The Case for the Independent Statehood of Somaliland
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An Analysis of the Afar-Somali Conflict in Ethiopia and Djibouti
Regional Dynamics of Inter-ethnic Conflicts in the Horn of Africa: An Analysis of the Afar-Somali Conflict in Ethiopia and Djibouti DISSERTATION ZUR ERLANGUNG DER GRADES DES DOKTORS DER PHILOSOPHIE DER UNIVERSTÄT HAMBURG VORGELEGT VON YASIN MOHAMMED YASIN from Assab, Ethiopia HAMBURG 2010 ii Regional Dynamics of Inter-ethnic Conflicts in the Horn of Africa: An Analysis of the Afar-Somali Conflict in Ethiopia and Djibouti by Yasin Mohammed Yasin Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree PHILOSOPHIAE DOCTOR (POLITICAL SCIENCE) in the FACULITY OF BUSINESS, ECONOMICS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES at the UNIVERSITY OF HAMBURG Supervisors Prof. Dr. Cord Jakobeit Prof. Dr. Rainer Tetzlaff HAMBURG 15 December 2010 iii Acknowledgments First and foremost, I would like to thank my doctoral fathers Prof. Dr. Cord Jakobeit and Prof. Dr. Rainer Tetzlaff for their critical comments and kindly encouragement that made it possible for me to complete this PhD project. Particularly, Prof. Jakobeit’s invaluable assistance whenever I needed and his academic follow-up enabled me to carry out the work successfully. I therefore ask Prof. Dr. Cord Jakobeit to accept my sincere thanks. I am also grateful to Prof. Dr. Klaus Mummenhoff and the association, Verein zur Förderung äthiopischer Schüler und Studenten e. V., Osnabruck , for the enthusiastic morale and financial support offered to me in my stay in Hamburg as well as during routine travels between Addis and Hamburg. I also owe much to Dr. Wolbert Smidt for his friendly and academic guidance throughout the research and writing of this dissertation. Special thanks are reserved to the Department of Social Sciences at the University of Hamburg and the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) that provided me comfortable environment during my research work in Hamburg. -
East and Central Africa 19
Most countries have based their long-term planning (‘vision’) documents on harnessing science, technology and innovation to development. Kevin Urama, Mammo Muchie and Remy Twingiyimana A schoolboy studies at home using a book illuminated by a single electric LED lightbulb in July 2015. Customers pay for the solar panel that powers their LED lighting through regular instalments to M-Kopa, a Nairobi-based provider of solar-lighting systems. Payment is made using a mobile-phone money-transfer service. Photo: © Waldo Swiegers/Bloomberg via Getty Images 498 East and Central Africa 19 . East and Central Africa Burundi, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Comoros, Congo (Republic of), Djibouti, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Gabon, Kenya, Rwanda, Somalia, South Sudan, Uganda Kevin Urama, Mammo Muchie and Remy Twiringiyimana Chapter 19 INTRODUCTION which invest in these technologies to take a growing share of the global oil market. This highlights the need for oil-producing Mixed economic fortunes African countries to invest in science and technology (S&T) to Most of the 16 East and Central African countries covered maintain their own competitiveness in the global market. in the present chapter are classified by the World Bank as being low-income economies. The exceptions are Half the region is ‘fragile and conflict-affected’ Cameroon, the Republic of Congo, Djibouti and the newest Other development challenges for the region include civil strife, member, South Sudan, which joined its three neighbours religious militancy and the persistence of killer diseases such in the lower middle-income category after being promoted as malaria and HIV, which sorely tax national health systems from low-income status in 2014. -
Report on Historical Climate Baseline Statistics for Somaliland, Puntland
Report on Historical Climate Baseline Statistics for Somaliland, Puntland, Vol 4 Galmudug and Hirshabelle ACKNOWLEDGMENT The report was prepared with substantial inputs and feedback from Somalia Meteorological Service, IGAD Climate Prediction and Application Center with support from the African Development Bank. Analysis of climate change data and drafting of the report was made possible with inputs from Linda A. Ogallo and Abdirashid Jama. Historical Climate Baseline Statistics for Somaliland, Puntland, Galmudug and Hirshabelle 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES ........................................................................................................................................................ iii LIST OF TABLES .......................................................................................................................................................... vi 1. INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................................................... 7 2. THE STUDY SITE .................................................................................................................................................. 9 2.1 DATA ................................................................................................................................................................ 9 3. BASELINE STATISTICS .................................................................................................................................... -
DJIBOUTI: Implementing the 10- Point Plan of Action
DJIBOUTI: Implementing the 10- Point Plan of Action Djibouti has always been a favoured destination for migrants and refugees from countries in the region, notably Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Somalia. The migrant population is estimated to represent 20 per cent of the total population of the country. The Djiboutian population shares strong ethnic links (Somali, Afar) with Somaliland, Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Yemen, which explains the migratory movements between these countries. Djibouti has been described as an oasis of peace in a stormy desert, in a sub region rife with insecurity: the ongoing threat of a border war between Eritrean and Ethiopia, the continuing battle between supporters of the Government in Somalia and the supporters of the opposition Islamists, and the recent turmoil in Kenya. The economic and political stability in the country has attracted thousands of impoverished people in search of better economic prospects. The situation took a new twist over the past two to three years with the increased use of Djibouti as a transit country by smugglers and traffickers en route to the Arab Gulf States and to Europe. The country’s proximity to more prosperous countries in the Arab Gulf and the hope to continue their journey to more developed western countries has therefore equally worked as a pull factor for migrants. During the first months of 2008, a large number of migrants and refugees chose the route by boat to Yemen via Djibouti as an alternative to exposure to reckless smugglers in Bossaso, Somalia. Since January 2008, 2,213 new arrivals from South/Central Somalia have been registered by UNHCR, the peak being in February with 1,100 persons (Jan: 251; Mar: 862). -
In (Hc Abscncc of Any Other Rcqucst to Speak. the Prc\Idcnt ;\Djourncd The
Part II 25s _-. .-_--.--.-_---. __. -. In (hc abscncc of any other rcqucst to speak. the At ths came meeting. the rcprcsentativc of F-rancc Prc\idcnt ;\djourncd the deb;ltc. sn)ing th<it the Security rcvicucd the background of the matter and stntrd that ( (1unc11 would rcm;rin scilcd of the quc\~~on 50 that II In IIcccmbcr 1974, the l,rcnch Government had organ- mlpht rc\umc con~ldcrntion of it :it any appropriate ~/cd a conhuttation of thz Comorian population which llrne.“‘-“‘ rcsultcd in a large majority in Favour of indcpendencc. Howcvcr. two thirds of the votes in the island of klayotte were negative. The French parliament adopted Decision of 6 I:ebruary 1976 ( IHHXth meeting): rcJcc- on 30 June I975 a law providing for the drafting of a lion of c-Power draft resolution constitution prcscrving the political and administrative In a telegram’Oz’ dated 28 January 1976, the Head of rdentit) of the islands. Although only the French State of the Comoros informed the President of the parliament could decide to transfer sovereignty, the Security Council that the French Govcrnmcnt intended Chamber of Deputies of the Comoros proclaimed the TV, organilr a referendum in the island of Mayotte on 8 independence of the island> on 5 July 1975. I’sbruary 1976. tie pointed out that Muyottc was an On 31 Dcccmbcr. the French Government recognired lntcgral part of Comorian territory under French laws the indcpcndcnce of the islands of Grandc-Comore, and that on I2 November 1975, the linitcd Nations had Anjouan. and Mohfli but provided for the pcoplc of admitted the C‘omorian State consisting of the four Mayottc to make a choice between the island remaining lhland:, of Anjouan, Mayottc. -
A New Deal for Somalia? : the Somali Compact and Its Implications for Peacebuilding
NEW YORK UNIVERSITY i CENTER ON INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION A New Deal for Somalia? : The Somali Compact and its Implications for Peacebuilding Sarah Hearn and Thomas Zimmerman July 2014 NEW YORK UNIVERSITY CENTER ON INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION The world faces old and new security challenges that are more complex than our multilateral and national institutions are currently capable of managing. International cooperation is ever more necessary in meeting these challenges. The NYU Center on International Cooperation (CIC) works to enhance international responses to conflict, insecurity, and scarcity through applied research and direct engagement with multilateral institutions and the wider policy community. CIC’s programs and research activities span the spectrum of conflict, insecurity, and scarcity issues. This allows us to see critical inter-connections and highlight the coherence often necessary for effective response. We have a particular concentration on the UN and multilateral responses to conflict. Table of Contents A New Deal for Somalia? : The Somali Compact and its Implications for Peacebuilding Sarah Hearn and Thomas Zimmerman Introduction 2 The Somali New Deal Compact 3 Process 3 Implementation to Date 5 Trade-offs 6 Process 6 Risks 7 Implementation 8 External Actors’ Perspectives on Trade-offs 9 Somali Actors’ Perspectives on Trade-offs 9 Conclusions 10 Endnotes 11 Acknowledgments 11 Introduction In balancing these trade-offs, we highlight the need for Somalis to articulate priorities (not just programs, but In this brief,1 we analyze the process that led to the also processes) to advance confidence building. Low “Somali New Deal Compact,” the framework’s potential trust among Somalis, and between Somalis and donors, effectiveness as a peacebuilding tool, and potential ways will stymie cooperation on any reform agenda, because to strengthen it. -
Somalia and Somaliland: the Two Edged Sword of International Intervention Kenning, David
www.ssoar.info Somalia and Somaliland: the two edged sword of international intervention Kenning, David Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Kenning, D. (2011). Somalia and Somaliland: the two edged sword of international intervention. Federal Governance, 8(2), 63-70. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-342769 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Basic Digital Peer Publishing-Lizenz This document is made available under a Basic Digital Peer zur Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den DiPP-Lizenzen Publishing Licence. For more Information see: finden Sie hier: http://www.dipp.nrw.de/lizenzen/dppl/service/dppl/ http://www.dipp.nrw.de/lizenzen/dppl/service/dppl/ Special Issue on Federalism and Conflict Management edited by Neophytos Loizides, Iosif Kovras and Kathleen Ireton. SOMALIA AND SOMALILAND: THE TWO EDGED SWORD OF INTERNATIONAL INTERVENTION by David Kenning* * Queen’s University Belfast, Ireland Email: [email protected] Abstract: Since the collapse of the state in Somalia in 1991 the country has been the recipient of numerous international interventions and operations but has not as yet reached a sustainable peaceful settlement, despite at one point costing the UN almost two billion dollars a year in its operations. In contrast Somaliland, the area that seceded in the north, despite not being recognised by international governments and having been on the brink of several civil wars, has reached a level of political reconciliation and economic growth that compares favourably to the rest of Somalia. This article argues that the international actors’ misinterpretation of Somali social and political organisation during intervention, Somaliland’s ability to engage in a form of democracy that is based on traditional politics and the different experience the area had during colonialism has meant that its society has reached an unlikely level of peace and reconciliation. -
Somaliland – a Walk on Thin Ice 1
7|2011 KAS INTERNATIONAL REPORTS 79 SOMALILAND – A WALK ON THIN ICE 1 Harriet Gorka “Northerners can in no way claim that the 1960 merger with the South was a shotgun wedding – by all accounts unification was wildly popular. Northerners could argue, however, that they asked for an annulment of the union prior to the honeymoon and that their request was unjustly denied.”2 This statement by a legal scholar reflects the prevailing balancing act of the conflict in Somaliland, which some might say started with the voluntary unification of Harriet Gorka worked Somaliland and the Italian Trust Territory of Somalia. Yet from February to April 2011 at the Konrad- the conflict goes deeper and is more far reaching than Adenauer-Stiftung in “just” the desire to secede from the Somali state. It is Windhoek, Namibia. an ongoing debate whether the right to self-determination should prevail over the notions of territorial integrity and sovereignty. May 2011 marked the 20-year anniversary of Somaliland’s proclamation of independence. However, its status has not officially been recognised by any state, even though it has a working constitutional government, an army, a national flag and its own currency, which should make Somaliland a stand out example for other entities seeking independence. The territory also sets itself apart from the rest of Somalia because it is stable and peaceful, which has been achieved by integrating clan culture into its government. The accom- plishments of the past two decades are impressive, despite 1 | The opinion expressed by the author is not in all points similar to the opinion of the editors. -
An Ecological Assessment of the Coastal Plains of North Western Somalia (Somaliland)
IUCN Eastern Africa Programme Somali Natural Resources Management Programme An Ecological Assessment of the Coastal Plains of North Western Somalia (Somaliland) Malte Sommerlatte and Abdi Umar May 2000 IUCN Eastern Africa Programme Somali Natural Resources Management Programme An Ecological Assessment of the Coastal Plains of North Western Somalia (Somaliland) By: Malte Sommerlatte and Abdi Umar IUCN CONSULTANTS May 2000 Table of Contents SUMMARY....................................................................................................................................... i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................................................................................................ iii 1. INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................................... 1 1.1 OBJECTIVES OF ASSESSMENT ............................................................................................. 1 1.2 A REVIEW OF PREVIOUS STUDIES ...................................................................................... 1 1.3 SOCIAL STRUCTURES OF THE SOMALILAND COASTAL PLAINS PASTORALISTS ............... 3 1.4 LOCAL REGULATIONS CONTROLLING LAND USE AND NATURAL RESOURCES .............. 4 1.5 THE PRESENT POLITICAL SITUATION IN SOMALILAND..................................................... 6 2. SURVEY METHODS.................................................................................................................... 7 2.1. VEGETATION TRANSECTS.................................................................................................. -
The Bush Revolution: the Remaking of America's Foreign Policy
The Bush Revolution: The Remaking of America’s Foreign Policy Ivo H. Daalder and James M. Lindsay The Brookings Institution April 2003 George W. Bush campaigned for the presidency on the promise of a “humble” foreign policy that would avoid his predecessor’s mistake in “overcommitting our military around the world.”1 During his first seven months as president he focused his attention primarily on domestic affairs. That all changed over the succeeding twenty months. The United States waged wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. U.S. troops went to Georgia, the Philippines, and Yemen to help those governments defeat terrorist groups operating on their soil. Rather than cheering American humility, people and governments around the world denounced American arrogance. Critics complained that the motto of the United States had become oderint dum metuant—Let them hate as long as they fear. September 11 explains why foreign policy became the consuming passion of Bush’s presidency. Once commercial jetliners plowed into the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, it is unimaginable that foreign policy wouldn’t have become the overriding priority of any American president. Still, the terrorist attacks by themselves don’t explain why Bush chose to respond as he did. Few Americans and even fewer foreigners thought in the fall of 2001 that attacks organized by Islamic extremists seeking to restore the caliphate would culminate in a war to overthrow the secular tyrant Saddam Hussein in Iraq. Yet the path from the smoking ruins in New York City and Northern Virginia to the battle of Baghdad was not the case of a White House cynically manipulating a historic catastrophe to carry out a pre-planned agenda. -
Clanship, Conflict and Refugees: an Introduction to Somalis in the Horn of Africa
CLANSHIP, CONFLICT AND REFUGEES: AN INTRODUCTION TO SOMALIS IN THE HORN OF AFRICA Guido Ambroso TABLE OF CONTENTS PART I: THE CLAN SYSTEM p. 2 The People, Language and Religion p. 2 The Economic and Socials Systems p. 3 The Dir p. 5 The Darod p. 8 The Hawiye p. 10 Non-Pastoral Clans p. 11 PART II: A HISTORICAL SUMMARY FROM COLONIALISM TO DISINTEGRATION p. 14 The Colonial Scramble for the Horn of Africa and the Darwish Reaction (1880-1935) p. 14 The Boundaries Question p. 16 From the Italian East Africa Empire to Independence (1936-60) p. 18 Democracy and Dictatorship (1960-77) p. 20 The Ogaden War and the Decline of Siyad Barre’s Regime (1977-87) p. 22 Civil War and the Disintegration of Somalia (1988-91) p. 24 From Hope to Despair (1992-99) p. 27 Conflict and Progress in Somaliland (1991-99) p. 31 Eastern Ethiopia from Menelik’s Conquest to Ethnic Federalism (1887-1995) p. 35 The Impact of the Arta Conference and of September the 11th p. 37 PART III: REFUGEES AND RETURNEES IN EASTERN ETHIOPIA AND SOMALILAND p. 42 Refugee Influxes and Camps p. 41 Patterns of Repatriation (1991-99) p. 46 Patterns of Reintegration in the Waqoyi Galbeed and Awdal Regions of Somaliland p. 52 Bibliography p. 62 ANNEXES: CLAN GENEALOGICAL CHARTS Samaal (General/Overview) A. 1 Dir A. 2 Issa A. 2.1 Gadabursi A. 2.2 Isaq A. 2.3 Habar Awal / Isaq A.2.3.1 Garhajis / Isaq A. 2.3.2 Darod (General/ Simplified) A. 3 Ogaden and Marrahan Darod A. -
Puntland and Somaliland: the Land Legal Framework
Shelter Branch Land and Tenure Section Florian Bruyas Somaliland Puntland State of Somalia The Land Legal Framework Situation Analysis United Nations Human Settlement Programme November 2006 Map of Somalia 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements Scope and methodology of the study Chapter 1: Introduction Somalia, Somaliland and Puntland 1.1 Background 1.2 Recent history of Somalia 1.3 Clans 1.4 Somaliland 1.5 Puntland 1.6 Land through History 1.6.1 Under colonial rules 1.6.2 After independence Chapter 2: Identification of needs and problems related to land 2.1 Land conflict 2.2 IDPs and refugees 2.2.1 Land tenure option for IDPs 2.3 Limited capacity 2.3.1 Human resources 2.3.2 Capital city syndrome Chapter 3: The current framework for land administration 3.1 Existing land administration 3.1.1 In Somaliland 3.1.2 In Puntland 3.2 Existing judicial system 3.2.1 In Somaliland 3.2.2 In Puntland 3.3 Land and Tenure 3.2.1 Access to land in both regions 3 Chapter 4: A new legal framework for land administration 4.1 In Somaliland 4.1.1 Laws 4.1.2 Organizations 4.2 In Puntland 4.2.1 Law 4.2.2 Organizations 4.3 Land conflict resolution Chapter 5: Analysis of the registration system in both regions 5.2 Degree of security 5.3 Degree of sophistication 5.4 Cost of registering transactions 5.5 Time required for registering transactions 5.6 Access to the system Chapter 6: Minimum requirements for implementing land administration in other parts of the country Chapter 7: Gender perspective Chapter 8: Land and HIV/AIDS References Annexes --------------------------------------- 4 Acknowledgement I appreciate the assistance of Sandrine Iochem and Tom Osanjo who edited the final draft.