Economic Transition and Elections in Poland1
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The Collective Action Problems of Political Consolidation: Evidence from Poland1
The Collective Action Problems of Political Consolidation: Evidence from Poland1 Marek M. Kaminski University of California, Irvine The problem of collective action, while noticed early by Rousseau and Hume, received its first model in the 1950s in the celebrated Prisoner's Dilemma introduced by Flood and Drescher and motivated by Albert Tucker's familiar story. Later, with the development of game theory, problems of collective action were thoroughly formalized as variants of the Prisoner's Dilemma, coordination games, or just strategic games with a unique Nash equilibrium that is strictly Pareto dominated (Hardin 1982; Sandler 1992). Among the early social scientists who analyzed social dilemmas with simple models was Thomas Schelling. Mancur Olson, Schelling's student, focused in his dissertation on the intersection of economics and politics. He made studying the problems of collective action his lifetime research program. He applied his framework and its variants to the workings of professional associations and labor unions (1965), maintaining the NATO (1966, with R. Zeckhauser), interest group formation and their impact on the aggregated welfare (1982), revolution-making (1990), or incentives facing various rulers to cultivate economic growth (2000). He demonstrated that political and economic collective action problems are not mere curiosities, paradoxes, or aberrations of otherwise efficient markets. They underlie every aspect of human activity and have profound political and economic consequences. Since Olson's seminal dissertation-turned-book on collective action, systematic failures of various social, economic, and political players to coordinate on mutually beneficial solutions received increasingly more attention from political scientists and economists. The 1989 Eastern European revolutions produced a new crop of such failures. -
PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS in POLAND 25Th October 2015
PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN POLAND 25th October 2015 European Elections monitor The Law and Justice Party win the parliamentary elections and the absolute majority Corinne Deloy Abstract: Five months after having been elected Andrzej Duda (PiS) as President of the Republic on 24th May last (with 51.55% of the vote) the Law and Justice Party (PiS) won the parlia- mentary elections that took place in Poland on 25th October. It won the absolute majority Results and should therefore be able to govern Poland alone over the next four years – a first in the country’s history since the fall of communism in 1989. The conservative and eurosceptic party, also who were disappointed with the PO. The People’s extremely attached to Poland’s Catholic identity Party (PSL), a centrist, agrarian party chaired by led by Jaroslaw Kaczynski, won 37.58% of the vote outgoing Prime Minister Janusz Piechocinski, won and 242 seats (+85 in comparison with the last 5.13% of the vote and 18 seats (- 10). parliamentary elections on 9th October 2011) in the Diet, the Lower Chamber of Parliament. It drew The left has disappeared from Parliament. The United ahead of Civic Platform (PO), the party of outgoing Left Coalition (ZL, Zjednoczona Lewica), formed of Prime Minister Eva Kopacz, which won 24.09% of the the Alliance between the Democratic Left (SLD) led vote and 133 seats (- 74). by Leszek Miller, Your Movement (TR, Twoj Ruch) Pawel Kukiz – a rock singer and protest candidate led by Janusz Palikot, the Socialist Party, the Greens who won 20.8% of the vote in the first round of the and the Labour Union (UP), won 7.55% of the vote presidential election on 10th May 2015 took third i.e. -
Poland Parliamentary Elections, September 2005 Inga Kwiatkowska | Program for Representative Government August 1, 2006
International Snapshot: Poland Parliamentary Elections, September 2005 Inga Kwiatkowska | Program for Representative Government August 1, 2006 ABSTRACT Poland held elections to its parliament in September 2005. Its lower house, the Sejm, is elected proportionally from closed lists. The Senate is elected in two- or three-member winner-take-all districts. While this feature of Senate elections should discourage small parties from running candidates, more and more parties contest elections with each passing cycle. Despite a relatively high threshold of 5% to enter the Sejm, small, ideologically similar parties proliferate, and coalition-building remains a challenge. This paper looks the intersections of Poland’s electoral system and party behavior, coalition-bulding, and turnout. It also considers the potential implications of a change to the formula used to allocate Sejm seats. Inga Kwiatkowska interned with FairVote’s Program for Representative Government during the summer of 2006. ______________________________________________________________________________ INTRODUCTION Poland held parliamentary elections in September 2005. In that vote, the center-right Law and Justice party took power away from the governing Democratic Left Alliance, winning 155 out of 460 seats. Law and Justice formed a coalition with the populist Self-Defense of the Republic of Poland and far right League of Polish Families parties. The election results were a reflection of disappointment with former post-communist government and longing for more social welfare. POLISH ELECTIONS IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE Poland held its first semi-democratic elections in 1989, when the ruling communist party allowed 35% of seats in the Parliament to be elected in free voting, while the remaining 65% of the seats were reserved for the communist party. -
Republic of Poland
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights REPUBLIC OF POLAND PRE-TERM PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 21 October 2007 OSCE/ODIHR Election Assessment Mission Final Report Warsaw 20 March 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY......................................................................................................... 1 II. INTRODUCTION AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.............................................................. 2 III. BACKGROUND.......................................................................................................................... 2 IV. LEGAL FRAMEWORK ............................................................................................................ 3 A. OVERVIEW ................................................................................................................................3 B. ELECTORAL SYSTEM ................................................................................................................4 C. SUFFRAGE AND CANDIDACY ELIGIBILITY ...............................................................................5 D. COMPLAINTS AND APPEALS......................................................................................................6 E. OBSERVERS ...............................................................................................................................7 V. ELECTION ADMINISTRATION............................................................................................. 7 A. OVERVIEW ................................................................................................................................7 -
Poland by Piotr Arak, Piotr Żakowiecki
Poland by Piotr Arak, Piotr Żakowiecki Capital: Warsaw Population: 38 million GNI/capita, PPP: $23,930 Source: World Bank World Development Indicators. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 National Democratic 3.25 3.50 3.25 3.25 2.75 2.50 2.50 2.50 2.50 2.75 Governance Electoral Process 2.00 2.00 2.00 1.75 1.50 1.25 1.25 1.25 1.50 1.50 Civil Society 1.50 1.25 1.50 1.50 1.50 1.50 1.50 1.50 1.50 1.50 Independent Media 2.25 2.25 2.00 2.25 2.25 2.25 2.50 2.50 2.50 2.75 Local Democratic 2.25 2.25 2.00 1.75 1.75 1.75 1.75 1.50 1.50 1.50 Governance Judicial Framework 2.25 2.50 2.25 2.50 2.50 2.50 2.50 2.50 2.50 2.75 and Independence Corruption 3.00 3.00 2.75 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.50 3.50 3.50 Democracy Score 2.36 2.39 2.25 2.32 2.21 2.14 2.18 2.18 2.21 2.32 NOTE: The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. If consensus cannot be reached, Freedom House is responsible for the final ratings. The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 7 the lowest. -
Centrum Badania Opinii Społecznej
CBOS CENTRUM BADANIA OPINII SPOŁECZNEJ SEKRETARIAT 629 - 35 - 69, 628 - 37 - 04 UL. ŻURAWIA 4A, SKR. PT.24 OŚRODEK INFORMACJI 693 - 58 - 95, 625 - 76 - 23 00 - 503 W A R S Z A W A TELEFAX 629 - 40 - 89 INTERNET http://www.cbos.pl E-mail: [email protected] BS/130/2000 KANDYDACI NA PREZYDENTA I ICH SZANSE WYBORCZE - PEWNOŚĆ GŁOSOWANIA, ALTERNATYWY WYBORCZE, ELEKTORATY NEGATYWNE KOMUNIKAT Z BADAŃ WARSZAWA, SIERPIEŃ 2000 PRZEDRUK MATERIAŁÓW CBOS W CAŁOŚCI LUB W CZĘŚCI ORAZ WYKORZYSTANIE DANYCH EMPIRYCZNYCH JEST DOZWOLONE WYŁĄCZNIE Z PODANIEM ŹRÓDŁA KANDYDACI NA PREZYDENTA I ICH SZANSE WYBORCZE - CBOS PEWNOŚĆ GŁOSOWANIA, ALTERNATYWY WYBORCZE, ELEKTORATY NEGATYWNE !"Najbardziej pewni trafności swego wyboru są zwolennicy Aleksandra Kwaśniewskiego. Trwająca kampania wyborcza dobrze służy mobilizacji zwolenników Mariana Krzaklewskiego - w ciągu ostatniego miesiąca wzrosła liczba tych jego sympatyków, którzy deklarują, że w nadchodzących wyborach na pewno poprą kandydaturę przewodniczącego „Solidarności”. Na tle pozostałych kandydatów relatywnie pewniejsi swojej decyzji wyborczej są także zwolennicy Jana Olszewskiego. !"Potencjalni wyborcy Aleksandra Kwaśniewskiego przeciętnie na 83% określają szanse zwycięstwa obecnego prezydenta w tegorocznych wyborach. Wyborcy Mariana Krzaklewskiego także nie wątpią w jego wyborczy sukces i średnio na 63% oceniają prawdopodobieństwo, że przewodniczący „Solidarności” wygra wybory prezydenckie. Elektorat Jana Olszewskiego średnio na 61% ocenia szanse jego zwycięstwa. Zwolennicy Andrzeja Olechowskiego oraz sympatycy -
The Polish Paradox: from a Fight for Democracy to the Political Radicalization and Social Exclusion
social sciences $€ £ ¥ Article The Polish Paradox: From a Fight for Democracy to the Political Radicalization and Social Exclusion Zofia Kinowska-Mazaraki Department of Studies of Elites and Political Institutions, Institute of Political Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Polna 18/20, 00-625 Warsaw, Poland; [email protected] Abstract: Poland has gone through a series of remarkable political transformations over the last 30 years. It has changed from a communist state in the Soviet sphere of influence to an autonomic prosperous democracy and proud member of the EU. Paradoxically, since 2015, Poland seems to be heading rapidly in the opposite direction. It was the Polish Solidarity movement that started the peaceful revolution that subsequently triggered important democratic changes on a worldwide scale, including the demolition of the Berlin Wall, the collapse of Communism and the end of Cold War. Fighting for freedom and independence is an important part of Polish national identity, sealed with the blood of generations dying in numerous uprisings. However, participation in the democratic process is curiously limited in Poland. The right-wing, populist Law and Justice Party (PiS) won elections in Poland in 2015. Since then, Poles have given up more and more freedoms in exchange for promises of protection from different imaginary enemies, including Muslim refugees and the gay and lesbian community. More and more social groups are being marginalized and deprived of their civil rights. The COVID-19 pandemic has given the ruling party a reason to further limit the right of assembly and protest. Polish society is sinking into deeper and deeper divisions. -
1 a Polish American's Christmas in Poland
POLISH AMERICAN JOURNAL • DECEMBER 2013 www.polamjournal.com 1 DECEMBER 2013 • VOL. 102, NO. 12 $2.00 PERIODICAL POSTAGE PAID AT BOSTON, NEW YORK NEW BOSTON, AT PAID PERIODICAL POSTAGE POLISH AMERICAN OFFICES AND ADDITIONAL ENTRY SUPERMODEL ESTABLISHED 1911 www.polamjournal.com JOANNA KRUPA JOURNAL VISITS DAR SERCA DEDICATED TO THE PROMOTION AND CONTINUANCE OF POLISH AMERICAN CULTURE PAGE 12 RORATY — AN ANCIENT POLISH CUSTOM IN HONOR OF THE BLESSED VIRGIN • MUSHROOM PICKING, ANYONE? MEMORIES OF CHRISTMAS 1970 • A KASHUB CHRISTMAS • NPR’S “WAIT, WAIT … ” APOLOGIZES FOR POLISH JOKE CHRISTMAS CAKES AND COOKIES • BELINSKY AND FIDRYCH: GONE, BUT NOT FORGOTTEN • DNA AND YOUR GENEALOGY NEWSMARK AMERICAN SOLDIER HONORED BY POLAND. On Nov., 12, Staff Sergeant Michael H. Ollis of Staten Island, was posthumously honored with the “Afghanistan Star” awarded by the President of the Republic of Poland and Dr. Thaddeus Gromada “Army Gold Medal” awarded by Poland’s Minister of De- fense, for his heroic and selfl ess actions in the line of duty. on Christmas among The ceremony took place at the Consulate General of the Polish Highlanders the Republic of Poland in New York. Ryszard Schnepf, Ambassador of the Republic of Po- r. Thaddeus Gromada is professor land to the United States and Brigadier General Jarosław emeritus of history at New Jersey City Universi- Stróżyk, Poland’s Defense, Military, Naval and Air Atta- ty, and former executive director and president ché, presented the decorations to the family of Ollis, who of the Polish Institute of Arts and Sciences of DAmerica in New York. He earned his master’s and shielded Polish offi cer, Second lieutenant Karol Cierpica, from a suicide bomber in Afghanistan. -
Poland:Report of the National Election Office on the 2007 Parliamentary
Kazimierz Wojciech Czaplicki Secretary of the National Electoral Commission of the Republic of Poland PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN POLAND – 21 OCTOBER 2007. 1. Pre-term elections to the Sejm and to the Senate (to the Parliament) were held on 21 October 2007. Elections were ordered by the President of the Republic of Poland as a result of Sejm’s resolution on shortcoming of its term of office. According to the resolution of the Constitution, Sejm may shorten its 4-years term of office by passing a resolution. Shortening the term of office of the Sejm simultaneously mean a shortening of the term of office of the second chamber of the Parliament – Senate. In the event of shortening the term of office the President of Republic of Poland is obliged to order elections to be held on a day falling no later than within the 45 day period from the day of the official announcement of Presidential order on the shortening of the Sejm's term of office. 2. Elections were conducted by elections authorities definite in the election act: National Electoral Commission (consisting of 9 judges, each 3 from Constitutional Tribunal, Supreme Court and the Supreme Administrative Court); 41 constituencies (composed of 366 judges of common court and 25 476 ward election commissions (composed of 201 294 voters indicated by political parties) 3. 25.476 polling stations were established in general, 29.903 – on the country’s territory, 205 – abroad (41 more comparing to elections in 2005) and 7 polling stations on boards of maritime vessels (2 more polling stations). Among 23.903 polling stations established in the country, 1178 were established in hospitals, social welfare institutions and 183 in penal institutions and arrests. -
European Elections Are Neutral for Zloty and Government
Economic and Financial Analysis 27 May 2019 Poland: European elections are neutral for zloty Article and government bonds The support for PiS remains far from the point that would trigger new spending pledges Source: Shutterstock Content - Tight battle in coming months before general elections in October - The key events in coming weeks - Neutral market impact of European elections The ruling PiS won the European elections in Poland with 43.1% of the votes, European Coalition (incl. Civic Platform and Polish Peasant Party) scored 38.4%, new leftist party Spring (6.7%), rightist Konferederation 6.2%, antisystemic Kukiz’15 (4.1%). The results are close to the majority of pre-election polls. It was an extremely tight battle. The ruling party pledged 1.6% of GDP in new spending (probably one of the highest stimulus’ in Europe recently) and brought many local topics (irrelevant for European politics) to the European election campaign. Finally, they succeeded with reaching support close to 40% in the elections, which traditionally brought lower support for this party. On the other hand, the European Coalition (incl. Civic Platform and Peasant Party) caught up to the ruling PiS in the last weeks and the PiS lost some of their advances over the European Coalition it had in polls in previous months. We find the battle was marginally won by the ruling PiS. What is worth mentioning, the European Coalition did not receive any special premium for unifying many parties as some expected. Tight battle in coming months before general elections in October The early simulation presenting how parties would score in the October general elections, based on the votes they received in Sunday’s European elections, shows the battle should remain tight in the coming quarters. -
The Polish Case
COMMUNITY of DEMOCRACIES THE POLISH CASE Permanent Secretariat of the Community of Democracies THE POLISH CASE Permanent Secretariat of the Community of Democracies Warsaw 2010 Published by the Permanent Secretariat of the Community of Democracies (PSCD) Al. Ujazdowskie 41, 00-540 Warsaw, POLAND www.community-democracies.org © PSCD, Warsaw 2010 All rights reserved. The contents of this publication may be freely used and copied for educational and other non-commercial purposes, provided that any such reproduction be accompanied by an acknowledgment of the PSCD as the source. FOREWARD by Prof. Bronislaw Misztal Executive Director Permanent Secretariat of the Community of Democracies Retrospectively, the Polish case of democratic transformation, or the experience of a complex, co- temporal and multi-axial reconstruction of a social system is still a mystery and a miracle of history. It ran against political and military interests that cumulated on both sides of the Iron Curtain. Poland as the Western flank of the Communist territory was an important prong of this system. The transformative processes in Poland involved a number of changes in the areas of social and political life that were so solidly welded with the global political order of its era, and with the historical heritage of the region, that each of those changes alone seemed to be impossible, not to speak about any of them occurring concurrently. For those who lived through these changes (and there are still large segments of the Polish society that were coming of age in the late 1970s), who worked in Poland, posted there by news and media institutions, who observed the events working as diplomats, journalists, scholars or experts, the exhilaration of the 1980s sometimes overshadowed the complexity of this historical experience. -
The 2000 Presidential Election in Poland
THE 2000 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN POLAND Krzysztof Jasiewic z Washington and Lee University The National Council for Eurasian and East European Researc h 910 17 th Street, N.W . Suite 300 Washington, D .C. 20006 TITLE VIII PROGRAM Project Information* Principal Investigator : Krzysztof Jasiewicz Council Contract Number : 8L5-08g Date : July 9, 200 1 Copyright Informatio n Scholars retain the copyright on works they submit to NCEEER . However, NCEEER possesse s the right to duplicate and disseminate such products, in written and electronic form, as follows : (a) for its internal use; (b) to the U .S. Government for its internal use or for dissemination to officials o f foreign governments; and (c) for dissemination in accordance with the Freedom of Information Ac t or other law or policy of the U .S. government that grants the public access to documents held by th e U.S. government. Additionally, NCEEER has a royalty-free license to distribute and disseminate papers submitted under the terms of its agreements to the general public, in furtherance of academic research , scholarship, and the advancement of general knowledge, on a non-profit basis. All paper s distributed or disseminated shall bear notice of copyright. Neither NCEEER, nor the U .S . Government, nor any recipient of a Contract product may use it for commercial sale . ' The work leading to this report was supported in part by contract or grant funds provided by the National Council fo r Eurasian and East European Research, funds which were made available by the U .S . Department of State under Title VIII (The Soviet-East European Research and Training Act of 1983, as amended) .