Week 13 Translation

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Week 13 Translation Week 13: Translation Caesar, De Bello Gallico (DBG), Book 5.24, Lines 1-22; Book 5.25, Lines 1-13; Book 5.26, Lines 1-14; Book 5.27, Lines 1-26 Book 5.24 [1] Subductīs nāvibus, conciliōque Gallōrum Samarobrīvae With the boats having been beached and the council of the Gauls at Samarobriva perāctō, quod eō annō frūmentum in Galliā propter siccitātēs having been completed because in this year grain in Gaul because of a drought angustius prōvēnerat, coāctus est aliter āc superiōribus annīs had grown more limited, he was compelled differently from earlier years exercitum in hībernīs collocāre, legiōnēsque in plūrēs cīvitātēs to set up the army in winter quarters and divide the legions into more states [5] distribuere. Ex quibus ūnam in Morinōs dūcendam C. Fabiō From which [legions] Caesar gave one to the legate Gaius Fabius to be led into [the territory of] the Morini lēgātō dedit, alteram in Nerviōs Q. Cicerōnī, tertiam in another [he gave] to Quintus Cicero [to be led] into [the territory of] the Nervi, a third [he gave] [to be led] into Esubiōs L. Rōsciō; quārtam in Rēmīs cum T. Labiēnō [the territory of] the Esubii to Lucius Roscius; a fourth he ordered to winter in [the territory of] the Remi with Titus Labienus. in cōnfīniō Trēverōrum hiemāre iussit. Trēs in Belovacīs in the neighborhood of the Treveri. He set up three [legions] in [the territory of] the Bellovaci: collocāvit: eīs M. Crassum quaestōrem et L. he put the questor Marcus Crassus and the legates Lucius [10] Munātium Plancum et C. Trebōnium lēgātōs praefēcit. Munatius Plancus, and Gaius Trebonius in command of these men [eīs]. Ūnam legiōnem, quam proximē trāns Padum cōnscrīpserat, He sent one legion, which he had recently enlisted across the Po river, et cohortēs V in Ebūrōnēs, quōrum pars māxima est inter Mosam and five cohorts into the Eburones, of which the greatest part is between the Mosa āc Rhēnum, quī sub imperiō Ambiorīgis et Catuvolcī and Rhine rivers, which were under the command of Ambiorix and Catuvolcus. erant, mīsit. [15] Hīs mīlitibus Q. Titūrium Sabīnum et L. He ordered the legates Quintus Titurius Sabinus and Lucius Aurunculēium Cottam lēgātōs praeesse iussit. Ad hunc modum Aurunculeius Cotta to be in command of these soldiers. In this way, distribūtīs legiōnibus facillimē inopiae frūmentāriae sēsē medērī with the legions having been divided, he thought that he was able to easily remedy the lack of grain. posse exīstimāvit. Atque hārum tamen omnium legiōnum hīberna, And yet the winter quarters of all these legions praeter eam quam L. Rōsciō in pācātissimam et quiētissimam (except that one which he had given to Lucius Roscius to be led into the most peaceful and quiet [20] partem dūcendam dederat, mīlibus passuum centum continēbantur. area) were contained within one hundred miles [literally, 100 thousands of paces—1,000 “paces” or 1 Roman mile ≈ 1 modern-day mile]. Ipse intereā, quoad legiōnēs collocātās mūnītaque hīberna He, meanwhile, until he had learned that the legions were set up and the winter quarters fortified, cōgnōvisset, in Galliā morārī cōnstituit. decided to hang back in Gaul. Book 5.25 [1] Erat in Carnūtibus summō locō nātūs Tasgētius, cūius There was among the Carnutes Tasgetius, born of very high rank, whose māiōrēs in suā cīvitāte rēgnum obtinuerant. Huic Caesar prō ēius ancestors had held the sovereignty in his state. To this man Caesar on account of his virtūte atque in sē benevolentiā, quod in omnibus bellīs singulārī prowess and attachment toward him, had restored the position of his ancestors, because in all his wars. ēius operā fuerat ūsus, māiōrum locum restituerat. Tertium iam he had availed himself of his valuable services. Already after this third year, [5] hunc annum rēgnantem inimīcī palam multīs ex cīvitāte his enemies, with [there being] many instigators openly from the state, . auctōribus interfēcērunt. Dēfertur ea rēs ad Caesarem. killed him who was ruling [regnantem]. This event was related to Caesar. Ille veritus, quod ad plūrēs pertinēbat, nē cīvitās eōrum impulsū That man [Tasgetius] having feared, because it had an impact on many [or, less literally: “because several were involved in the act”], that the state at their instigation, dēficeret, L. Plancum cum legiōne ex Belgiō celeriter in might revolt, orders Lucius Plancus, with a legion, to proceed quickly from Belgium Carnūtēs proficīscī iubet ibīque hiemāre, quōrumque operā to the Carnutes, and winter there, and [he orders L. Plancus] to send to him [se = Caesar] [10] cōgnōverat Tasgētium interfectum, hōs comprehēnsōs ad sē those men having been arrested, by whose instrumentality/service he had learned that Tasgetius mittere. Interim ab omnibus lēgātīs quaestōribusque, quibus was killed. In the meantime, he was apprised by all the lieutenants and questors to whom legiōnēs trādiderat certior factus est in hīberna perventum he had assigned the legions, that they had arrived in winter-quarters [literally, “that it had been arrived”] locumque hībernīs esse mūnītum. and that the place for the quarters had been fortified. Book 5.26 [1] Diēbus circiter quindecim quibus in hīberna ventum est After about fifteen days, during which [days] they had come into winter-quarters [literally, “it had been arrived”], initium repentīnī tumultūs āc dēfectiōnis ortum est ab the beginning of a sudden insurrection and revolt arose from Ambiorīge et Catuvolcō; quī, cum ad fīnēs rēgnī suī Sabīnō Ambiorix and Cativolcus, who, although at the borders of their kingdom Cottaeque praestō fuissent frūmentumque in hīberna they had met Sabinus and Cotta and had conveyed corn into [our] winter-quarters, [5] comportāvissent, Indutiomārī Trēverī nūntiīs impulsī suōs stirred up by the messages of Indutiomarus of the Treviri concitāvērunt subitōque oppressīs līgnātōribus māgnā manū excited their people, and after having suddenly assailed the wood-gatherers [i.e., the soldiers engaged in procuring wood], ad castra oppūgnātum vēnērunt. came with a large body to attack the camp. Cum celeriter nostrī arma cēpissent vāllumque ascendissent When our men had speedily taken up arms and had ascended the rampart, atque ūnā ex parte Hispānīs equitibus ēmīssīs equestrī and with the Spanish cavalry having been sent out on one side, had been superior [or: “conquerors”] in cavalry [10] proeliō superiōrēs fuissent, dēspērātā rē hostēs suōs ab battle, the enemy, with this thing having been despaired of [i.e., after hope in the effort had been given up], oppūgnātiōne redūxērunt. Tum suō mōre conclāmāvērunt, drew off their troops from the assault. Then they shouted, according to their custom, utī aliquī ex nostrīs ad colloquium prōdīret: habēre sēsē, quae that some of our men should go forward to a conference, [alleging] that they had some things which dē rē commūnī dīcere vellent, quibus rēbus contrōversiās minuī they desired to say about the common interest, by which things they hoped their disputes posse spērārent. could be removed/lessened [minui]. Book 5.27 [1] Mittitur ad eōs colloquendī causā C. Arpinēius, eques Gaius Arpineius, a Roman knight, the intimate friend of Quintus Titurius, Rōmānus, familiāris Q. Titūrī, et Q. Iūnius ex and [with him] Quintus Junius, a certain man [quidam] from Hispāniā quīdam, quī iam ante mīssū Caesaris ad Ambiorigem Spain, who already on previous occasions, had been accustomed to go to Ambiorix, by Caesar's sending ventitāre cōnsuērat; apud quōs Ambiorix ad hunc modum is sent to them for the purpose of a conference [Mittitur…causā]; before them Ambiorix spoke to this effect: [5] locūtus est: sēsē prō Caesaris in sē beneficiīs plūrimum eī that he confessed, that on account of Caesar's kindness toward him, he owed very much to him, cōnfitērī dēbēre, quod ēius operā stīpendiō līberātus esset because by his aid he had been freed from a tribute quod Aduātucīs fīnitimīs suīs pendere cōnsuēsset, quodque eī which he had been accustomed to pay to the Aduatuci, his neighbors; and because et fīlius et frātris fīlius ab Caesare remīssī essent, quōs Aduātucī both [his own] son and the son of his brother had been sent back to him [ei], [those ones] whom, obsidum numerō mīssōs apud sē in servitūte et catēnīs tenuissent; having been sent in the number of hostages, the Aduatuci, had detained among them in slavery and in chains; [10] neque id quod fēcerit dē oppūgnātiōne castrōrum aut iūdiciō aut and that he [Ambiorix] had not done that which he had done concerning the attack of the camp either by [his own] judgment voluntāte suā fēcisse sed coāctū cīvitātis, suaque esse ēiusmodī or by his own will, but by the compulsion of the state, and his commands were of that nature imperia ut nōn minus habēret iūris in sē m9ultitude quam ipse in that the people had as much authority over him as he did over multitūdinem. Cīvitātī porrō hanc fuisse bellī causam, quod the people. To the state, moreover, the cause of the war was this—that [or: “because”] repentīnae Gallōrum coniūrātiōnī resistere nōn potuerit. he could not withstand the sudden conspiracy of Gauls. [15] Id sē facile ex humilitāte suā probāre posse, quod nōn adeō sit That he could prove this [id] easily from his own weakness, since he was not so little imperītus rērum ut suīs copiīs populum Rōmānum superārī posse versed in affairs [so as to presume] that with his forces he could conquer the Roman people. 9ommune9t. Sed esse Galliae 9commune cōnsilium: omnibus hībernīs But that it was the common resolution of Gaul: that this day was appointed Caesaris oppūgnandīs hunc esse dictum diem, nē qua legiō alterae for the storming of all Caesar’s winter quarters, in order that no legion should legiōnī subsidiō venīre posset. Nōn facile Gallōs Gallīs negāre be able to come to the relief of another legion. That the Gauls could not easily deny Gauls, [20] potuisse, praesertim cum dē recuperandā commūnī lībertāte especially when a measure seemed entered into for recovering their common freedom.
Recommended publications
  • 1 Gallo-Roman Relations Under the Early Empire by Ryan Walsh A
    Gallo-Roman Relations under the Early Empire By Ryan Walsh A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfillment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Master of Arts in Ancient Mediterranean Cultures Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, 2013 © Ryan Walsh 2013 1 Author's Declaration I hereby declare that I am the sole author of this thesis. This is a true copy of the thesis, including any required final revisions, as accepted by my examiners. I understand that my thesis may be made electronically available to the public. ii Abstract This paper examines the changing attitudes of Gallo-Romans from the time of Caesar's conquest in the 50s BCE to the start of Vespasian's reign in 70-71 CE and how Roman prejudice shaped those attitudes. I first examine the conflicted opinions of the Gauls in Caesar's time and how they eventually banded together against him but were defeated. Next, the activities of each Julio-Claudian emperor are examined to see how they impacted Gaul and what the Gallo-Roman response was. Throughout this period there is clear evidence of increased Romanisation amongst the Gauls and the prominence of the region is obvious in imperial policy. This changes with Nero's reign where Vindex's rebellion against the emperor highlights the prejudices still effecting Roman attitudes. This only becomes worse in the rebellion of Civilis the next year. After these revolts, the Gallo-Romans appear to retreat from imperial offices and stick to local affairs, likely as a direct response to Rome's rejection of them.
    [Show full text]
  • The Herodotos Project (OSU-Ugent): Studies in Ancient Ethnography
    Faculty of Literature and Philosophy Julie Boeten The Herodotos Project (OSU-UGent): Studies in Ancient Ethnography Barbarians in Strabo’s ‘Geography’ (Abii-Ionians) With a case-study: the Cappadocians Master thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master in Linguistics and Literature, Greek and Latin. 2015 Promotor: Prof. Dr. Mark Janse UGent Department of Greek Linguistics Co-Promotores: Prof. Brian Joseph Ohio State University Dr. Christopher Brown Ohio State University ACKNOWLEDGMENT In this acknowledgment I would like to thank everybody who has in some way been a part of this master thesis. First and foremost I want to thank my promotor Prof. Janse for giving me the opportunity to write my thesis in the context of the Herodotos Project, and for giving me suggestions and answering my questions. I am also grateful to Prof. Joseph and Dr. Brown, who have given Anke and me the chance to be a part of the Herodotos Project and who have consented into being our co- promotores. On a whole other level I wish to express my thanks to my parents, without whom I would not have been able to study at all. They have also supported me throughout the writing process and have read parts of the draft. Finally, I would also like to thank Kenneth, for being there for me and for correcting some passages of the thesis. Julie Boeten NEDERLANDSE SAMENVATTING Deze scriptie is geschreven in het kader van het Herodotos Project, een onderneming van de Ohio State University in samenwerking met UGent. De doelstelling van het project is het aanleggen van een databank met alle volkeren die gekend waren in de oudheid.
    [Show full text]
  • The Assassination of Julius Caesar 44 BC
    Realizado por Elena Martín Gordón (IES Doñana, ALMONTE) The Assassination of Julius Caesar 44 B.C. Julius Caesar was a great general and an important leader in ancient Rome. His conquest of Gaul extended the Roman world to the North Sea, and he also conducted the first Roman invasion of Britain. Caesar began a civil war in 49 BC, and after that he became the master of the Roman world. He was proclaimed "dictator for life”, and he had the absolute power over the empire. After assuming control of the government, he began important reforms of Roman society and government. The Romans even named a month after him, the month of July for Julius Caesar. Most people liked Julius Caesar because he told To solve : the people that he could solve Rome's problems. Certainly, the resolver Republic had problems: crime was everywhere, taxes were very Taxes: high, and the people were hungry. impuestos Why did Julius Caesar have enemies among the rich and powerful? Among : entre As Julius Caesar became more powerful, and more popular with the people, To worry : leaders in the Senate began to worry . They were afraid that Julius Caesar preocuparse wanted to govern Rome as a king. The Roman senators did not want to return to To be afraid : the time of kings. They were afraid to lose their power. tener miedo, temer Julius Caesar had many enemies in Rome. Because of Julius Caesar's military victories, he was very popular with the Romans. His soldiers were very loyal to Loyal : leal, fiel their leader.
    [Show full text]
  • Week 9: Rome & the Provinces
    MMM Week 9: Rome & The Provinces 1. Range of Roman rule Of this whole country that is subject to the Romans, some parts are indeed ruled by kings, but the Romans retain others themselves, calling them Provinces, and send to them praefects and collectors of tribute. But there are also some free cities, of which some came over to the Romans at the outset as friends, whereas others were set free by the Romans themselves as a mark of honour. There are also some potentates and phylarchs and priests subject to them. Now these live in accordance with certain ancestral laws. (Strabo, Geo. 17.3.24=LACTOR M29) 2a. Judaea census, AD 6 In those days Caesar Augustus issued a decree that a census should be taken of the entire Roman world. This was the first census that took place while Quirinius was governor of Syria. (Gospel of Luke 2.1-2) b. Response to census Now Cyrenius (Quirinius), a Roman senator, and one who had gone through other magistracies, and had passed through them till he had been consul, and one who, on other accounts, was of great dignity, came at this time into Syria, with a few others, being sent by Caesar to be a judge of that nation, and to take an account of their substance. … Moreover, Cyrenius came himself into Judea, which was now added to the province of Syria, to take an account of their substance, and to dispose of Archelaus's money; but the Jews, although at the beginning they took the report of a taxation heinously, yet did they leave off any further opposition to it, by the persuasion of Joazar, who was the son of Beethus, and high priest; so they, being over-persuaded by Joazar's words, gave an account of their estates, without any dispute about it.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rhine: Germany's River, Not Germany's Boundary
    Source: E.M. Arndt, Deutschlands Fluss, aber nicht Deutschlands Gränze, English trl. UvA Talen / SPIN. the French was as bad as it was foolish. One would have The Rhine: Germany’s river, not Germany’s thought that ten years, indeed twenty years, of blindness and misfortune might have sent a little light into their dark minds boundary and brought the errants back into line, especially since the French had long ago overturned their own proof, but far from it. There are still many who behave, indeed who exhaust Ernst Moritz Arndt themselves in deductions and proofs, as if the Rhine as the border between France and Germany is something indispu- table and settled. So effective is constant repetition, and so little are most Germans – who pride themselves on their ‘The Rhine is France’s natural boundary’ is what Sully proved profundity in thought and speech – accustomed to thinking. 1600 and 1610; ‘the Rhine is France’s natural boundary,’ The empty echoing of foreign opinions, especially the proclaimed Richelieu in 1625 and 1635; ‘the Rhine is France’s echoing of French hocus-pocus and sophistries, has sadly natural boundary,’ declared Count d’Avaux in the 1640s at become too much of a fashion on this side of the Rhine, in Münster, in the holy places where Hermann the Cheruscan had the country where thoroughness and depth of thought is once made a dufferent typeof declaration to the Romans; ‘the supposed to reside. Given this state of affairs, especially this Rhine is France’s natural boundary,’ resounded from 1670 to sad state of German minds and hearts, I consider it not super- 1700 in Louvois’ and Colbert’s speeches in Louis XIV’s council fluous to present our ancient, magnificent and holy River of state, and the court poets Boileau and Racine sang it in the Rhine, what it was, is and will be, to the good German antechamber; ‘the Rhine is France’s natural boundary’ cried the people, who are confused by too many political prattlers and monsters on the Seine from 1790 to 1800.
    [Show full text]
  • Histoire Des Collections Numismatiques Et Des Institutions Vouées À La Numismatique
    25 Histoire des collections numismatiques et des institutions vouÉes À la numismatique Igor Van den Vonder and Guido Creemers tHe COINs AND MEDALs COLLECTION oF tHe GALLO-ROMAN MUSEUM IN TONGEREN (BELGIUM) the coin and medal collection of the Gallo-roman museum in tongeren is the former coin and medal cabinet (Munt- en Penningkabinet) of the Province of limburg. it is an important collection, comprising over 30,000 coins and exonumia. the collection reflects the coins produced and in circulation in the region from antiquity to the 19th century and is unique because many were excavated locally. When the coin and medal cabinet was established in 1985, the province’s own collection consisted of the collections belonging to the royal limburg Historical and antiquarian society (Koninklijk Limburgs Geschied- en Oud- heidkundig Genootschap) and the barons Philippe de schaetzen and armand de schaetzen de schaetzenhoff. these form the core of the collection, to- gether with the collection of the former small seminary of sint-truiden, on loan from the diocese of Hasselt. With the acquisition of several private collections, the coin and medal cabinet achieved its target of 10,000 items. an active collecting policy was implemented and the collection soon doubled in size, largely thanks to gifts. Furthermore, Belgium’s royal court made over Prince charles’ personal collection to the coin and medal cabinet as a long-term loan. systematic efforts were also made to acquire the coin hoards found in the region. at the end of the last century the Province of limburg decided to fully integrate the coin and medal cabinet into the archaeological collection of the Gallo-roman museum.
    [Show full text]
  • The Manipulation of Fear in Julius Caesar's" Bellum Gallicum."
    THE MANIPULATION OF FEAR IN JULIUS CAESAR'S BELLUM GALLICUM by Kristin Slonsky Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at Dalhousie University Halifax, Nova Scotia August 2008 © Copyright by Kristin Slonsky, 2008 Library and Bibliotheque et 1*1 Archives Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-43525-0 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-43525-0 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non­ L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives and Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par Plntemet, prefer, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans loan, distribute and sell theses le monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, worldwide, for commercial or non­ sur support microforme, papier, electronique commercial purposes, in microform, et/ou autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. this thesis. Neither the thesis Ni la these ni des extraits substantiels de nor substantial extracts from it celle-ci ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement may be printed or otherwise reproduits sans son autorisation.
    [Show full text]
  • Oratio Recta and Oratio Obliqua in Caesar's De Bello
    VOICES OF THE ENEMY: ORATIO RECTA AND ORATIO OBLIQUA IN CAESAR’S DE BELLO GALLICO by RANDY FIELDS (Under the Direction of James C. Anderson, jr.) ABSTRACT According to his contemporaries and critics, Julius Caesar was an eminent orator. Despite the lack of any extant orations written by Caesar, however, one may gain insight into Caesar’s rhetorical ability in his highly literary commentaries, especially the De Bello Gallico. Throughout this work, Caesar employs oratio obliqua (and less frequently oratio recta) to animate his characters and give them “voices.” Moreover, the individuals to whom he most frequently assigns such vivid speeches are his opponents. By endowing his adversaries in his Commentarii with the power of speech (with exquisite rhetorical form, no less), Caesar develops consistent characterizations throughout the work. Consequently, the portrait of self-assured, unification-minded Gauls emerges. Serving as foils to Caesar’s own character, these Gauls sharpen the contrast between themselves and Caesar and therefore serve to elevate Caesar’s status in the minds of his reader. INDEX WORDS: Caesar, rhetoric, oratory, De Bello Gallico, historiography, propaganda, opponent, oratio obliqua, oratio recta VOICES OF THE ENEMY: ORATIO RECTA AND ORATIO OBLIQUA IN CAESAR’S DE BELLO GALLICO by RANDY FIELDS B.S., Vanderbilt University, 1992 A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of The University of Georgia in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree MASTER OF ARTS ATHENS, GEORGIA 2005 © 2005 Randy Fields All Rights Reserved VOICES OF THE ENEMY: ORATIO RECTA AND ORATIO OBLIQUA IN CAESAR’S DE BELLO GALLICO by RANDY FIELDS Major Professor: James C.
    [Show full text]
  • Writing and Conquest in Caesar's Gaul Author(S): Josiah Osgood Source: Classical Antiquity , Vol
    The Pen and the Sword: Writing and Conquest in Caesar's Gaul Author(s): Josiah Osgood Source: Classical Antiquity , Vol. 28, No. 2 (October 2009), pp. 328-358 Published by: University of California Press Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/ca.2009.28.2.328 JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms University of California Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Classical Antiquity This content downloaded from 128.95.104.109 on Thu, 14 Jan 2021 18:26:48 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms JOSIAH OSGOOD The Pen and the Sword: Writing and Conquest in Caesar’s Gaul Julius Caesar was remembered in later times for the unprecedented scale of his military activity. He was also remembered for writing copiously while on campaign. Focusing on the period of Rome’s war with Gaul (58–50 bce), this paper argues that the two activities were interrelated: writing helped to facilitate the Roman conquest of the Gallic peoples. It allowed Caesar to send messages within his own theater of operations, sometimes with distinctive advantages; it helped him stay in touch with Rome, from where he obtained ever more resources; and it helped him, in his Gallic War above all, to turn the story of his scattered campaigns into a coherent narrative of the subjection of a vast territory henceforward to be called “Gaul.” The place of epistolography in late Republican politics receives new analysis in the paper, with detailed discussion of the evidence of Cicero.
    [Show full text]
  • Treveri Liberi Antea by H
    TREVERI LIBERI ANTEA BY H.-J. VAN DAM In his Geography of Gaul Pliny calls the Treveri liberi antea (N.H. IV 106). Many historians, either or not using Pliny's description as a starting-point, have tried to fix the date of the Treveri's loss of privileges. The common interpretation is that the loss of libertas is in some way connected with the revolt of Florus and Sacrovir in A.D. 21. C. Jullian 1) seems to have been the first to explicitly state this view. He thought that "a la suite du cens de 14-16" tributes were imposed which are to be reckoned among the causes of the revolt. This thesis was developed by A. Grenier, who made use of an article by Tenney Frank 2) ; he combines, as Jullian had already done, the passage from Pliny with Suet. Tib. 49 : Plurimis etiam civitatibus et privatis veteres immunitates et ius metallorum ac vectigalia adempta (sc. a Tiberio), and with Tac. Ann. III 40, 4, where Florus and Sacrovir seditiously disserebant de continuatione tributoyum. Tiberius, he concludes, imposed a purportedly temporary tribute on the civitates liberae and foedeyatae (the passage from Suet.), at the be- ginning of his reign, in order to meet the demands of the German campaigns. This tribute, made necessary by the precarious financial situation, continued to be levied (continuatio tyibutoyum) after the campaigns had been stopped, which caused discontent; probably the old immunities were altogether rescinded after the rebellion of 21 3). G. W. Clarke, in a somewhat indecisive article, covers the 1) Histoire de la Gaule, IV (1913), 154-5.
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of the Roman Army (200 BC – AD 476)
    Impact of Empire 6 IMEM-6-deBlois_CS2.indd i 5-4-2007 8:35:52 Impact of Empire Editorial Board of the series Impact of Empire (= Management Team of the Network Impact of Empire) Lukas de Blois, Angelos Chaniotis Ségolène Demougin, Olivier Hekster, Gerda de Kleijn Luuk de Ligt, Elio Lo Cascio, Michael Peachin John Rich, and Christian Witschel Executive Secretariat of the Series and the Network Lukas de Blois, Olivier Hekster Gerda de Kleijn and John Rich Radboud University of Nijmegen, Erasmusplein 1, P.O. Box 9103, 6500 HD Nijmegen, The Netherlands E-mail addresses: [email protected] and [email protected] Academic Board of the International Network Impact of Empire geza alföldy – stéphane benoist – anthony birley christer bruun – john drinkwater – werner eck – peter funke andrea giardina – johannes hahn – fik meijer – onno van nijf marie-thérèse raepsaet-charlier – john richardson bert van der spek – richard talbert – willem zwalve VOLUME 6 IMEM-6-deBlois_CS2.indd ii 5-4-2007 8:35:52 The Impact of the Roman Army (200 BC – AD 476) Economic, Social, Political, Religious and Cultural Aspects Proceedings of the Sixth Workshop of the International Network Impact of Empire (Roman Empire, 200 B.C. – A.D. 476) Capri, March 29 – April 2, 2005 Edited by Lukas de Blois & Elio Lo Cascio With the Aid of Olivier Hekster & Gerda de Kleijn LEIDEN • BOSTON 2007 This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the CC-BY-NC 4.0 License, which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited.
    [Show full text]
  • The Letters of Cicero : the Whole Extant Correspondence in Chronological
    Ex Libris C. K. OGDEN BOffN'S CLASSICAL LIBRARY THE LETTERS OF CICERO VOL. Ill LONDON: G. BELL & SONS, LIMITED, PORTUGAL ST. LINCOLN'S INN, W.C. CAMBRIDGE: DEIGHTON, BELL& co. NEW YORK : THE MACMILLAN CO. BOMBAY : A. H. WHEELER & CO. THE LETTERS OF CICERO THE WHOLE EXTANT CORRESPONDENCE IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH BY EVELYN S. SHUCKBURGH, M.A. LATE FELLOW OF EMMANUEL COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE AUTHOR OF A TRANSLATION OF HOLYBIUS, A HISTORY OF ROME. ETC IN FOUR VOLUMES VOL. III. B.C. 48-44 (FEBRUARY) LONDON G. BELL AND SONS, LTD. 1915 AND CO. CHISWICK PRESS : CHARLES WHITTINGHAM TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE, LONDON. LETTERS IN VOLUME III VI LETTERS IN VOLUME III LETTERS IN VOLUME III Vll Vlll LETTERS IN VOLUME III Att. XIII. INTRODUCTION HPHE correspondence in this volume (January, B.C. 48- J- February, B.C. 44) opens with a letter to Atticus from Pompey's headquarters in Epirus. There are only nine letters during the fifteen or sixteen months Cicero at which intervene between Cicero's ' departure Pharsalia. One of these is from Cselius . August, B.C. 48. (p. 4), foreshadowing the disaster which soon afterwards befell that facile intelligence but ill-balanced character in- ; and one from Dolabella (p. 6), spired with a genuine wish in which Caesar shared that Cicero should withdraw in time from the chances and dangers of the war. Cicero's own letters deal mostly with the anxiety which he was feeling as to his property at home, which was at the mercy of the Csesarians, and, in case of Pompey's defeat, would doubtless be seized by the victorious party, except such of it as was capable of being concealed or held in trust by his friends.
    [Show full text]