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Hionidou, V. (2016) Historical demography of Greek populations. In: Fauve-Chamoux, A., Bolovan, I. and Sogner, S. (eds.) A Global History of Historical Demography: Half a Century of Interdisciplinarity. Bern: Peter Lang, pp.291-300.
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Title: Historical demography of Greek populations
English abstract
Historical demography, as a discipline, is still at its very early stages in Greece. It has always been a matter of individuals, autonomous rather than integrated in dedicated research centres, who have worked in this field. Only rarely the work of such researchers has been focused exclusively on historical demography. The subfield most advanced in recent years has been that of family history where anthropologists and social historians have made significant contributions. Up to now, research has been overwhelmingly focused on Modern Greece, that is, the 1830s onwards. Only in a handful of cases research has been undertaken for earlier periods. Major questions in Greek historical demography remain unanswered.
French abstract
Biographica1 information
Violetta Hionidou is Senior Lecturer in Modern European History at Newcastle University,
UK. Her research interests are in nineteenth and twentieth century Greece, particularly in historical demography, history of the family, famines, migration and oral history. She is the author of Famine and Death in Occupied Greece, 1941–1944, published by Cambridge
University Press and co-winner of the 2007 Edmund Keely book award.
Contact information
Violetta Hionidou, Armstrong Building, School of Historical Studies, Newcastle University,
Newcastle upon Tyne, NE1 7RU, UK. Email: [email protected]
Historical demography in Greece starts with Vasilios G. Valaoras, a medic trained in Athens who worked in the USA, where he also acquired his expertise in demographic methods
(Valaoras 1936; 1937). Though he spent long periods in the USA, some of the time working in the Department of Biostatistics at Johns Hopkins University and some at the United
Nations Secretariat, he was based at Athens University where, as Director of the Centre of
Biometric and Demographic Research, he continued working on contemporary and historical demographic issues. His most cited historical demography publication is that in which he reconstructed the population history of Modern Greece, essentially from 1860 to 1960
(Valaoras 1960). The significance of the paper has been enormous for Greek historical demography: essentially all works, even today, fifty years after its publication, use and cite this paper when they refer to nineteenth and early twentieth century Greece. Despite the very serious problems with the available sources that Valaoras had to face, some of which are acknowledged in his article, and the generous assumptions he was obliged to make in his reconstruction, this remains the most widely used reconstruction of the demographic history of the population of the Modern Greek state (Hionidou 1997a; 2006a). V. Valaoras’ piece provides, even today, the starting point for any demographic piece of work.
Certainly in the 1950s and 1960s it was medical schools where demographic research was produced, some of which was also historical (Kaloglopoulou 1953; Valaoras et al. 1965). In the 1970s, while medics only occasionally were involved in historical demography, with
Valaoras remaining the most prolific, social scientists became the main representatives
(Chouliarakes 1973, 1975; Siampos 1973; Kolodny 1974; Serelea 1978). Among them,
George S. Siampos put his stamp on the historical demography scene of Greece. G. Siampos, as V. Valaoras, received his demographic training in the USA and was employed by the UN in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Both G. Siampos and V. Valaoras were involved in the
European Fertility Project and their findings were published in an article but were also incorporated in the project findings (Siampos and Valaoras 1969). They situated the start of the fertility decline in the late nineteenth century, putting Greece in line with the Western
European nations. Considering the dearth of any published sources during the period 1880 to
1906, it seems that in this case the assumptions made may have actually led to the ‘desired’ conclusions. I have argued elsewhere that the timing of the start of the fertility decline should be treated as an open question for Greece (Hionidou 1997a). In 1973, G. Siampos published a monograph where he also reconstructed the demographic history of Modern Greece, starting in 1821 and finishing in 1970.i The reconstruction covered essentially all demographic aspects of the population, including an excellent section on migration, one that is probably unmatched, even today, in that it provides an almost complete list of all destinations of
Greeks. Though G. Siampos’ reconstruction seems more extensive and complete in many ways than that of V. Valaoras, if anything because the work of the latter is a book whereas the work of the former is an article, it is the work of the latter which is almost always used and referred to (an exception to that being Kotzamanes and Androulake 2009). G. Siampos was employed by the National Statistical Service of Greece and later also held an academic post in the Athens University of Economics and Business. In 1983, he was involved in establishing the European Association for Population Studies.
Anthropological studies of Greek populations have been flourishing since Ernestine Friedl’s and John Campbell’s seminal works published in 1962 and 1964 respectively. Many followed their studies, some incorporating historical population statistics while others were exploring family structures and inheritance questions (Friedl 1963). Such studies appeared mostly in the
1970s, proliferated in the 1980s and declined in volume in the 1990s. Among them, seminal works are those by Margaret Kenna on Anafi, Jill Dubish on Tenos, Maria Couroucli on
Episkepsi, Corfu, and Margaret Stott on Mykonos (Kenna 1971; Dubish 1972; Couroucli
1981; Stott 1982). The extent and focus of the demographic element of these anthropological studies varied significantly from study to study but in the majority of the anthropological work carried out in the 1970s and 1980s, an element of population was included (see for example Beaubier 1976). More significantly, the study of the Greek family and household
(inevitably in combination with the study of dowry provision and inheritance customs) had clearly emerged as a strong element of many anthropological studies (Stott 1982; Couroucli
1985; Kenna 1990; Sant Cassia and Bada 1992). This enabled the synthesis of existing anthropological works that was attempted by P. Loizos and E. Papataxiarchis in the 1990s in an effort to present a full picture of historical residence patterns throughout Greece (1991).
The exploration by anthropologists of kinship, residence and inheritance customs among
Greek populations in the 1980s, along with the unearthing of census-like population listings constructed around households, made possible in the 1990s and beyond the usage of the
Hammel-Laslett classification typology (Couroucli 1985, 2008; Caftanzoglou 1994, 1997a,
1997b; Hionidou 1995a, 1999, 2011; Loukos 2004; Progoulakes 2003).
Research on family history in Greece to date has revealed a variety of practices: the dominance of nuclear households on the eighteenth century Ionian island of Kythera, coinciding with the constant existence of some multiple households and significantly more extended ones; a similar situation on the nineteenth century Ionian island of Corfu; the virtually complete lack of multiple households in the nineteenth century Cycladic populations of Mykonos and Hermoupolis, along with the good presence of extended households and the practice of neolocality. For mainland Greece, the only available evidence in quantitative terms comes from Caftanzoglou’s study of two populations at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century (1994, 1997a, 1997b). Caftanzoglou’s work, despite
referring to the most recent past, is that in which the existence of joint family households is also the strongest.
Family history has continued to attract the interest of anthropologists, historians, folklorists and historical demographers alike, all fields working in parallel and complementing each other, though not all working necessarily in an interdisciplinary mode (Alexakes 1975, 1980;
Kasdagli 1999; Just 2000; Hionidou 2012). This is the most vibrant field of historical demography today with good promise for the future. The reasons for that is the excellent availability of relevant sources, the existing background research that has been published by anthropologists, folklorists and historians and the apparent existence of a wide variation of practices (Sant Cassia and Bada 1992; Kalpourtze 2001). The focus of contemporary Greek society on the importance of the family and the latter’s long-term role in providing welfare support to the most ‘weak’ in society, namely children and the elderly, brings to the forefront the question as to how society and the family operated in the past (Reher 1998). Assumptions on the existence of unchanging patters over time need to be tested and in all probability, modified.
With the exception of the family history branch, historical demography has rather little to present in its other fields with very few dedicated practitioners. Two Ph.D theses have been produced, one in 1993 and one in 2001 (Hionidou; Gavalas). Both theses performed family reconstitutions on two Cycladic island populations, those of Mykonos and Paros, using civil registration records. Both of these studies were undertaken at UK universities and remain the only existing family reconstitutions to date. Though the former covered the whole island population, the latter covered only two communities on the island. It may be of interest to note that the second study essentially confirmed the findings of the first. These are the only studies offering calculated, rather than estimated, age specific fertility rates from the late
nineteenth century to the mid-twentieth century. These findings challenge the early dating of fertility decline as proposed by V. Valaoras and G. Siampos and situate its beginning squarely in the twentieth century. The relatively late start of the decline made possible the use of oral history on Mykonos, which coupled with the findings of family reconstitution, resulted in a challenging paper that brought to the attention of historical demographers, once again, the significance of ‘traditional’, non appliance methods in controlling fertility
(Hionidou 1998). The two Ph.D studies and subsequent work have significantly added to our knowledge of nuptiality, infant mortality and the migration of Cycladic populations but they are not able to fill the significant gaps in our knowledge on Greek historical demography
(Hionidou 1995a, 1995b, 1997b, 2002; Gavalas 2002, 2005, 2008a, 2008b; also see Bafounes
1983-84). Many more such studies need to take place before it can be said that we have knowledge of the basic facts of the historical demography of Modern Greece. It is encouraging that some further work is taking place, mostly by postgraduate students, where a variety of demographic sources are used (Dimitropoulou 2008; Garden and Bournova 2010).ii
Migration is the demographic variable that has been a continually significant parameter of the demographic system of any Greek population. Therefore, this demographic dimension has always attracted the interest of academics. Nevertheless, in most cases, such academics came from a variety of disciplines and only rarely were demographers and/or historical demographers engaged in such work. Sociologists, historians and anthropologists had been the prime investigators of Greek migrations. An exemplary such case is Theodore Saloutos who offered an innovative, for his time, study of the migrations from Greece to the USA and the return migration of that same group (1956, 1973). Much of the work done was focusing on contemporary phenomena (Dubisch 1977; Kenna 1993) with historical studies of migration becoming more of an interest only in recent decades, usually among social and
economic historians (Herlihy 1989; Minoglou Pepelasis 1997; Harlaftis 2002; Sifneos, 2005).
Only exceptionally has migration been integrated into a demographic study (Hionidou 1995b;
2002).
The most recent significant demographic event that has been studied intently is that of the
Greek famine of the early 1940s. At the time, a young V. Valaoras had conducted and presented a study of the famine of the Athenian population (1944). The findings were published soon after the end of World War II (Valaoras 1946). No other demographic study of the famine took place until I stumbled on the Mykonos records while researching for my
Ph.D. This resulted in a publication in 1995, which was followed by a monograph in 2006.
The extensive availability of demographic sources enabled the undertaking of a detailed demographic study of this famine, something that is not often possible for famines (Hionidou
1995c; 2006b; 2011). The re-discovery of the famine and the wide availability of sources that had remained untapped have attracted researchers and more significantly, postgraduate students who also have produced the most interesting outputs (Loukos 1998; Hatzemehael
2000; Kavala 2001; Bournova 2005; Tzavara 2007). Though most of those publications come under social history, usually they contain some demographic elements.
In addressing the question of the presence of historical demographers in academic institutions today and in the recent past, it can safely be said that at no point there were appointments of historical demographers. Those who hold academic positions and practiced historical demography in the past occupied positions in medical schools while those in recent decades occupy positions in demography or social and economic history. Historical demography occupies only part of the research interests and publications of such academics. The wide availability of databases in Europe and the USA has not inspired a similar trend in Greece. To the best of my knowledge, there are no accessible databases of Greek sources yet. Since historical demography in Greece is overwhelmingly focused on the nineteenth and twentieth
century, i.e. during the period of existence of the Modern Greek State, there are still issues of protection of personal data for most of the twentieth century data. Even if it remains difficult to have databases that include nominal data for the twentieth century, this should not be the case for the nineteenth century for which there is a wealth of sources, most of them unutilised.
The time reference of this article has been that of Modern Greece, that is the 1830s onwards.
What could be said in relation to earlier periods is simply disheartening. A very significant work using Byzantine records referring to fourteenth century Macedonia was published by A.
Laiou-Thomadakis (1977). Using Ottoman records, E. Balta and S. Petmezas have also published significant pieces of work on Greek populations (1989; 1996) while A. Kasdagli studied seventeenth century Naxos (1999). The very rich Venetian records have only rarely been used (Panayotopoulos 1987; Hionidou 2011). Again, as there are documents available for the pre-1830s period, these are patiently awaiting future generations of historical demographers to put them to good use.
To conclude, historical demography as a discipline is still in its infancy in Greece. While in the past the reason given for the lack of demographic research was the non-existence of historical Greek demographic sources, this has been squarely refuted by the publications of the last 20 years. The organisation of local archives and the increasing accessibility of the sources available mean that much more can be done on Greek populations than what has already been done.
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