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Realistic Conflict Theory 11 Applications and Extensions of Realistic Conf ict T eory: Moral Development and Conf ict Prevention Jessica McKenzie and Gabriel Twose T e study of intergroup confl ict is of central concern to social scien- tists. Confl ict is an inevitable result of human interaction, and learning how to reduce or prevent destructive disputes is vitally important. Few theorists have contributed to the fi eld to the extent of Muzafer Sherif, whose realistic confl ict theory states that contradictory goals lead to group confl ict and cooperation-requiring superordinate goals reduce it (Sherif, 1958). Blending psychological and sociological frameworks, his Robbers Cave experiment (which would form the basis of realistic confl ict theory) remains infl uential to this day. Sherif, Harvey, White, Hood, and Sherif (1954/1988) postulated that intergroup confl ict arises as a result of situational variables, personality characteristics, interindividual diff erences, and group psychology. While we are aware that most readers will be familiar with the work, we will begin with a brief overview of Sherif’s seminal Robbers Cave study and the theory that it grew. We will then delineate subsequent research that has built on Sherif’s fi ndings, and fi nally, turn to an ex- tension of his work, incorporating research from multiple disciplines. Our proposed extension involves a moral education that utilizes concepts similar to those suggested by Sherif and by those that have built on his foundations. We argue that such a moral education off ers a promising confl ict resolution strategy by way of curtailing confl ict before its initiation. 307 Norms, Groups, Conf ict, and Social Change Robbers Cave Summary Sherif’s three-stage Robbers Cave experiment took place in 1954 in Southeastern Oklahoma. Stage one of the study involved the experimental formation of two distinct groups. Twenty-two boys ap- proximately 11 years of age were carefully selected so as to preclude diff erences in socioeconomic, religious, or family backgrounds, as well as any psychological abnormality or maladjustment. None of the par- ticipants knew each other prior to the experiment. T e boys were sepa- rated into two groups before ever meeting each other, and bussed to an isolated summer camp. For the fi rst week, the groups were functionally isolated from one another, as the individuals coalesced into two groups with defi ned hierarchies and norms. More specifi cally, members faced a series of problems (such as cooking, improving a swimming hole, and playing sports), which they solved through coordinated action, resulting in the formation of two delineated in-groups. Leaders and followers became apparent within each group, norms such as “toughness” or “being a good sport” formed, and names (Eagles, Rattlers) and places (camping grounds, swimming holes) were claimed. In stage two, the groups were placed in zero-sum competitive situations with one another so that victory for one meant defeat for the other. Competitions included baseball games, treasure hunts, and tugs-of-war. Relations quickly became antagonistic, with negative stereotypes prevalent, and arguing and fi ghting common. Intergroup relations were assessed through participant observation, sociometric indices, and a series of experimental interventions. In the all-important fi nal stage, intergroup hostility was reduced. Sherif et al. (1954/1988) fi rst showed that contact alone (for example, watching a movie, eating a meal) did nothing to decrease the friction between the two groups. A further strategy was necessary in order to eff ectively reduce intergroup hostility. After considering several options, Sherif and colleagues elected to focus on the introduction of superordinate goals, or “goals of high appeal for both groups, which cannot be ignored by the groups in question, but whose attainment is beyond the resources and eff orts of one group alone” (Sherif et al., 1954/1988, p. 204). T e groups were forced to cooperate in order to overcome situations such as a broken truck and a blocked water pipe. Similar intergroup relations measures to those employed after stage 2 showed a reduction of negative stereotypes and an increase in liking between the groups. 308 Applications and Extensions of Realistic Conf ict T eory Realistic Conf ict T eory T e Robbers Cave study forms the basis of Sherif’s realistic confl ict theory, showing that intergroup confl ict is produced by confl icting goals and reduced by superordinate goals achievable only through cooperation. Intergroup relations therefore cannot be reduced to within-group relations or personality characteristics; the wider social and environmental context is crucial in shaping the relationship. When goals become competitive, such that one’s success results in another’s loss, the out-group will become negatively stereotyped and social dis- tance between groups will increase. Real-world factors may include threat to group security (real or imagined), military might, social status, economic considerations, or general competition for scarce resources (Jackson, 1993; Sherif et al., 1988). Sherif also stressed the importance of in-group identifi cation, ar- guing that an individual’s identity and personal interests are heavily reliant on group membership (a proposition that forms the basis of social identity theory (SIT) [Tajfel & Turner, 1976]). Since the group is important to one’s sense of self, negative normative intergroup atti- tudes become internalized, thus deepening and extending the confl ict. Concurrently, the negative intergroup relations tend to strengthen intragroup solidarity, again boosting the unfavorable attitudes toward the out-group (Sherif, 1958). Of course, there is far more intricate detail to report than space permits, for example, the eff ect of intergroup confl ict on in-group hierarchies and the role of historical group interactions. And certain qualifi cations must be applied, for example, the limitations in ability to attribute causality in a non-laboratory study and the possibly dubious ethics of uninformed participation. In short though, Sherif thoroughly and convincingly showed that: confl ict between groups arises at least in part from competition for limited resources or confl icting goals and confl ict can be reduced by common striving toward a goal that requires cooperation. Realistic confl ict theory has since received a great deal of support (Jackson, 1993). Subsequent Support for Realistic Conf ict T eory Andreeva (1984) replicated the study in the Soviet Union, while Diab (1970) was forced to abandon his attempts in Lebanon due to danger- ously high levels of intergroup hostility. Tyerman and Spencer (1983) recreated the investigation utilizing a Scout Troop who already knew one another, which they argue better refl ects most real-life scenarios. 309 Norms, Groups, Conf ict, and Social Change In this case, competition led to some out-group stereotyping, but did not result in outright hostility. Psychologists have similarly found that competition may lead to hostility in a variety of contexts. For example, Worchel, Axsom, Ferris, Samaha, and Schweitzer (1978) conducted a laboratory-based study in which two groups either competed or acted independently, wearing either similar or diff erent uniforms. Inter- group attraction was lowest for groups that wore distinctive uniforms and competed with one another. Subsequent intergroup cooperation increased intergroup liking, particularly when the groups succeeded in their task, were not distinguished by dress, and had not previously competed. R e a l i s t i c c o n fl ict theory has also been tested in more real world settings. Blake and Mouton (1961) studied win–loss contests in an industrial confl ict between management and a union, concluding that zero-sum competition should be replaced by an orientation stressing mutual problem solving. In an extended application, Bobo (1983) investigated the reasons behind opposition to busing during the civil rights movement. Although some have disagreed with his analysis of the data (see Kinder & Sears, 1981), Bobo extended Sherif’s idea that competitive goals can lead to confl ict, fi nding that perceived threat was by far the strongest predictor of Whites’ opposition to busing. Other factors such as a general dislike for blacks or a strong belief in segrega- tion proved insignifi cant. Simply the perception that Black Americans could be a competitor for scarce resources, or could challenge valued norms, was enough to incite opposition. Studies within other disciplines have also provided support. An- thropologists Divale and Harris (1976) studied a number of smaller societies, fi nding that competition over limited resources, such as land, is a primary driver of intergroup confl ict. Sociologists have stressed the divisive potential of unequal resource distribution, even when such re- sources are abundant (Cummings, 1980). T is array of mixed-methods, interdisciplinary, and international support has convincingly validated the basic tenets of realistic confl ict theory. Many more recent psychological theories also draw from or build upon Sherif’s realistic confl ict theory. Social Identity T eory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979) is based on the premise that intergroup confl ict need not arise from interpersonal variables. T is theory shares the basic tenet of Sherif’s theory: that confl ict can arise simply due to the sheer existence of two groups, without the necessity of overt compe- tition. Addressing the amelioration of confl ict, the contact hypothesis 310 Applications and Extensions of Realistic Conf ict T eory (Allport, 1954; Pettigrew, 1971; Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006) also aligns with Sherif’s belief that contact alone is not enough to eliminate con- fl ict. T e contact hypothesis argues that in addition to superordinate goals, additional factors such as equal status, egalitarian norms, and cooperative independence are necessary to change cognitive represen- tations of out-groups and to reduce confl ict. T ese positive forms of contact may result in what has become known as a common in-group identity. Common In-Group Identity Model The influential common in-group identity model (Gaertner & Dovidio, 2000) is heavily indebted to realistic confl ict theory, building from and expanding upon Sherif’s ideas.
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