The Politics of Balance in Tito's Yugoslavia
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The 30Th Anniversary of June 1976, of the Voivodeship Committee of the Polish United Worker’S Party and Spontaneous
Coins issued in 2006 Coins issued in 2006 National Bank of Poland CoinsCoins – The 30thth Anniversary face value 10 z∏ face value 2 z∏ of June 1976 – metal Ag 925/1000 metal CuAl5Zn5Sn1 alloy finish proof finish standard diameter 32.00 mm diameter 27.00 mm weight 14.14 g weight 8.15 g mintage 56,000 pcs mintage 1,000,000 pcs Obverse: An image of the Eagle, established as the State Obverse: An image of the Eagle, established as the State Emblem of the Republic of Poland; on both sides of the Eagle, Emblem of the Republic of Poland. At the top, a semicircular a notation of the year of issue: 20-06. Below the Eagle, an inscription, RZECZPOSPOLITA POLSKA. On the left-hand side of inscription, Z∏ 2 Z¸. On the rim, an inscription, RZECZPOSPOLITA the Eagle, an inscription, 10, on the right-hand side, an POLSKA, preceded and followed by six pearls. The Mint’s m inscription, Z¸. Below the Eagle, a stylised image of a broken mark,––w , under the Eagle’s left leg. railway track. At the bottom, the notation of the year of issue, m 2006. The Mint’s mark,––w , under the Eagle’s left leg. Reverse: In the central part, an inscription, 1976. Below the inscription, against the background of stylised silhouettes of Reverse: Against the background of a stylised image of two men with their arms raised, on the right-hand side, a cordon of militia officers wearing helmets and shields, a stylised image of a hand. On the left-hand side and at the top, a stylised image of a woman and a boy superimposed. -
ANNEX 2 Crosstabulations of the Survey Questions with The
"WHO OWNS ALEXANDER THE GREAT?": A QUESTION UPON WHICH EU ENLARGEMENT RELIES ANNEX 2 Crosstabulations of the survey questions with the respondents ethnicity According to you which was the most important period for the formation of Macedonian identity? Ethnicity Macedonian Albanian Turk According to you which Antiquity 7.6% 0.5% was the most important Medieval Slavic Christianity (period of 22.2% 12.5% 21.9% period for formation of Brothers Cyril and Methodius) Macedonian identity? Ilinden Uprising (organized revolt 16.7% 1.9% 18.8% against the Ottoman Empire 1903) Partisan period of WWII 7.6% 4.6% 15.6% SFR Yugoslavia 14.5% 19.0% 18.8% Independence (1991- present) 21.5% 19.4% 12.5% Bucharest agreement (1913) 0.2% I don’t know 7.5% 13.9% 12.5% No answer 2.0% 28.2% They are all important The end of the 19century 0.2% Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0 % Ethnicity Roma Serbian Vlach Other According to you which Antiquity 4.5% 18.2% was the most important Medieval Slavic Christianity 17.4% 13.6% 32.0% 4.5% period for formation of (period of Brothers Cyril Macedonian identity? and Methodius) Ilinden Uprising (organized 8.7% 18.2% 12.0% 18.2% revolt against the Ottoman Empire 1903) Partisan period of WWII 13.0% 18.2% 12.0% SFR Yugoslavia 32.6% 22.7% 20.0% 45.5% Independence (1991- 8.7% 18.2% 20.0% 13.6% present) Bucharest agreement (1913) I don’t know 15.2% 4.0% No answer 4.3% They are all important 4.5% The end of the 19century Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% Ethnicity Total Refuse to answer According to you which was the Antiquity 5.8% most important -
France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.)
France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.) A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of East Anglia School of History August 2015 © “This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with the author and that use of any information derived there from must be in accordance with current UK Copyright Law. In addition, any quotation or extract must include full attribution.” Abstract This thesis examines French relations with Yugoslavia in the twentieth century and its response to the federal republic’s dissolution in the 1990s. In doing so it contributes to studies of post-Cold War international politics and international diplomacy during the Yugoslav Wars. It utilises a wide-range of source materials, including: archival documents, interviews, memoirs, newspaper articles and speeches. Many contemporary commentators on French policy towards Yugoslavia believed that the Mitterrand administration’s approach was anachronistic, based upon a fear of a resurgent and newly reunified Germany and an historical friendship with Serbia; this narrative has hitherto remained largely unchallenged. Whilst history did weigh heavily on Mitterrand’s perceptions of the conflicts in Yugoslavia, this thesis argues that France’s Yugoslav policy was more the logical outcome of longer-term trends in French and Mitterrandienne foreign policy. Furthermore, it reflected a determined effort by France to ensure that its long-established preferences for post-Cold War security were at the forefront of European and international politics; its strong position in all significant international multilateral institutions provided an important platform to do so. -
A THREAT to "STABILITY" Human Rights Violations in Macedonia
Macedoni Page 1 of 10 A THREAT TO "STABILITY" Human Rights Violations in Macedonia Human Rights Watch/Helsinki Human Rights Watch Copyright © June 1996 by Human Rights Watch. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. ISBN: 1-56432-170-3 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 96-77111 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This report was researched and written by Fred Abrahams, a consultant to Human Rights Watch/Helsinki. It is based primarily on a mission to Macedonia conducted in July and August 1995. During that time, Human Rights Watch/Helsinki spoke with dozens of people from all ethnic groups and political persuasions. Extensive interviews were conducted throughout the country with members of government, leaders of the ethnic communities, human rights activists, diplomats, journalists, lawyers, prison inmates and students. The report was edited by Jeri Laber, Senior Advisor to Human Rights Watch/Helsinki. Anne Kuper provided production assistance. Human Rights Watch/Helsinki would like to thank the many people in Macedonia and elsewhere who assisted in the preparation of this report, especially those who took the time to read early drafts. Thanks also go to those members of the Macedonian government who helped by organizing a prison visit, providing information or granting lengthy interviews. I. SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS Macedonia faces difficulties on several fronts. As a former member of the Yugoslav federation, the young republic is in a transition from communism in which it must decentralize its economy, construct democratic institutions and revitalize its civil society. These tasks, demanding under any circumstances, have been made more difficult by Macedonia's proximity to the war in Bosnia. -
Bosnia to War, to Dayton, and to Its Slow Peace – European Council On
REPORT BOSNIA TO WAR, TO DAYTON, AND TO ITS SLOW PEACE Carl Bildt January 2021 SUMMARY The international community was gravely unprepared for the conflicts that followed the dissolution of Yugoslavia. In particular, it neglected the challenge of Bosnia. Europe alone was not enough to bring peace, and the United States went from disinterested to disruptive and finally to decisive for a credible peace process. Russia in those days was a constructive actor. The war in Bosnia lasted years longer than it should have more because of the divisions between outside powers than because of the divisions within the country and the region itself. The fundamentals of the Dayton Agreement in 1995 were not too dissimilar from what had been discussed, but not pursued, prior to the outbreak of the war. It is a solution that is closer to the reality of Belgium than to the reality of Cyprus. After the war, many political leaders in Bosnia saw peace as the continuation of the war by other means, which has seriously hampered economic and social progress. Ultimately, it will be difficult to sustain progress for Bosnia or the region without a credible and clear EU accession process. INTRODUCTION It was a quarter of a century ago that the most painful conflict on European soil since the second world war came to an end. Peace agreements are rare birds. Most conflicts end either with the victory of one of the sides or some sort of ceasefire that is rarely followed by a true peace agreement. The map of Europe shows a number of such ‘frozen conflicts’. -
Ubij Bliznjeg Svog I
Marko Lopušina UBIJ BLIŽNJEG SVOG I-III (ULOMCI) Jugoslovenska tajna policija 1945/1997. UBIJ BLIŽNJEG SVOG I. REC AUTORA Tajnost je glavni i osnovni princip postojanja i rada svih obavestajnih sluzbi sveta, pa i srpske i jugoslovenske tajne policije. U toj tajni o sebi i drugima, sadrzana su snaga, moc i dugovecnost drzavne politicke policije, koja postoji na ovim nasim prostorima poslednjih pedeset godina. Njen zadatak je od 1945. do pocetka devedesetih, a i kasnije, uvek bio da brani, stiti i cuva drzavu, vlast, partiju i njen politicki vrh od tzv. unutrasnjeg i spoljnjeg neprijatelja. Zato su Oznu, Udbu, SDB, politicki celnici od miloste zvali „pesnica komunizma“ ili ponekad i "stit revolucije". cinjenica je da su jugoslovensku tajnu sluzbu stvarali i vodili Hrvati i Slovenci, a da su njeni najrevnosniji policajci bili Srbi, samo zato, sto su se trudili da dokazu svoju odanost Titu i Partiji. Kao verni cuvari Broza i druge Jugoslavije, Srbi "oznasi", "udbasi", "debejci", proganjali su, mnogo puta i bez suda, ne samo po principu velikog broja i velike nacije vec i svesno, upravo vlastiti narod. Srbi su u drugoj Jugoslaviji bili sami sebi i gonici i progonjeni, tacnije i dzelati i zrtve tajne policije. Malo je reci u srpskom jeziku koje tako sumorno zvuce, kao sto je to rec Udba. U njoj je sadrzan sav ljudski gnev i tihi otpor prema jednom delu zivota u komunistickoj Jugoslaviji, koji su mnogi njeni zitelji potisnuli, makar prividno, iz secanja. Udbom i danas ljudi zovu sve jugoslovenske sluzbe drzavne bezbednosti, jer zele da na taj nacin pokazu koliko su svesni zla koje je politicka policija nanela vlastitom narodu. -
Analysis of Historical Events in Greek Occupied Macedonia Part 3
Analysis of historical events in Greek occupied Macedonia Part 3 An interview with Risto Stefov Analysis of historical events in Greek occupied Macedonia An interview with Risto Stefov Part 3 Published by: Risto Stefov Publications [email protected] Toronto, Canada All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system without written consent from the author, except for the inclusion of brief and documented quotations in a review. Copyright 2018 by Risto Stefov e-book edition *** April 12, 2018 *** 2 INTERVIEWER – In this interview I would like to ask you some questions about your family and verify some of the things your dad and uncle had said to me in their interviews. Was your grandfather Risto involved in the Illinden Uprising? I remember seeing a photo on someone’s wall. What can you tell me about his life in the village? RISTO – My grandfather Risto was not involved in the Ilinden Uprising because, from what my father had told me, he was not in Macedonia. He was on pechalba (migrant work) but I don’t know where and for how long. He purchased a rifle and wanted to return but the borders were shut and he could not come back in time. He did come back later and brought the rifle with him and gave it to his oldest son Lazo who then used it during the German-Italian- Bulgarian occupation when he was a partisan for a brief period of time before he died in 1943. -
YUGOSLAV-SOVIET RELATIONS, 1953- 1957: Normalization, Comradeship, Confrontation
YUGOSLAV-SOVIET RELATIONS, 1953- 1957: Normalization, Comradeship, Confrontation Svetozar Rajak Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy London School of Economics and Political Science University of London February 2004 UMI Number: U615474 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615474 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 ” OF POUTICAL «, AN0 pi Th ^ s^ s £ £2^>3 ^7&2io 2 ABSTRACT The thesis chronologically presents the slow improvement of relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, starting with Stalin’s death on 5 March 1953, through their full normalization in 1955 and 1956, to the renewed ideological confrontation at the end of 1956. The normalization of Yugoslav-Soviet relations brought to an end a conflict between Yugoslavia and the Eastern Bloc, in existence since 1948, which threatened the status quo in Europe. The thesis represents the first effort at comprehensively presenting the reconciliation between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, between 1953 and 1957. It will also explain the motives that guided the leaderships of the two countries, in particular the two main protagonists, Josip Broz Tito and Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev, throughout this process. -
Yugoslav Destruction After the Cold War
STASIS AMONG POWERS: YUGOSLAV DESTRUCTION AFTER THE COLD WAR A dissertation presented by Mladen Stevan Mrdalj to The Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the field of Political Science Northeastern University Boston, Massachusetts December 2015 STASIS AMONG POWERS: YUGOSLAV DESTRUCTION AFTER THE COLD WAR by Mladen Stevan Mrdalj ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the College of Social Sciences and Humanities of Northeastern University December 2015 2 Abstract This research investigates the causes of Yugoslavia’s violent destruction in the 1990’s. It builds its argument on the interaction of international and domestic factors. In doing so, it details the origins of Yugoslav ideology as a fluid concept rooted in the early 19th century Croatian national movement. Tracing the evolving nationalist competition among Serbs and Croats, it demonstrates inherent contradictions of the Yugoslav project. These contradictions resulted in ethnic outbidding among Croatian nationalists and communists against the perceived Serbian hegemony. This dynamic drove the gradual erosion of Yugoslav state capacity during Cold War. The end of Cold War coincided with the height of internal Yugoslav conflict. Managing the collapse of Soviet Union and communism imposed both strategic and normative imperatives on the Western allies. These imperatives largely determined external policy toward Yugoslavia. They incentivized and inhibited domestic actors in pursuit of their goals. The result was the collapse of the country with varying degrees of violence. The findings support further research on international causes of civil wars. -
Titoism in by the Organizaci6n Irotskista Revolucionaria (OIR) of Chile Trouble
NUIBER 32 JUNE 1976 TlENTYCEm A CTU leaders refuse to fight e a es, e I an un eraHac Treasurer Phil Lynch's 20 May "mini-budget", direct taxes on consumer staples. The aspiring the federal government's latest move in its pro heir to the leadership of the parliamentary ALP, gram of austerity, slashed an estimated $2600 Bob Hawke, proclaimed the Lynch package "good in million from proposed government spending and parts and bad in parts", and pontificated on the brought into focus the key elements of Fraser's "tragedy" of the Liberals' original opposition to anti-labour strategy. Programs for urban and Labor's own earlier attempt to impose a levy to regional development, health, aborigines and pay for Medibank (Sydney MOPning Herald, 21 May). transport were sharply reduced, with further cuts Hawke's stand was "moderate and encouraging", the promised in the budget proper in August. A right-wing Fairfax press editorialised approv major blow to the working class was the 2.5 per ingly (Sydney MOPning Herald, 22 May). cent levy on everyone choosing to remain within It was these reformist stooges of the bosses Medibank and the elimination of Medibank as a who laid the foundations for Fraser's attack on universal health scheme. Despite its severe in Medibank by watering it down to make it accept adequacies Medibank was one of Labor's few at able to capitalism. Despite their best efforts tempts at real reform, a timid step in the di in this regard, the bosses have succeeded in mor rection of what should be a basic right for all tally wounding it less than a year after its in~ working people -- universal free quality health troduction. -
Distr. GENERAL 12 June 1372 ORIGINAI,: ENGLISX LETTER
Distr. GENERAL s/10693 12 June 1372 ORIGINAI,: ENGLISX LETTER DATED 9 JUNE 1972 FROD~TH:E PLvwuw~~T REPRE~ENTATIV~ES OF POLANDAND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE UNITED NATIONS ADDRESSED'TO 'THE PRESIDENT C)FTHE SECURITY COw:KCII, We have the honour to bring to your attention, upon in~structioris from 0~1‘ respective Governments, the join-t Poland4nited States cornrr,uniq& resulting from the talks held i-n Warsaw on 31 Ma,y alid :I. J'ume 19’72 ~ We shou:Ld be grateful if you wo'uld arrange for this letter and the above-. merkioned joi~nt communiqu6 to be circulated as an official docuxnt of ,the Security Council.. (Sipned)-._;i_ E. KLJLAGA (Signed) G. BUSH Ambassadcr Extraordinary a.nd~ /!!hassador Extraordiuary and Plenipotentiary Pl~enipfkentiary Permanent Representative of P!3"manen-t Representative of the Polish People's Repu,blic the United S~tates of America to the Uni,ted N;ltions to -the lJni,ted Nations 7%12.102 /. s/10693 English Page 2 POLAND-UXITED STATES COMMUNIQUE 1. At the invitation of the Pmsident of the Council of State of the Polish People's Republic, Hr. iienryk J&lonski, and the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, l"[r. Piotr Jaroszewicz, the President of the United States, ?3r. Richard Nixon, and Mrs. Nixon paid an official visit to Poland on 31 May and 1 June. On the first day of the vi:;it, the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers' P:arty, Edward Gierek, conducted talks with President Nixon. -
Yugoslavia's Return to Leninism
SOUTHEAST EUROPE SERIES Vol. XXI No. 1 (Yugoslavia) YUGOSLAVIA'S RETURN TO LENINISM Notes on the Tenth Congress of the Yugoslav League of Communists by Dennison I. Rusinow June 1974 After more than two years of major and often the Second World War. It also marks the end of a dramatic changes in leaderships and policies, a clearly definable historic chapter, coincident in Congress of the League of Communists of duration with socialist Yugoslavia's third decade, Yugoslavia assembled in Belgrade May 27-30, which began with a series of bold experiments in 1974. Its object was to survey and endorse the re- further economic and political liberalization and sults and to declare urbi et orbi that what a ended with serious economic problems and a Belgrade newspaper in 1971 called "Yugoslavia's political crisis. most serious postwar political crisis" is over and The basic outline of the new that the regime and system are stable and back on course is clear both in the of their still different but course-corrected enough, proclamations the Congress again high- and in a new state road to socialism. Constitution adopted three months earlier. Personally initiated by President Josip Broz Tito Yugoslavia is to return to stricter control by a re- himself in December 1971,1 the purges and policy centralized and once again disciplined Party. The changes which have now been approved by the Party's right to "intervene" in decision-making and Party in Congress are tantamount to a Titoist coup selection of officers by enterprise and communities, against the system which the Western world calls which was denied and called outdated and "Titoism" but which had lately evolved in direc- pernicious by many of those purged since 1971, has tions that seemed to him and others of its guard- been explicitly reaffirmed.