George Croghan's Journal

1759-1763

From the Original

IN THE Cadwalader Collection

OF THE Historical Society of Pennsylvania

it

Edited by

NICHOLAS B. WAINWRIGHT

THE Pennsylvania Magazine OF HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY

Introduction

RADDOCK'S defeat by the French and Indians in 1755 had guaranteed for the time being French control of the Ohio B country. Three years passed before the British aimed another blow at the enemy stronghold, Fort Duquesne. When an expedition was at last being prepared to lever out the foe from the wilderness beyond the English settlements, it was realized that to insure its success the Indians must be alienated from their "fathers," the French. Brigadier General John Forbes, leader of the troops, was determined to achieve this essential shift in Indian alliance. Yet the calling of the peace conference with the Indians in 1758 at Easton can by no means be wholly ascribed to Forbes, as other powerful individuals and influences were working for it. A curious role was played by Sir William Johnson, Superintendent for Indian Affairs in the Northern District, who was not wholeheartedly in favor of the treaty and ultimately disappointed military and political leaders by not appearing in person. To represent himself he sent his deputy, George Croghan.1 During the twenty-five-year period preceding the Revolutionary War, no man was more conspicuous in his dealings with the western Indians than Croghan, an Irish immigrant of 1741, who had em- barked on a career which kept him in constant touch with them. l Paul A. W. Wallace, (Philadelphia, 1945), 521-522. See chapters 59,60, and 61 for a description of the Easton Treaty. 305 306 GEORGE CROGHAN October Recognition of his vast knowledge and ability to deal with these primitive people and the many services he had rendered in that connection led to his appointment, in 1756, as Deputy Superintendent for Indian Affairs under Johnson. For the following sixteen years during which he served in that capacity his name cannot be separated from the story of frontier diplomacy.2 The difficulties generally encountered in Pennsylvania Indian treaties were exaggerated during those three October weeks of 1758. Indeed the personalities of the principals gained something of cari- cature during that hectic time. Teedyuscung, the rum-drinking Delaware chief, was more arrogant and insulting than ever; the ubiquitous Quaker, Israel Pemberton, was more exasperating than usual; Governor William Denny's neurotic impulses were uncom- monly trying; while the haughty Iroquois in their inimitable manner continued to furnish their customary diplomatic counterweight. Behind the scenes working diligently and understanding^ for the success of the conference were those two expert manipulators and managers of Indian affairs, Conrad Weiser and Richard Peters. Their term of service in this connection was nearing its end. But Croghan, the third principal conciliator, had many years more of useful service to perform at Indian conferences and treaties. The work of these men at Easton was notable.3 The Indians, including the Iroquois, Delaware and Shawnee tribes, pledged their friendship to the English, agreed to return the white captives and to use their influence on the Ohio Indians to do likewise. In turn, certain western lands purchased from them by the Penns in 1754 were deeded back by the proprietarial agents. The effect of this treaty upon the French interests on the Ohio was pro- found. Although hostile Indians were to haunt the frontiers for many months to come, their strength as an effectual French ally had been neutralized. Croghan attended the final meeting of the conference on October twenty-sixth which was "... concluded with great Joy and mutual

2 Albert T. Volwiler, George Croghan and the Westward Movement 1741-1782 (, 1926). 3 The minutes of this treaty were printed by Franklin and Hall in 1758. See Julian P. Boyd, Indian Treaties Printed by 1736-1762 (The Historical Society of Pennsyl- vania, 1938). 1947 INTRODUCTION 2>°1 Satisfaction."4 Though his presence had annoyed the Quakers, it nevertheless pleased those in actual authority. Denny commended him to Thomas Penn who in cautious vein suggested to Richard Peters that the proprietarial thanks be extended to the deputy agent.5 As early as August, Croghan had promised Forbes that he would join his expedition with a party of Indians upon the conclusion of the coming treaty.6 Forbes respected Croghan's judgment and was im- patient to have him come up, writing to Peters from Bedford on October sixteenth, "I should think he can dispense without seeing the end of your Congress."7 But Croghan's actual movements seem rather slow. By the twelfth of November he was no farther along than Bedford,8 al- though Indians from Easton had been with Forbes at his "Camp at Loyalhannon" at least three days earlier.9 However, on the seven- teenth, Washington, encamped near Bushy Run, was pleased to learn that Croghan and his Indians were near at hand.10 Several days later these Indians were ordered forward to join Washington and it is probable that Croghan accompanied them since Forbes was left without an adequate interpreter.11 Apparently Croghan marched in with the army on November twenty-fifth when the blackened site of Fort Duquesne was occupied. The desertion of their Indian allies resulting from the Easton Treaty and other contributing factors had been too much for the French; they were no longer strong enough to battle the English at the forks of the Ohio. Accompanied by Andrew Henry Montour, who had been serving as interpreter, Croghan left two days later on a mission to call the Indians to a conference with Forbes. At Saucon, an Indian village, 4 Boyd, 243. 5 Thomas Penn to Richard Peters, Jan. 13, 1756. The Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 6 Alfred Procter James, Writings of General John Forbes (Menasha, 1938), 200. 7 Ibid., 235. 8 Receipted bill, George Gibson to Capt. George Croghan, paid June 29, 1759. Cadwalader Collection. 0 James, 251. 10 John C. Fitzpatrick, The Writings of (Washington, 1931), II, 305. 11 James, 259, 262. While it is not intended to suggest that Croghan was serving in this capacity he was accompanied by a qualified interpreter. 3O8 GEORGE CROGHAN October he met Frederick Post, who was spreading the news of the Easton Treaty, and together they held conferences lasting several days.12 On December second a group of Indians accompanied the Croghan and Post parties on their return to Fort Pitt which they did not reach until the fourth, thereby missing Forbes who had departed on the previous day. Reluctance of the Indians to countenance English troops on the westward side of the mountains led to an angry scene between Post, who desired that their views be so represented to Forbes, and Croghan who, in concert with the military leaders, Colonels Bouquet and Armstrong, had endeavored to persuade them to accept that situation. At all events Colonel Mercer re- mained at Fort Pitt with a small garrison.13 Evidence indicates that Post, Croghan, and Montour left Fort Pitt on the sixth to report to Forbes at Fort Ligonier. The former writes that he arrived at that outpost on the afternoon of the eighth and Croghan is known to have bought a canteen there on the ninth. But while Post remained with the General, Croghan continued on to Bedford where he spent the last two weeks of 1758. One of the first things he did upon arrival at this fort was to purchase flannel and thread, presumably for the repair of his clothing. The very next purchase was nineteen bottles of wine to celebrate his safe return from the wilderness. Frequent additional entries on this bill indicate that the nineteen bottles did not last long. But then it was the Christmas season and all the liquor that was carried over the mountains was not intended for the Indians.14 Meanwhile the interrupted flow of goods to secure the Indian fur trade and friendly interest was rapidly resumed. Both James

12 See Croghan's journal for Nov. 27, 1758-Dec. 2, 1758, incorrectly titled "Journal of Frederick Post From , 1758," Pennsylvania Archives (Philadelphia, 1852- ), First Series, III (1853), $60-56$. With reference to Croghan's ability to make contact with the Indians and to bring them to a meeting with Forbes, a contemporary wrote, ". . . this I am pretty sure of that if he could not bring them in, no man on the Continent could do it. I dont except Sir William Johnson himself you See." Edward Shippen to William Allen, Dec. 18,1758. Shippen Papers, III, H. S. P. 13 See Post's "Journal" for Oct. 25, 1758-Jan. 10, 1759, Reuben Gold Thwaites, Early Western Journals 1748-1846 (Cleveland, 1904), 234-291. Also see minutes of conference of December 4,1758, in Penna. Archives, First Series, III, 571-573. The report of the Delaware Chief on these episodes may be found in Wilderness Chronicles of Northwestern Pennsylvania (Harrisburg, 1941), 134-138. 14 See note 8. 1947 INTRODUCTION 3O9 Kenny, the Quaker agent, and Robert Tuckness, representing the Indian Commissioners of the Province, were heading convoys to the west. Tuckness' route which ran through Carlisle to Fort Loudon brought him past Forbes* returning army. From Carlisle on the eighth the General commented on Tuckness' £800 cargo of Indian goods, and hoped that some of it might be destined as presents for the chiefs.16 Our attention is now directed to Philadelphia where General Forbes arrived on January 17, 1759, having in his dying condition accomplished an unbelievable round trip to Fort Pitt in a litter. Ten days later an embassy of Ohio Indians arrived to wait upon him.16 Whether or not Croghan and Montour came in with Forbes is not known by this writer. But at all events they were in town on the second of February, for on that day they met with the Governor.17 Croghan's purpose in seeing Denny was to assist the Indian embassy which had come to town in response to messages sent them following the Easton Treaty. Forbes was too ill to see them. Prob- ably Croghan had already bothered him on their account since the General wrote querulously to Amherst that he did not know why he should be honored with one of Sir William Johnson's people in Philadelphia when during the past summer with nine hundred Indians on his hands he could not get Sir William to send a single person to look after them.18 On February eighth and ninth a conference with the Indians was held at Forbes* request. Peters presided over it with Croghan and Montour in attendance. The Indians expressed themselves as anxious to know what had been agreed on at Easton and what measures the English general intended to take in the spring. They had to have answers soon since the French were urging them to their side. The following week, on behalf of Forbes, Denny delivered a reply in which he confirmed the Easton Treaty and averred that the English did not intend to settle west of the Alleghenies, only to establish

15 "Journal of James Kenny," The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, XXXVII (1913), 400; James, 277. 16 James, 287. 17 Colonial Records (Harrisburg, 1851-1853), VIII (1852), 264. 18 James, 289. 3IO GEORGE CROGHAN October trading posts. These answers were momentarily satisfactory to the Indians who grumbled that they had not been supplied with enough liquor, "not one Person having ordered them a tub of Punch all the Time that they had been in town." This despite the fact that they had been too drunk to attend one of the conferences. A few days later, upon reflection, they grew dissatisfied with the answers as too general, affirming that they wanted to know more exactly what the army was going to do and what was expected of them. They delayed their intended departure to await Amherst's anticipated visit to Philadelphia. Meanwhile, on the eleventh of March, Forbes died and a few days later General Stanwix was appointed to his command. Croghan had to inform Denny on the twenty-eighth of March that the Indians were getting very uneasy and desired an audience with the new general.19 Despite his attentions to the deputies from the Ohio, Croghan must have found these several months in Philadelphia a real vacation. Anticipating a long residence at Fort Pitt he went on a buying spree about town. He purchased quantities of clothes including boots, pumps and shoes, twenty-seven pairs of stockings, a pair of silk knee garters, puff breeches, shirts (some of them ruffled), scarlet cloth, green plush, white taffetas, velvets, satins, gold, silver, and French lace, silver buttons, two wigs and six hats. His wardrobe after the campaigns of 1758 must have been in a sorry state, but now he could look the important part he was to play on the frontier. Anything not intended for his own or family use would not be amiss in the Indian trade.20 With this brief sketch of prior events we take pleasure in present- ing the journal of George Croghan covering his activities and those of his agents from April, 1759, through April, 1763. The greater part of the journal, to March 16, 1762, is neatly written in the hand of , for many years a close associate of Croghan's. The fact that Trent's writing was recognized led to its incorrect identifica- tion in the Quide To The Manuscript Collections, published by this Society in 1940, as the "Journal of Captain William Trent." It is probable that this section, containing many additions by Croghan,

19 For details concerning the Indian embassy see Colonial Records, VIII, 264-271, 301. 20 Receipted bills in the Cadwalader Coll. 1947 INTRODUCTION 311 was prepared to be forwarded to Sir William Johnson.21 From March 16, 1762, until the final entry the writing is in Croghan's difficult scrawl and phonetic spelling, with the exception of several pages in Alexander McKee's hand. From time to time Croghan forwarded to his superiors minor journals covering relatively brief extents of time. It is not known how many of these exist today for the period of this account. Two such which did survive have been published. The first of these covers the period of July 7 to July 25, 1760, and the second that of October 21, 1760, to January 7, 1761. These published sections represent only twelve of the one hundred and thirteen manuscript pages of our journal. They were originally printed by the Massachusetts His- torical Society in 1871.22 In 1904 Thwaites republished the second, or longer one.23 It is interesting to note that there are many differences between this published version and our manuscript. The four years Croghan spent at Pittsburgh are bracketed by the Easton Conference of 175 8, the result of a successful Indian policy, and the uprising, the grim token of an unsuccessful one. In this account one can trace the development of British Indian policy in terms of money—that lowest common denominator in human affairs. At the start of the journal, when English domination over the French was yet a dream, vast sums were spent in the Indian interest. However, when Canada was secured, the flow of Indian presents was progressively curtailed as were all other expenses in the Indian department. As a direct result, Croghan's personal influence over the natives dwindled. Among the entries for the final months one reads of a war belt being carried from tribe to tribe. April, 1763, the final month of this journal, was the last month of peace that the frontiers were to enjoy for long to come. Pontiac's plans were formulated and he was ready for the kill. The scope of this introduction has not been intended to include a biographical sketch of George Croghan. Yet to tell how his journal 21 Letter of Croghan to Johnson, March 31, 1762, Fort Pitt, ". . . and shall as soon as posable gett Copy Made out of all ye transactions of Indian affairs from my first a Rivel hear in June 1759 with the Several Conferences att Large for yr. Perrusial." James Sullivan, The Papers of Sir William Johnson (Albany, 1921), III, 662. 22 Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society (Boston, 1806), Fourth Series, IX (1871). 23 Thwaites, 101-125. 312 GEORGE CROGHAN Octoher reached our hands we must detail a few more facts about him. The last few years of his life were spent in Passayunk, near Philadelphia. In straitened circumstances and under attack for money by long- time creditors, he yet tried to hold on to his vast land interests. Death came to him on August 31, 1782. His remains were taken to St. Peter's Church in Philadelphia where his funeral services were held and where he was buried. Although we have an account of an examination of his tombstone in 180824 no legible marker has indi- cated his grave for many generations. Shortly after his death a trunk containing all his papers and accounts came into the possession of Barnard and Michael Gratz, two of his executors. On October 22, 1804, Simon Gratz delivered them in a wooden chest to Thomas Cadwalader, representative for the Croghan heirs.26 In 1935 Thomas Cadwalader's great-grandson, the late John Cadwalader, presented the journal to The Historical Society of Pennsylvania. When the entire collection of the Cad- walader papers came to this Society several years later, it was found that several thousand other Croghan manuscripts were included in it. Such of these original papers as are pertinent have been used in footnote form to supplement the journal. 24 Testimony of James Vaux, Cadwalader Coll., Thomas Cadwalader, Legal, Prevost folder. 25 II, H.S.P.; Etting Papers, Miscellaneous Subjects Box, H.S.P.