced before the Nazis appeared on the scene. So was their acceptance of euthanasia and the essentials of what became Nazi "biological politics." In one of his several important articles in the field of medical ethics, Stephen G. Post of Case Western has pointed out that in the early 192 0s Americans had already engaged in experiments that won the praise of Nazi medics, that medical researchers outside Germany have shown no hesitation in using tainted data from the Nazi experiments on KZ inmates, and that within recent years German medics who criticized and/or exposed the Nazi abuses of medicine have been penalized by the German Chamber of Physicians and found German medical journals closed to them19. Wherever we turn in study of the Third Reich and Nazi genocide we see that the forces and factors were converging toward a point where, when a critical mass was reached, certain consequences would follow on. In short, although the Evil itself is a religious and theological mystery, the specific expressions and forms it took during the Third Reich are no more mysterious than any other policies of modern governments. Among the critical factors, none was more fatal than the treason of the intellectuals; among the fateful forces, none was more telling than the servile relationship of the universities to corporations and political centers of power. These are not uniquely German factors and forces, nor did they die out with the military defeat and collapse of the German Third Reich. It is a hard word to hear, especially for those of us who live in and on Academe, but we must listen: the Intellektuellen were not dragged reluctantly into murderous enterprises by the Nazi dictatorship: they were among the imaginative inventors of policies the Nazi state in its own time put into practice. Without the universities and their alumni in the professions - those on corporate boards, in the medical institutes and faculties, before pulpits and lecterns, on the floor of the court and on the bench, I Hitler's Other Crimes 9 who sported the degree of "Doktor" so proudly and at every opportunity - the Third Reich and its programs would never have come into being. The credibility crisis of the modern university20, at least in the United States, is shared by Jews and Christians and others of conscience. The credibility crisis of republican structures and democratic self-government is shared by all citizens. The credibility crisis of Christendom, with which this paper began, rests upon those of us who still claim to be professing Christians. Although we Christians shall not get well without the assistance of Jewish colleagues, the responsibility of taking the first steps rests with us. Our Jewish colleagues can assist us to put the Holocaust on a large map, however, to reject what Stafford Cripps many years ago called thinking of "postage-stamp" dimension, by resisting the natural temptation to treat the Christian factor in Nazism and the Holocaust as purely marginal to the only important story: the fate of the Jewish people. To be blunt, Jewish sectarianism is dangerous to both Jews and Christians.

Major and Minor Strains of Christian Self-Definition Earlier this paper argued that the remembrance of the Holocaust that this Museum serves must be pointed toward life and health, that it is profoundly unhealthy for the Jewish community to define itself by the Holocaust alone. The Holocaust is both threatening and potential for Christian self-definition as well. From the time of the family quarrel, there have been two Christian self-definitions. One of them was given by Jesus in summarizing the Torah: "Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind. "This is the first and great commandment. "And the second is like unto it, Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself. "On these two commandments hang all the law and the prophets." (Matthew 22:37-40) The second identity became a minor but perennial note with the rise of the gentile church, with the jealousy of the goyyim at the priority of the Hebrew component in the Early Church. The minor note was a definition of Christian belief deeply stained by theological antisemitism.

Hitler's Other Crimes 10 In the declining Christendom of the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century, the negative definition came to the fore. Baptized peoples that since the 1840s have steadily fallen away in church attendance and other basic obligations have shown many harmful signs of the lack of formation as Christian community. This Christendom in dissolution showed itself still capable of sustaining the negative definition: in the popular parlance, "at least we * re not Jews!" Long after most of its casual adherents were incapable of producing the "fruits worthy of repentence" of which the Christian apostolic writings speak, long after the good works of sound faith had become the specialized preserves of elite societies and orders, the state-church system was still leaving in the bottom of the barrel a wretched residue of vicious religious and cultural antisemitism. Nazi antisemitism was not a product of the antisemitism of Christendom alone, but there is a red thread of guilt connecting them. The overt expressions of modern political antisemitism in Germany and in other countries found rootage and sustenance in the thick lower strata of theological and cultural antisemitism in Christendom. Adolf Hitler was a baptized Christian for whom Cardinal Bertram of Breslau instructed his priests to celebrate a Memorial Mass on May 5, 1945, and for whom a Memorial Mass was said in Madrid until dictator Francesco Franco died. His crimes haunt us Christians because they remind us of who we are, where we have been, and where we are today. The demonic Hitler of our wartime propaganda and our current subtle escape mechanisms is no great problem to us any more. What haunts us is the realization that when the crucifixion of the Jews was carried out, we "Christian" peoples who were not perpetrators were gathered as spectators: we were denying that we knew the prisoner, applauding the political wisdom that let a few die for the sake of "peace in our time," and throwing dice to share in the profits.

What We Cannot Forgive The "crime" that we really cannot forgive "Adolf Hitler" is the truth that he and his regime hold before us in Christendom a mirror in which we must look at ourselves - serving our most cherished Baalim and Ashtaroth (I Samuel 7:3-4). We who have triumphantly called ourselves "Christian nations" must see ourselves for what we are: idolatrous peoples, peoples that have turned aside from the path of righteousness, peoples with a culture and a civilization that show they sorely need to have their feet set on the high road of righteousness and justice and peace.

' Hitler's Other Crimes 11 When that happens and we have begun truly to absorb the lessons of the Holocaust, our churches and synagogues, our universities and professions, and our political parties and fundamental covenants shall be greatly changed.

I Hitler's Other Crimes 12 END NOTES 1. Voegelin, Eric, Order and History. I: Israel and Revelation (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1956), p. 123. 2. See my essay on the relevance of "forty years in the wilderness" to the delay in testimonies by survivors, rescuers, liberators: Littell, Marcia Sachs; Libowitz, Richard; Rosen, Evelyn Bodek, eds., The Holocaust Forty Years After (Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press, 1989), Chapter I. 3. Libowitz, Richard, "Teaching the Holocaust: End of the Beginning," in Littell, Franklin H./Berger, Alan L./Locke, Hubert G., eds., What Have We Learned? - Telling the Story and Teaching the Lessons of the Holocaust (Lewiston & Queenston: Edwin Mellen Press, 1993), pp. 277-88 4. Cargas, Harry James, A Christian Response to the Holocaust (Denver CO: Stonehenge Books, 1981), p. 173. 5. Bettelheim, Bruno, The Informed Heart (Glencoe IL: Free Pressm 1962); "Freedom from Ghetto Thinking," in Freud's Vienna and Other Essays (New York: Knopf, 1990), pp. 259-60 6. Greenberg, Irving, "Cloud of Smoke, Pillar of Fire: Judaism, Christianity, and Modernity after the Holocaust," in Fleischner, Eva, ed. , Auschwitz: Beginning of a New Era? (New York: KTAV, 1977), p. 23. 7. Metz, Johannes, The Emergent Church (New York: Crossroad, 1981), p. 28 8. Weinrich, Max, Hitler's Professors: The Part of Scholarship in Germany's Crimes Against the Jewish People (New York: YIVO, 1946). 9. Richter, Werner, Re-Educating Germany (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1945). 10. Ericksen, Robert P., ed. , Theologians Under Hitler (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985). 11. Muller-Hill, Benno, Todliche Wissenschaft (Reinbek bei Hamburg: Rowohlt, 1985). 12. Borkin, Joseph, The Crime and Punishment of I. G. Farben (New York: Free Press, 1978). 13. Muller, Ingo, Hitler's Justice, transl. Deborah Lucas Schneider (London: I. B. Tauris, 1991).

< Hitler's Other Crimes 13 14. The "grid" for an Early Warning System on potentially genocidal movements was first published in my Wild Tongues (London: Collier-Macmillan, 1969), Chapter III. See also "Early Warning: An Essay," in III Holocaust and Genocide Studies (1988) 4:483-90. 15. Littell, Franklin H., "Essay: Early Warning," III Holocaust and Genocide Studies (1988) 4:483-90. 16. Dadrian, Vahakn N. , "The Secret Young Turk-Ittihadist Conference and the Decision for the World War I Genocide of the Armenians," VII Holocaust and Genocide Studies (1993) 2:173-201 17. Toqueville, Alexis de, The Old Regime and the French Revolution (Garden City NY: Doubleday, 1955), p. xiv. 18. Talmon, Jacob L. , The Origins of Totalitarian Democracy (London: Seeker & Warburg, 1952). 19. Post, Stephen G., "Tainted Scientific Data: to Use or Not to Use?", in Littell, Franklin H./Berger, Alan L./Locke, Hubert G. , eds., op_. cit., pp. 203f 20. See my article, "The Credibility Crisis of the Modern University," in Friedlander, Henry and Milton, Sybil, eds., The Holocaust: Ideology. Bureaucracy and Genocide - The San Jose Papers (New York: Kraus International Publ., 1980), pp. 271-83.

' Hitler's Other Crimes 14