Saudi Arabia's Effort to Combat Terrorism and Terror-Financing
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1. Saudi Conceptions of National and Gulf Security
Saudi Arabia and the Illusion of Security 13 Chapter 1 Saudi conceptions of national and Gulf security Western and GCC governments share the view that the essence of Gulf security is protecting oil – its production, transport and sale at a stable and reasonable price. This has been the cornerstone of Western and American policy-making since the Carter Doctrine and before. Just as importantly, even as Gulf oil is the lifeblood of the industrialised world, so oil revenues are the principal source of income for Gulf governments and the mainstay of their economic health. But how can this objective be successfully achieved in what often seems to be an especially hostile environment? And, more to the point, how can this primary objective be squared with the strategy of containing Iraq and Iran that the West has pursued in the Gulf for the past decade? It should not be surprising that the views of Western governments and Gulf regimes on optimal Gulf security differ, particularly over the details, or that, on occasion, these differences may lead to friction, despite agreement on broad objectives. Western conceptions of Gulf security have evolved into a primary objective of ‘Gulf defence’: the military capability to defend regional interests and friendly states. But, as American and other Western states increased their power projection in the region, the emphasis shifted from confronting a Soviet threat to facing regional threats to Western interests. By the 1990s the perceived threats had narrowed down to Iraq and Iran, and the Clinton administration’s Gulf policy was articulated as ‘dual containment’. -
The Saudi Armed Forces
Mapping the Saudi State, Chapter 6: The Saudi Armed Forces I. Introduction Though some commentators locate the origins of the contemporary Saudi armed forces in the few dozen tribal warriors that helped Abdulaziz Al Saud reconquer his family’s ancestral base of Riyadh,1 a quick study of the historical record reveals a starkly different picture. The Saudi government’s army, navy, and air force, organized by the Ministry of Defense and Aviation (MODA), are largely foreign constructs. From their haphazard conception in the 1930s and ‘40s through the present day, these forces have owed what prowess they possess to the equipping and training efforts of Egyptian, British, and US missions and even private firms. In a certain sense, the Saudi military and the ministry that oversees it are contractual, and not national, bodies. The government’s willingness to place its national defense in international hands, though crucial to understanding the armed forces’ historical development, is a symptom of the ruling family’s larger political calculus. Governing a fractured populace along patrimonial lines, the Saudi elite want an army strong enough to dominate their neighbors and fend off regional competition, but weak enough to never challenge their absolute rule. Oscillating between viewing the armed forces as both threat and tool, the ruling family has created a body organized along sectarian and tribal lines, incapable of effectively operating without significant foreign assistance. Chapter 6 of Mapping the Saudi State charts the development of these forces, outlines their current strength, and underlines their damaging utilization. Though the Saudi government rarely deploys its military, the armed forces’ most recent action has come coupled with a host of human rights violations committed against the people of Yemen. -
Graduation Program
ongratulations raduates! C G Dwight D. Eisenhower School for 2017 National Security and Resource Strategy GRADUATION College of International Security Affairs National War College NATIONAL DEFENSE College of Information and Cyberspace UNIVERSITY S STAF Educating, Developing and Inspiring CE F R C O O F L L National Security Leaders T E N G I E O Joint Forces Staff College J National Defense University Ten o’clock • Thursday, June Eighth, Two Thousand Seventeen www.ndu.edu Fort Lesley J. McNair • Washington, D.C. NATIONAL DEFENSE UNIVERSITY 1 GRADUATION Dwight D. Eisenhower School for National Security and Resource Strategy College of International Security Affairs National War College College of Information and Cyberspace 1 Ten o’clock Thursday, June Eighth, Two Thousand Seventeen Fort Lesley J. McNair, Washington, D.C. NDU SENIOR LEADERSHIP MAJOR GENERAL FREDERICK M. PADILLA, USMC President AMBASSADOR DONALD YAMAMOTO DR. JOHN W. YAEGER Senior Vice President Provost MAJOR GENERAL ROBERT C. KANE, USAF (RET.) Chief Operating Officer DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER SCHOOL FOR NATIONAL SECURITY AND RESOURCE STRATEGY BRIGADIER GENERAL PAUL H. FREDENBURGH III, USA Commandant MR. HARRY LEE DORSEY Dean of Faculty and Academic Programs CAPTAIN FRANK E. PAGANO, USN (RET.) Dean of Administration COLLEGE OF INTERNATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS DR. CHARLES B. CUSHMAN, JR. Interim Chancellor DR. R. E. BURNETT Associate Dean of Academics COLONEL ANN P. KNABE, USAF Dean of Students NATIONAL WAR COLLEGE BRIGADIER GENERAL DARREN E. HARTFORD, USAF Commandant DR. DAVID A. TRETLER Dean of Faculty and Academic Programs COLONEL MARK B. PIZZO, USMC (RET.) Dean of Administration COLLEGE OF INFORMATION AND CYBERSPACE REAR ADMIRAL JANICE M. -
NAVAL FORCES USING THORDON SEAWATER LUBRICATED PROPELLER SHAFT BEARINGS September 7, 2021
NAVAL AND COAST GUARD REFERENCES NAVAL FORCES USING THORDON SEAWATER LUBRICATED PROPELLER SHAFT BEARINGS September 7, 2021 ZERO POLLUTION | HIGH PERFORMANCE | BEARING & SEAL SYSTEMS RECENT ORDERS Algerian National Navy 4 Patrol Vessels Thordon COMPAC Bearings 2020 Argentine Navy 3 Gowind Class Offshore Patrol Ships Thordon COMPAC Bearings 2022-2027 Royal Australian Navy 12 Arafura Class Offshore Patrol Vessels Thordon COMPAC Bearings 2021-2027 Royal Australian Navy 2 Supply Class Auxiliary Oiler Replenishment (AOR) Ships Thordon COMPAC Bearings 2020 Government of Australia 1 Research Survey Icebreaker Thordon COMPAC Bearings 2020 COMPAC SXL Seawater lubricated propeller Seawater lubricated propeller shaft shaft bearings for blue water bearings & grease free rudder bearings LEGEND 2 | THORDON Seawater Lubricated Propeller Shaft Bearings RECENT ORDERS Canadian Coast Guard 1 Fishery Research Ship Thordon SXL Bearings 2020 Canadian Navy 6 Harry DeWolf Class Arctic/Offshore Patrol Ships (AOPS) Thordon COMPAC Bearings 2020-2022 Egyptian Navy 4 MEKO A-200 Frigates Thordon COMPAC Bearings 2021-2024 French Navy 4 Bâtiments Ravitailleurs de Force (BRF) – Replenishment Vessels Thordon COMPAC Bearings 2021-2027 French Navy 1 Classe La Confiance Offshore Patrol Vessel (OPV) Thordon COMPAC Bearings 2020 French Navy 1 Socarenam 53 Custom Patrol Vessel Thordon COMPAC Bearings 2019 THORDON Seawater Lubricated Propeller Shaft Bearings | 3 RECENT ORDERS German Navy 4 F125 Baden-Württemberg Class Frigates Thordon COMPAC Bearings 2019-2021 German Navy 5 K130 -
Country-Study-Of-The-Kingdom-Of
0 0 1 Contents Country Study ― Saudi Arabia ............................................................................................................................... 2 Geographic Contours ......................................................................................................................................... 2 1. Terrain ................................................................................................................................................. 2 2. Climate ................................................................................................................................................ 2 Historical Perception .......................................................................................................................................... 3 Society .............................................................................................................................................................. 11 1. Demography ...................................................................................................................................... 11 2. Languages ......................................................................................................................................... 11 3. Social Structure ................................................................................................................................. 11 4. Religion ............................................................................................................................................. -
Country Located in the Arabian Peninsula
Dec 2012 OE Threat Assessment: Saudi Arabia TRADOC G-2 Intelligence Support Activity (TRISA) Complex Operational Environment and Threat Integration Directorate (CTID) [Type the author name] United States Army 6/1/2012 OE Threat Assessment: Saudi Arabia Introduction Saudi Arabia is a Middle Eastern country located in the Arabian Peninsula. On 23 September 1932, after a 30-year campaign, Abd al-Aziz bin Abd al-Rahman al-Saud united the Arab tribes of the Arabian Peninsula to form the modern state of Saudi Arabia. Since its establishment, a descendent of al-Saud has ruled the monarchy, formally named the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Saudi Arabia wields considerable political, religious, and economic power by virtue of its sizable petroleum reserves and its status as the birthplace of the Prophet Muhammad and the cradle of Islam. A strong ally of the U.S., Saudi Arabia has adversarial neighbors, and is a critical resource supplier to many Western countries. Political Saudi Arabia is a monarchy in which the king must be a male descendant of Abd al-Aziz bin Abd al-Rahman al-Saud, the first king of Saudi Arabia. The present king, coronated in 2005, is Abdallah bin Abd al-Aziz al-Saud. Abdullah serves as both king and prime minister, and is also the head of state and government. Every four years, the prime minister appoints all members of the Majlis al-Shura (legislature) and two-thirds of the members of the Council of Ministers (cabinet), with the remainder being elected. King Abdallah has initiated some reforms since taking power, including appointing more moderates to ministerial and judicial positions. -
Civil-Military Relations in the Arab Monarchies: the Blurred Lines Between King and Commander in Jordan and Saudi Arabia
Civil-Military Relations in the Arab Monarchies: The Blurred Lines Between King and Commander in Jordan and Saudi Arabia Master’s Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Brandeis University Department of Global Studies Dr. Eva Bellin, Advisor In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in Global Studies By Alexander Haupt May 2019 Copyright by Alexander Haupt ©2019 Acknowledgements The author wishes to extend his warmest thanks to Professor Eva Bellin for the direction and support she gave to this project. Her efforts were invaluable. Further, Professor Kristen Lucken, Professor Gregory Freeze and Professor Chandler Rosenberger deserve special thanks for their guidance in this undertaking. iii ABSTRACT Civil-Military Relations in the Arab Monarchies The Blurred Lines Between King and Commander in Saudi Arabia and Jordan A thesis presented to the Graduate Program in Global Studies Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Brandeis University Waltham, Massachusetts By Alexander Haupt This paper offers an analysis of the Saudi and Hashemite dynasties and their relationships to the armed camps in their kingdoms. It centers on the question of military intervention in domestic politics and under what structural conditions it has been effectively curtailed. Certain domestic crises are examined to make explicable the longevity of these regimes in a climate of praetorian domestic politics. These monarchies are found to embrace political arrangements which are well suited to civilian control over the military establishment. These arrangements are owed to deliberate regime practices in the employ of coup-proofing measures, conditions particular to the countries’ themselves, and the structural realities of ruling monarchy. -
Middle East Nuclear Arms Control Regime Simulation Conference
Middle East Nuclear Arms Control Regime Simulation Conference ** Country Summaries ** Directions: These summaries give a brief overview of several key factors – powers, constraints, domestic and international pressures – about each country. Each country is organized in the same way. Countries are listed alphabetically. Summaries are based on current political science data about nuclear capabilities, trade, the type of government, democracy and Freedom House scores, diplomatic recognition, alliances, and United Nations voting history. Participants are required to read the summary of the country they will represent. Feel free to read the others if you would like information on the constraints and powers of other countries. You may also conduct your own research. Do your best to internalize the constraints and pressures of the country you represent. Use this information to help formulate the best negotiation plan for your country. Additional resources are available at http://slramirez.github.io/idp.html. Table of Contents China p. 3-11 Egypt p. 12-22 Iran p. 23-32 Iraq p. 33-41 Israel p. 42-52 Jordan p. 53-61 Libya p. 62-69 Qatar p. 70-79 Russia p. 80-89 Saudi Arabia p. 90-99 United Arab Emirates p. 100-108 United States p. 109-118 Bibliography p. 119-129 2 The People’s Republic of China China and Nuclear Weapon Free Zones As one of the most powerful nations in the world with its large population, economy, and status as a nation possessing nuclear weapons, The People’s Republic of China is a nation with a vital interest in and strong influence over the negotiations for a nuclear weapon free zone in the Middle East. -
Profile of a Prince Promise and Peril in Mohammed Bin Salman’S Vision 2030
BELFER CENTER PAPER Profile of a Prince Promise and Peril in Mohammed bin Salman’s Vision 2030 Karen Elliott House SENIOR FELLOW PAPER APRIL 2019 Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs Harvard Kennedy School 79 JFK Street Cambridge, MA 02138 www.belfercenter.org Statements and views expressed in this report are solely those of the author and do not imply endorsement by Harvard University, the Harvard Kennedy School, or the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs. Design and layout by Andrew Facini Cover photo: Fans react as they watch the “Greatest Royal Rumble” event in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, Friday, April 27, 2018. (AP Photo/Amr Nabil) Copyright 2019, President and Fellows of Harvard College Printed in the United States of America BELFER CENTER PAPER Profile of a Prince Promise and Peril in Mohammed bin Salman’s Vision 2030 Karen Elliott House SENIOR FELLOW PAPER APRIL 2019 About the Author Karen Elliott House is a senior fellow at the Belfer Center and author of On Saudi Arabia: Its People, Past, Religion, Fault Lines—and Future, published by Knopf in 2012. During a 32-year career at The Wall Street Journal she served as diplomatic correspondent, foreign editor, and finally as publisher of the paper. She won a Pulitzer Prize for International Reporting in 1984 for her coverage of the Middle East. She is chairman of the RAND Corporation. Her earlier Belfer Center reports on Saudi Arabia, “Saudi Arabia in Transition: From Defense to Offense, But How to Score?” (June 2017), and “Uneasy Lies the Head that Wears a Crown” (April 2016) can be found at www.belfercenter.org. -
THE REPORT Saudi Arabia 2020
THE REPORT Saudi Arabia 2020 ECONOMY ICT JEDDAH INDUSTRY UTILITIES CAPITAL MARKETS ENERGY BANKING ENTERTAINMENT TRANSPORT EDUCATION INTERVIEWS www.oxfordbusinessgroup.com SPECIAL EDITION KIICO 0 4 3 8 1 5 2 1 9 1 8 7 9 CONTENTS SAUDI ARABIA 2020 5 49 Privatisation push: Dedicated framework ISBN 978-1-912518-52-4 supports a more cooperative approach between Editor-in-Chief: Oliver Cornock the government and investors Regional Editor, Middle East: Billy 51 Interview: Anas Alfaris, President, King Abdulaziz FitzHerbert City for Science and Technology Editorial Managers: Alban Serin, Eduardo Brandi, Carlos Ortega 52 Interview: Saad bin Othman Al Kasabi, Governor, Saudi Standards, Metrology and Quality Group Managing Editor: Laura Nelson Chief Sub-Editor: Tim Owens Organisation Deputy Chief Sub-Editors: Jennifer 53 Regional leader: The Kingdom is set to play a key Ma, Kayla Moser Senior Sub-Editor: Dominic Mealy role in strengthening global cooperation and Senior Sub-Editor, Digital: John Gray coordination Writer and Editor, Digital: Alex Pichaloff 55 Tax liabilities: Impacts of the trend towards Sub-Editors: Kevin Mataraci, Teresa lower corporate tax rates on developed and Meoni, Morgan Soares-Astbury, Lizzie Staying on course developing economies Waymouth Analysts: Lloyd Belton, Jade Currie, Page 41 TRADE & INVESTMENT Tom Hill, Andy Peters, Charles Phillips Real GDP grew by 0.3% in 2019, down from 2.2% 58 Global partnerships: Government support for Head of Research: Susan Manoğlu Editorial Researchers: Kasia Kuğay, in 2018. While this is a muted performance by economic diversification is set to substantially Beatriz Trigueros historical standards, some areas of the econ- increase opportunities for investment Group Creative Director: Yonca Ergin omy showed great promise: non-oil GDP ex- 62 Improved inflows: New initiatives are enhancing Art Editors: Catherine Celeste, Zahra panded by 3.3% during the year, and non-oil the appeal of the Kingdom to international Rashid Junior Graphic Associate: Babylynne private sector growth hit 3.8%, a five-year high. -
Marine Oil Pollution and Saudi Arabia
World Maritime University The Maritime Commons: Digital Repository of the World Maritime University World Maritime University Dissertations Dissertations 1986 Marine oil pollution and Saudi Arabia Mohamed S. Younes WMU Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.wmu.se/all_dissertations Recommended Citation Younes, Mohamed S., "Marine oil pollution and Saudi Arabia" (1986). World Maritime University Dissertations. 789. https://commons.wmu.se/all_dissertations/789 This Dissertation is brought to you courtesy of Maritime Commons. Open Access items may be downloaded for non-commercial, fair use academic purposes. No items may be hosted on another server or web site without express written permission from the World Maritime University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Mi^RIHE OIL FOLLUTIOH AND SAUDI ARABIA BY: MOHAMED YOUHES WMU-MALM0-198G WORLD MARITIME UNIVERSITY MALMO - SWEDEN Mrf=iRIME: O I L ROLLUTIOrM <=»NE> S<=tur>l |C%R(!=»Ee I s OS/'EZFC^^LL R E F t S R E C T IV/E MOHAMED S. YDUNES SAUDI ARABIA A F-'aper submitted to the Faculty o-f the World Maritime University in partic'il sati s-f acti on o-f the requi rements •for the award o-f a MASTER OF SCIENCE DEGREE i n GENERAL MARITIME ADMINISTRATION The contents o-f this Paper reflect my personal v'iews and are? not necessarily endorsed by the UNIVERSITY Si gnciture: Date:, Ociah&f, Supervised and assessed by: Professor Aage Os Co-assessed by: & Co-assessed by: W. K 0 0 p s J. Bstergaard The North Sea Directorate National Agency of Rijswijk Environmental Protection The Netherlands Ministry of the Environment Denmark . -
Yemen: Civil War and Regional Intervention
Yemen: Civil War and Regional Intervention (name redacted) Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs March 21, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R43960 Yemen: Civil War and Regional Intervention Summary This report provides material on the ongoing crisis in Yemen and the U.S. policy response. In March 2015, Saudi Arabia and members of a coalition it established (hereinafter referred to as the Saudi-led coalition) launched a military operation aimed at restoring the rule of Yemen’s internationally recognized President Abdu Rabbu Mansour Hadi. Prior to the start of hostilities, Hadi’s government had been gradually supplanted by an alliance comprised of the Iran-supported Houthi movement and loyalists of the previous President, Ali Abdullah Saleh (hereinafter referred to as Houthi-Saleh forces). Despite multiple attempts by U.N. Special Envoy for Yemen Ismail Ould Cheikh Ahmed to broker a peace agreement, the Saudi-led coalition and Houthi-Saleh forces continue to disagree on the fundamentals of a political settlement. After two years of war, the Saudi-led coalition would most likely resume negotiations from a position of strength. The coalition’s current offensive along the Red Sea coast seeks to cut maritime access off to Houthi-Saleh forces in the hopes that their isolation will force them back to the table. In January 2017, the United Nations estimated that the civilian death toll in the nearly two-year conflict had reached 10,000. In March 2017, the World Food Program reported that while Yemen is not yet in a full-blown famine, 60% of Yemenis, or 17 million people, are in “crisis” or “emergency” food situations.