Kenya: Democracy and Political Participation
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Twelfth Parliament Second Session Morning Sitting (No.14) (74)
Twelfth Parliament Second Session Morning Sitting (No.14) (74) REPUBLIC OF KENYA TWELFTH PARLIAMENT – SECOND SESSION THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY VOTES AND PROCEEDINGS WEDNESDAY, MARCH 14, 2018 1. The House assembled at thirty minutes past nine O’clock 2. The Proceedings were opened with Prayer 3. Presiding – the Fourth Chairperson 4. PAPERS LAID The following Papers were laid on the Table – a) The Sacco Societies Deposit Levy (Amendment) Order, 2018 and the Explanatory Memorandum (pursuant to section 15 of the Sacco Societies Act); b) The Political Parties (Registration) Regulations, 2017 and the Explanatory Memorandum (pursuant to section 49 of the Political Parties Act, 2011); c) The Political Parties (Funding) Regulations), 2017 and the Explanatory Memorandum (pursuant to section 49 of the Political Parties Act, 2011); d) The Political Parties (Political Parties Liaison Committee) Regulations, 2017 and the Explanatory Memorandum (pursuant to section 49 of the Political Parties Act, 2011); e) The Reports of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements in respect of the following Constituencies for the year ended 30th June, 2016 and the certificates therein: - (i) Nyaribari Masaba Constituency; (ii) Wajir South Constituency; (iii) Awendo Constituency; (iv) Nyaribari Chache Constituency; (v) Tarbaj Constituency; (vi) Wajir East Constituency; (vii) Nyatike Constituency; (viii) Muhoroni Constituency; (ix) Bobasi Constituency; (No.14) WEDNESDAY, MARCH 14, 2018 (75) (x) Suna East Constituency; (xi) Kuria East Constituency; (xii) Bonchari Constituency; (xiii) Kabondo Kasipul Constituency; (xiv) Bomachoge Chache Constituency; (xv) Rangwe Constituency; (xvi) Kitutu Chache South Constituency; and (xvii) Kisumu East Constituency. (The Leader of the Minority Party) f) The Report of the Committee on Transport, Public Works and Housing on the consideration of the Nairobi Metropolitan Area Transport Authority Bill, 2017. -
Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Elischer, Sebastian Working Paper Ethnic Coalitions of Convenience and Commitment: Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya GIGA Working Papers, No. 68 Provided in Cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Suggested Citation: Elischer, Sebastian (2008) : Ethnic Coalitions of Convenience and Commitment: Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya, GIGA Working Papers, No. 68, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/47826 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort -
Kenya in Crisis
KENYA IN CRISIS Africa Report N°137 – 21 February 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. THE ELECTION CRISIS ............................................................................................. 2 A. A TIGHT AND TENSE RACE ...................................................................................................2 1. Coalition building ......................................................................................................3 2. The issues...................................................................................................................4 B. THE RIGGING OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION ....................................................................6 III. THE SECURITY CRISIS.............................................................................................. 9 A. PROTEST AND REPRESSION....................................................................................................9 B. ESCALATION IN THE RIFT VALLEY ......................................................................................10 1. The rise of Kalenjin warriors in the North Rift .......................................................11 2. The return of Mungiki..............................................................................................13 3. Coast Province: the next theatre of violence?..........................................................15 -
Memo to Kenya's Youth: Protect Your Motherland Or Perish,Doing
Memo to Kenya’s Youth: Protect Your Motherland or Perish By Willy Mutunga Kenya’s mixed election history Sometimes it is said, with some validity, that the only peaceful, non-violent, free, fair, credible, verifiable, and acceptable elections took place during the “sunset” years of British colonialism in Kenya (1957-1963). During these six years we elected our African representatives to the now multi-racial Legislative Council (LEGCO). It is during this period that decolonization talks took place in Kenya and later at Lancaster House, London. In 1961 Jomo Kenyatta was released from his detention at Maralal in the Samburu County. He soon joined his fellow Africans in the LEGCO, participated in the independence talks at Lancaster, London, as the leader of Kenya African National Union (KANU). His party KANU won the 1963 Elections, forming the internal self- government (Madaraka) from 01 June 1963. He became our first Prime minister on 12 December 1963 and the first President of our Republic on 12 December 1964. Although it was widely accepted that the colonial government and the British settlers would have loved a government of Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU) and the liberal British settlers, KANU was the more popular party. Rigging an election against KANU was out of the question. Gone were the days the colonial government would select their colonial chiefs from the outcomes of rigged queue voting (if for some reason they thought this voting was necessary). The post-colonial times are peppered with stories of the rigging of elections, particularly during the few years the Kenya People’s Union (KPU) existed before it was banned and its leaders detained in 1969. -
Report of the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission
REPORT OF THE TRUTH, JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION The Government should immediately carry out counselling services, especially to those who lost their entire families to avoid mental breakdown. It is not too late to counsel the victims because they have not undergone any counselling at all. The community also seeks an apology from the Government, the reason being that the Government was supposed to protect its citizens yet it allowed its security forces to violently attack them and, therefore, perpetrated gross violation of their rights. Anybody who has been My recommendation to this Government is that it should involved in the killing address the question of equality in this country. We do of Kenyans, no matter not want to feel as if we do not belong to this country. We what position he holds, demand to be treated the same just like any other Kenyan in should not be given any any part of this country. We demand for equal treatment. responsibility. Volume IV KENYA REPORT OF THE TRUTH, JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION Volume IV © Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission, 2013 This publication is available as a pdf on the website of the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission (and upon its dissolution, on the website of its successor in law). It may be copied and distributed, in its entirety, as long as it is attributed to the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission and used for noncommercial educational or public policy purposes. Photographs may not be used separately from the publication. Published by Truth Justice and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC), Kenya ISBN: 978-9966-1730-3-4 Design & Layout by Noel Creative Media Limited, Nairobi, Kenya His Excellency President of the Republic of Kenya Nairobi 3 May 2013 LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL By Gazette Notice No. -
Education in 11Th and 12Th Parliaments: Assessing Kenya’S Parliamentary 10-Year Legacy on the Actualization of the Right to Education
EDUCATION IN 11TH AND 12TH PARLIAMENTS: ASSESSING KENYA’S PARLIAMENTARY 10-YEAR LEGACY ON THE ACTUALIZATION OF THE RIGHT TO EDUCATION RESEARCH DONE BY MZALENDO TRUST FOR THE RELI EAST AFRICA PARTNERS WITH THE SUPPORT FROM THE REGIONAL LEARNING INITIATIVE (RELI AFRICA) Table of Contents LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ........................................................................................................................ 4 CHAPTER ONE ............................................................................................................................................. 6 BACKGROUND INFORMATION ........................................................................................................................... 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ....................................................................................................................................... 6 SCOPE OF STUDY ............................................................................................................................................... 6 METHODOLOGY .................................................................................................................................................. 6 PURPOSE OF STUDY ........................................................................................................................................... 7 CHAPTER TWO ............................................................................................................................................ 7 SENATE LEGACY ON EDUCATION ......................................................................................................... -
Kenya Election History 1963-2013
KENYA ELECTION HISTORY 1963-2013 1963 Kenya Election History 1963 1963: THE PRE-INDEPENDENCE ELECTIONS These were the last elections in pre-independent Kenya and the key players were two political parties, KANU and KADU. KADU drew its support from smaller, less urbanized communities hence advocated majimboism (regionalism) as a means of protecting them. KANU had been forced to accept KADU’s proposal to incorporate a majimbo system of government after being pressured by the British government. Though KANU agreed to majimbo, it vowed to undo it after gaining political power. The majimbo constitution that was introduced in 1962 provided for a two-chamber national legislature consisting of an upper (Senate) and lower (House of Representative). The Campaign KADU allied with the African People’s Party (APP) in the campaign. KANU and APP agreed not to field candidates in seats where the other stood a better chance. The Voting Elections were marked by high voter turnout and were held in three phases. They were widely boycotted in the North Eastern Province. Violence was reported in various parts of the country; four were killed in Isiolo, teargas used in Nyanza and Nakuru, clashes between supporters in Machakos, Mombasa, Nairobi and Kitale. In the House of Representative KANU won 66 seats out of 112 and gained working majority from 4 independents and 3 from NPUA, KADU took 47 seats and APP won 8. In the Senate KANU won 19 out 38 seats while KADU won 16 seats, APP won 2 and NPUA only 1. REFERENCE: NATIONAL ELECTIONS DATA BOOK By Institute for Education in Democracy (published in 1997). -
The Kenyan British Colonial Experience
Peace and Conflict Studies Volume 25 Number 1 Decolonizing Through a Peace and Article 2 Conflict Studies Lens 5-2018 Modus Operandi of Oppressing the “Savages”: The Kenyan British Colonial Experience Peter Karari [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://nsuworks.nova.edu/pcs Part of the Peace and Conflict Studies Commons Recommended Citation Karari, Peter (2018) "Modus Operandi of Oppressing the “Savages”: The Kenyan British Colonial Experience," Peace and Conflict Studies: Vol. 25 : No. 1 , Article 2. DOI: 10.46743/1082-7307/2018.1436 Available at: https://nsuworks.nova.edu/pcs/vol25/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Peace & Conflict Studies at NSUWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Peace and Conflict Studies by an authorized editor of NSUWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Modus Operandi of Oppressing the “Savages”: The Kenyan British Colonial Experience Abstract Colonialism can be traced back to the dawn of the “age of discovery” that was pioneered by the Portuguese and the Spanish empires in the 15th century. It was not until the 1870s that “New Imperialism” characterized by the ideology of European expansionism envisioned acquiring new territories overseas. The Berlin Conference of 1884-1885 prepared the ground for the direct rule and occupation of Africa by European powers. In 1895, Kenya became part of the British East Africa Protectorate. From 1920, the British colonized Kenya until her independence in 1963. As in many other former British colonies around the world, most conspicuous and appalling was the modus operandi that was employed to colonize the targeted territories. -
Special Issue the Kenya Gazette
SPECIAL ISSUE THE KENYA GAZETTE Published by Authority of the Republic of Kenya (Registered as a Newspaper at the G.P.O.) Vol. CXV_No. 64 NAIROBI, 19th April, 2013 Price Sh. 60 GAZETTE NOTICE NO. 5381 THE ELECTIONS ACT (No. 24 of 2011) THE ELECTIONS (PARLIAMENTARY AND COUNTY ELECTIONS) PETITION RULES, 2013 ELECTION PETITIONS, 2013 IN EXERCISE of the powers conferred by section 75 of the Elections Act and Rule 6 of the Elections (Parliamentary and County Elections) Petition Rules, 2013, the Chief Justice of the Republic of Kenya directs that the election petitions whose details are given hereunder shall be heard in the election courts comprising of the judges and magistrates listed and sitting at the court stations indicated in the schedule below. SCHEDULE No. Election Petition Petitioner(s) Respondent(s) Electoral Area Election Court Court Station No. BUNGOMA SENATOR Bungoma High Musikari Nazi Kombo Moses Masika Wetangula Senator, Bungoma Justice Francis Bungoma Court Petition IEBC County Muthuku Gikonyo No. 3 of 2013 Madahana Mbayah MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT Bungoma High Moses Wanjala IEBC Member of Parliament, Justice Francis Bungoma Court Petition Lukoye Bernard Alfred Wekesa Webuye East Muthuku Gikonyo No. 2 of 2013 Sambu Constituency, Bungoma Joyce Wamalwa, County Returning Officer Bungoma High John Murumba Chikati I.E.B.C Member of Parliament, Justice Francis Bungoma Court Petition Returning Officer Tongaren Constituency, Muthuku Gikonyo No. 4 of 2013 Eseli Simiyu Bungoma County Bungoma High Philip Mukui Wasike James Lusweti Mukwe Member of Parliament, Justice Hellen A. Bungoma Court Petition IEBC Kabuchai Constituency, Omondi No. 5 of 2013 Silas Rotich Bungoma County Bungoma High Joash Wamangoli IEBC Member of Parliament, Justice Hellen A. -
Taming the Intractable Inter-Ethnic Conflict in the Ilemi Triangle
International Journal of Innovative Research and Knowledge Volume-3 Issue-7, July-2018 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF INNOVATIVE RESEARCH AND KNOWLEDGE ISSN-2213-1356 www.ijirk.com TAMING THE INTRACTABLE INTER-ETHNIC CONFLICT IN THE ILEMI TRIANGLE PETERLINUS OUMA ODOTE, PHD Abstract This article provides an overview of the historical trends of conflict in the Ilemi triangle, exploring the issues, the nature, context and dynamics of these conflicts. The author endeavours to deepen the understanding of the trends of conflict. A consideration on the discourse on the historical development is given attention. The article’s core is conflict between the five ethnic communities that straddle this disputed triangle namely: the Didinga and Toposa from South Sudan; the Nyangatom, who move around South Sudan and Ethiopia; the Dassenach, who have settled East of the Triangle in Ethiopia; and the Turkana in Kenya. The article delineates different factors that promote conflict in this triangle and how these have impacted on pastoralism as a way of livelihood for the five communities. Lastly, the article discusses the possible ways to deal with the intractable conflict in the Ilemi Triangle. Introduction Ilemi triangle is an arid hilly terrain bordering Kenya, South Sudan and Ethiopia, that has hit the headlines and catapulted onto the international centre stage for the wrong reasons in the recent past. Retrospectively, the three countries have been harshly criticized for failure to contain conflict among ethnic communities that straddle this contested area. Perhaps there is no better place that depicts the opinion that the strong do what they will and the weak suffer what they must than the Ilemi does. -
Gender Ranking Rapid Baseline Survey on the Status of Gender Equality in Kenyan Political Parties
GENDER RANKING RAPID BASELINE SURVEY ON THE STATUS OF GENDER EQUALITY IN KENYAN POLITICAL PARTIES (ZERO DRAFT) © APRIL 2014 1 | P a g e Table of Contents 1 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ....................................................................... 4 2 INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................................... 5 2.1 Objectives ....................................................................................................................... 6 2.2 Why Gender Ranking of Political Parties? .................................................................. 7 3 BACKGROUND ....................................................................................................................... 7 4 BARRIERS TO WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION ........................................................ 17 4.1 The Situation of Women in Politics ............................................................................. 17 4.2 Evaluations on the Internal and External Barriers to Women’s Political Participation ............................................................................................................................ 18 5 METHODOLGY ...................................................................................................................... 19 5.1 Survey Design ............................................................................................................... 19 5.2 Limitations of the Survey ............................................................................................ -
Who Owns the Land? Blood and Soil Issues in the Kenyan Rift Valley
WHO OWNS THE LAND? BLOOD AND SOIL ISSUES IN THE KENYAN RIFT VALLEY PART 1: The passion with which millions of citizens valued their presidential vote in the stolen 2007 presidential elections can be reflected in scenes of the bloody post-election clashes today that engulfed Rift Valley, Nyanza, Coast, Nairobi, Western and to a less extent in other parts of the country. Nakuru was the latest epicenter of inter ethnic murders. The violent reactions to rigged elections may reflect the pain of deep and historically rooted injustices some of which predate Kenya’s independence in 1963. They are in fact motivated and exacerbated by landlessness, joblessness, and poverty believed to be heavily contributed towards by the prevailing political status quo that has dominated Kenya since independence. This is a system that has continuously perpetrated, in successive fashion, socio- economic injustices that have been seamlessly transferred from one power regime to the next. The Land issue With a fast growing population in Kenya, limited resources including land and jobs, have severely been put in extreme pressure. Responsive political operatives cognizant of this reality have appreciated the importance of incorporating progressive policies that seek to aggressively address poverty, landlessness, unequal distribution of resources and unemployment, as a matter of priority (in their party manifestoes) if any social stability is to be maintained in Kenya. Without doubt, the opposition party ODM sold an attractive campaign package that sought to address historic land injustices, unemployment, inequitable resource sharing and poverty through a radical constitutional transformation, under the framework of the people-tailored Bomas Constitution Draft.