TESTING A CONDITIONAL PROCESS MODEL FOR THE
DIFFUSION OF USE OF "NONPROFESSIONAL"
JOURNALISM
by
David Alma Harris
A dissertation submitted to the faculty of The University of Utah in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
Department of Communication
The University of Utah
December 2014 Copyright © David Alma Harris 2014
All Rights Reserved The University of Utah Graduate School
STATEMENT OF DISSERTATION APPROVAL
The dissertation of David Alma Harris _ has been approved by the following supervisory committee members:
Jakob D. Jensen , Chair 6/10/14 _
Date Approved Kevin Coe , Member 6/10/14 _
Date Approved Glen M. Feighery , Member 6/10/14 _
Date Approved Avery E. Holton , Member 6/10/14 _
Date Approved L. Paul Husselbee , Member 6/10/14 _
Date Approved and by Kent A. Ono , Chair of
the Department of Communication _ and by David B. Kieda, Dean of The Graduate School ABSTRACT
Using a survey of 167 professional journalists, this study examined the motivations to adopting what is defined in the study as “nonprofessional” journalism.
Previous research was used to provide for a definition of “nonprofessional” journalism as being related to professional journalism ethics. Diffusion of Innovations Theory provided a framework for determining the factors that may or may not be motivating the decision.
The sample used in the study was journalists who held a management-level title at a newspaper in the United Stated. The data were analyzed using conditional process analysis, which allowed for the development of a model that tested for moderated mediation over various paths of thinking involved in the decision. Results show that professional journalists are willing to publish content produced by nonprofessionals when there is either a social need or an economic need in doing so. Furthermore, they are not as concerned about professional journalism ethics where they perceive a social need, but they are when there is an economic need, under certain conditions. Dedicated to my wife. Without her patience and love
this great accomplishment could not have happened. TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT ...... iii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... vii
Chapters
I INTRODUCTION ...... 1
Rationale ...... 9
II REVIEW OF LITERATURE ...... 12
Nonprofessional Journalism ...... 12 Journalism Ethics ...... 30 Theoretical Perspective ...... 50 Hypotheses and Research Questions ...... 55
III METHOD ...... 58
Design ...... 58 Measure ...... 69 Analysis ...... 70
IV RESULTS ...... 77
Scale Construction and Correlation Matrix ...... 77 Conditional Process Modeling ...... 81
V DISCUSSION ...... 85
Limitations and Suggestions for Future Research ...... 94 Conclusion ...... 97
Appendices
A MEASURE OF JOURNALISTS’ ATTITUDES TOWARD NONPROFESSIONAL JOURNALISM ...... 99
B mPLUS CODE USED IN POWER ANALYSIS ...... 102
C NEWSPAPERS INCLUDED IN THE SURVEY ...... 105
REFERENCES ...... 176
vi ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Special thanks is given to Jakob Jensen, whose keen intellect in the ways of advanced statistical techniques provided for very informative and entertaining evenings over a long-distance Skype connection. Thanks also to the other members of my committee, Avery Holton, Glen Feighery, Kevin Coe, and Paul Husselbee. Without their direction and support, this project would not be what it is today.
Thanks also to my family: Shelly, Jaycee, Luke, Ashlee, and Jeffrey. It is a monumental task to complete this level of research. Without their support, it could not happen. I feel I can now step back out into the sunshine of the day, rub my eyes, and try to remember what it was like to enjoy life. Playing with the children is what life is all about. CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
The institution of journalism has overcome numerous threats over the past 2 centuries (Schudson, 1973). At the dawn of the 21st century, journalism is threatened once again, this time with concerns about declining readership, loss of advertising revenue, and increasing utilization and competition from nonprofessional journalists (Scott, 2005).
Of these concerns, it has been argued that the latter poses the greatest threat as nonprofessional journalists challenge professional journalism’s role as gatekeeper. “The venerable profession of journalism finds itself at a rare moment in history where, for the first time, its hegemony as gatekeeper of the news is threatened by not just new technology and competitors but, potentially, by the audience it serves” (Bowman &
Willis, 2003, p. 9). Thus, journalism is under the “normalizing gaze” (Foucault, 1995, p.
184) of the “professionals” who are seeking to fit the standards of a participatory system into the hierarchical structure of gatekeeping (Singer, 2008). This process of normalization has occurred with the internet in general. What once was free and open to all has now become a commercialized, megascale shopping mall and 24/7 commercial break, which has encompassed all forms of media before it (Margolis & Resnick, 2000).
Margolis and Resnick call it their “normalization thesis” where political pressure comes 2 from, not only what Lessig (2006) calls East Coast and West Coast Code, the laws that govern the internet from a policy point-of-view and from a programmer’s point-of-view, but also from commercial and political actors who wish to use the web to suit their will and pleasure. The normalization thesis emphasizes “the fact that cyberspace is taking on the characteristics of ordinary life” (p. 2), meaning that it is subject to the corruption, hegemony, and hierarchical structure found in the noncyber world. The normalization thesis is not without its detractors (Wright, 2012). However, it is beneficial to the study of journalism because it notes “that those who have been powerful in the past—the established organizations, the wealthy, and the privileged—are moving into cyberspace and taking their advantages with them” (p. 208).
Before the 20th century, journalism flourished as a means for every day citizens to
“get the word out” regarding events that happened in their local community. Indeed, it was difficult for news to spread more than a few miles because of the lack of electronic communication. News generally travelled in a word-of-mouth fashion with neighbors telling others what they saw. News was essentially a form of gossip. Journalists received no formal training in news production and distribution. McChesney (2003) states,
The notion that journalism should be politically neutral, nonpartisan, professional, even “objective,” did not emerge until the 20th century. During the first two or three generations of the republic such notions for the press would have been nonsensical, even unthinkable. The point of journalism was to persuade as well as inform, and the press tended to be highly partisan. The free press clause in the First Amendment to the constitution was seen as a means to protect dissident political viewpoints, as most newspapers were closely linked to political parties. It was understood that if the government could outlaw or circumscribe newspapers, it could effectively eliminate the ability of opposition parties or movements to mobilize popular support. It would kill democracy. (p. 300) 3
This changed in the early 20th century when the penny press and the first school of journalism, the Missouri School of Journalism, were introduced in the United States
(Muhlmann, 2008). This ushered in the idea of professional journalism (Winfield, 2008).
Journalists were taught in schools of journalism that journalism needed to be free from bias (Schudson, 2001). The precursor to the Society of Professional Journalists adopted a
Code of Ethics with stringent requirements (SPJ Code of Ethics, n.d.). The reporter could not insert his or her own opinion into stories. The stories also needed to be based on facts with no unverified statements used as sources. Finally, news stories should be fair and balanced. Reporters should tell all sides of the story without showing prejudice toward one side or another. The desirability of being free from bias and nonprejudiced toward one side or the other evolved into full-blown objectivity as the need for news outlets to reach the largest audience possible—thus increasing revenue—became more desirable with the advent of new mass distribution technologies. With widespread printing and distributing, together with radio and television broadcast technology, large corporations began to control the flow of news information throughout the 20th century. In order for stories to be heard, reporters needed to work for these large-scale news distribution outlets. However, potential journalists would not be hired unless they adhered to the standards of journalism described above. By the middle of the century, journalism had been standardized into a group of mega corporations that reported the bulk of national news to the American public.
Local journalism continued to thrive, however, through local newspapers that were published for readers in smaller cities and towns across the United States (Teel, 4
2006). In most cases, local newspapers would subscribe to a network feed in order to carry stories of national importance, but stories of local importance would be written by local reporters. The desire for professional journalists who adhered to journalistic standards trickled down to the local level. Indeed, if a story was to make it to print, it would need to have been written by a professionally trained journalist (Schudson, 2001).
As Glasser (1984) notes, however, the evolution into standards, notably objectivity, reduces the responsibility of the journalist to make informed, intelligent decisions and turns the journalist into a professional communicator, one who simply relays information from source to audience. Kovach and Rosenstiel (2007) call this the “discipline of verification” where the journalist’s main focus is on getting what happened correctly into a story through attribution to reliable sources. Glasser (1984) notes that this ensures the status quo because the elites are, more often than not, the reliable sources. He also notes that the concept of objectivity evolved from a motive driven by profit to one that is protected by court rulings that protect the journalist and the news outlet when stories are written in an objective form.
This notion that journalism is a profession with professional standards creeps into the relationship between professional journalists and digital, participatory technologies.
Singer (2003) found this to be especially true when journalists are dealing with political news. She called this a “normalization process” where “content may be evolving in new directions, [but] their concepts of their own role in providing that content are not” (p. 50).
When journalists write blogs, the normalization process continues (Singer, 2005).
Journalism has evolved in the United States, and many of these evolutions have 5 been technologically driven. The advent of mass broadcast technologies, such as radio and television, changed the way journalists cover and report news stories. In the last quarter century, the internet has further changed the way news is provided to consumers.
Widespread diffusion of the internet across the United States, and indeed the world, has allowed modern citizen journalists to practice the craft of journalism without
“professional” credentials. Average citizens, sitting at computers in dark basements, have crafted stories on political, economic, and “hard news” topics. Widespread diffusion of smart phones with high definition imaging technology has allowed untrained eyes to capture events around the world that news videographers can only dream of putting on tape. Technology may play an important role, but it is only half of the story.
Professional journalism is steeped in tradition. Professional journalists are taught fundamentally about bias, truthfulness in reporting, and telling the entire story. They are taught to never insert their own opinion. Contributors, on the other hand, may not only allow bias, they may even attempt to be persuasive (Piatt 2011). The contributing journalist is at the mercy of professional journalists. Professional journalists have fought for the last quarter century against the “onslaught” of citizen journalism. Yet, professional journalists have taken note of technological changes, and they have made attempts in the last few decades to monetize their journalistic “competitors.” Some have put systems in place to solicit and collect stories written by people outside of the traditional newsroom.
These systems started out simply as a place for users to submit photos, video, and information that would then be used in stories produced by professionals. They have 6 evolved into formal systems of organized citizen journalism where users can submit full stories and receive credit (and sometimes pay) for those stories ("About Deseret
Connect," n.d.).
In Salt Lake City, Utah, a news outlet that owns a television station, radio stations, and a newspaper launched a system of organized, participatory journalism called Deseret
Connect. “Although there are at least a couple hundred professional journalists using
Deseret Connect, most members aren't industry-trained reporters, writers and photographers. Some are CEOs, others are undergraduates; some are former and current professional athletes; a few are high-school-age prep reporters; some are New York
Times best-selling authors; and others find time to casually write between caring for their family” (Deseret Connect, n.d, para. 8). The use of the term “professional” in this statement highlights one of the factors influencing the decision to work with contributing journalists. “Professional” journalists seem to know who they are, and they identify with an ideal of what they term “journalism.” They are “industry-trained reporters.” However, as technology has changed, so has the need for professional journalists to work with, what is termed in the current study “nonprofessionals.” Deseret Connect groups professional athletes, book authors, and casual writers to be among this group. This distinction between professional and nonprofessional journalism needs further clarification, however. One purpose of this research is to do this.
With this need to work with these “nonprofessionals” comes decisions that must be made regarding journalism ethics. Deseret Connect felt this first hand recently. For 2 7 years, Richard Burwash, a Deseret Connect contributor, wrote more than a dozen news articles that were published in a number of the system’s distribution platforms including
The Deseret News, ksl.com, and The Oquirrh Times, a community weekly (Burwash,
2010a, 2010b). However, there was a problem with the articles Mr. Burwash wrote: they were actually written by Mike Winder, the mayor of West Valley City, a large suburb of
Salt Lake City. The revelation, provided by Winder himself, made international news
(Allen, 2011) and came at a time when Deseret Connect was trying to prove that professional and nonprofessional journalists could work side-by-side, providing trust and quality ("Contributors," n.d.).
Winder defended his actions. “Unapologetically revealing his real identity, Mr.
Winder said: ‘I thought about all the people just reading about crime in our city and nothing better. I'm trying to stand up for us because we do get the short end of the stick— negative stories’” (Allen, 2011). A short time after these events, a KSL-TV and Deseret
News reporter published what could easily be considered a response to Mr. Winder’s actions from a professional journalist’s perspective (Piatt, 2011). The journalist reprimanded Winder, stating that “as journalists, we work to write without bias and strive for balance and accuracy above all. This issue really is about trust, something media outlets—like KSL and the Deseret News—take very seriously and are accountable for” (para. 2–3). Piatt then questioned whether media outlets should be held accountable for the actions of a nonprofessional journalist whose work was being published by the very same outlet for which he worked. This is a second factor that warrants further discussion in this research: the relationship between professional journalism ethics, which 8 has been established over the course of the last 100 years, and other ethical systems, including participatory and communitarian ethics.
The use of traditional platforms, held in high regard by professional journalists, to publish what was regarded by professional journalists as unethical represents an example of the tensions between traditional journalists and their participatory counterparts. This tension has been actively pursued by journalism researchers (e.g., Lewis 2011, 2012;
Mitchelstein & Boczkowski, 2009; Plaisance 2003; Singer & Ashman, 2009). Although this tension exists, changes in technology and revenue generation have made it so traditional journalists find they must cooperate.
Advertising in online formats has proven to be a difficult way to increase revenue for many journalism outlets. Some journalism outlets have chosen to increase the amount of content distributed, while reducing costs, by utilizing crowdsourcing, the farming out of news content generation to freelance workers who may not have received any formal training in journalism. Although this idea has not caught on with all journalism outlets, many well-known news distributors have chosen this route. CNN, FoxNews, and NBC have all launched formal means of enlisting outside help for content generation (in the form of web sites where people can upload stories, photos, and video). The stories, stills, and video produced by people who have not been trained in professional journalism is, in many cases, published alongside professional stories and has the appearance of being produced by an in-house, professional journalist. But the idea of moving away from professionalization and into the realm of nonprofessional content generation may highlight issues. The third and final purpose of this research is to conduct a quantitative 9 study that examines the decision-making processes including mediating factors, such as economic and social motivations to adopt, and the moderating factors, such as ethical compatibility, and to what extent these factors affect the decision to publish stories created by nonprofessionals.
This study will use diffusion of innovation theory (Rogers, 2003) to inform and guide the development of a model that explicates the adoption of nonprofessional journalism content by professional journalists. Notably, the present study will identify the characteristics of an innovation that influence adoption. These are observability, relative advantage—which will be broken up into market characteristics and social particularities
—complexity, and compatibility, specifically ethical compatibility. The model created from these characteristics will then be tested using conditional process analysis (Hayes,
2013).
Rationale
Research in the past few years has called for study of the diffusion of use of participatory/citizen journalism and the reasons for the decision to adopt or not adopt
(e.g., publish or not publish) user generated content and in what way (e.g., Domingo et al., 2008; Lewis, Kaufhold, & Lasorsa, 2010).
This study centers on the motivations for adoption. Some of these motivations are taken from diffusion of innovation theory. However, some of the proposed motivations come from more specific concepts such as those of economic factors and social/ community factors, which would both fall under the blanket term “relative advantage” in 10 diffusion theory. In addition, diffusion theory calls for analyzing “compatibility.” This research breaks compatibility apart into a determination of whether ethical incompatibility or simply the fact that working with untrained writers/producers goes against the traditional way that journalists have performed their duties. Domingo and colleagues (2008) note that research in the area of citizen participation in the news production process should be ongoing: “In particular, further research should explore the motivations and context factors constraining or fostering openness at each production stage” (p. 340). The authors propose three areas that need special attention: professional context, meaning existing routines, newsroom organization, ethical guidelines, and media tradition; market context, meaning ownership, size of organization, and competitors’ strategies; and social context, meaning information society policies, public sphere history, and media laws. This study examines these three areas of attention and more.
In a review of 10 years of research, Mitchelson and Boczkowski (2009) propose that the newsroom dynamics introduced by Domingo et al. demonstrate a tension in the newsroom between tradition and change. Lewis, Kaufhold, and Lasorsa (2010) interviewed 29 editors of Texas newspapers and found that the editors either accepted or rejected the use of citizen-produced news based on either practical or philosophical concerns, but they note that it is difficult to generalize their findings to the 1500 daily newspapers in the United States. They call for additional research in, among other things, determining how participatory forms of media production relate to “longstanding norms of professional control” (p. 176). This study answers the questions of how the ideas of 11 tradition and change are related to the decision to adopt the use of nonprofessional journalism.
Finally, researchers have implored for future research that is of a longitudinal nature (Mitchelstein & Boczkowski, 2009; Steensen, 2011). Indeed, journalism 10 years ago (and certainly 10 years from now) is different from today’s journalism. It is important to have a baseline study that examines those factors that are important to journalists when making decisions in today’s world. The study can then be repeated at future times in order to gauge changes to the decision-making environment. In addition to studying change over time, research has also called for the analysis of the decision-making process over geographically diverse countries (Mitchelstein & Boczkowski, 2009). The same baseline study and methodological procedures can easily be applied to future studies of various countries. The results of future studies can then be compared to the baseline study in order to compare and contrast the decision-making process. CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
Nonprofessional Journalism
The term "nonprofessional" journalism will be used throughout this study. This section presents past research that contributes to a meaning for this term and finishes with a definition. Past research has uncovered many important aspects of nonprofessional journalism. However, many researchers are conflicted regarding how a term such as this should be defined and used. A variety of terms are used to define news that has been contributed by those outside the professional sphere: audience content (Williams, Wardle,
& Wahl-Jorgensen, 2011), user generated content (Hou & Oyedeji, 2011; Jönsson &
Örnebring, 2011; Ots & Karlsson, 2012; Qing & Hollifield, 2011; Williams et al., 2011), and participatory journalism (Deuze, Bruns, & Neuberger, 2007; Engesser, 2008;
Neuberger, 2011; Singer et al., 2011; Vujnovic et al., 2010). This section presents an overview of previous research that explores the varying definitions and the evolution of the notion of nonprofessional journalism. 13
Origin
Past research has sought to trace the origin of the current forms of citizen-based or nonprofessional journalism. Eksterowicz, Roberts, and Clark (1998) trace the origin to the early 20th century notion of muckraking. “Like the present-day public journalist, the muckrakers were concerned with the communities on which they reported” (p. 79). Many researchers, including Eksterowicz et al., note an evolution in some journalistic enterprises in the 1980s into more public forms of journalism, where reporters were less objective and sought to, not only inform the citizenry, but take an active role in the democratic process (Arant & Meyer, 1998) as another starting point (e.g., Nip, 2006,
2008).
Scott (2005) equates citizens acting as journalists with the idea of a “self-employed gatekeeper” (p. 92). This notion, he argues, came about because of the digital revolution of the 1990s. Although people who were not employed by news media outlets contributed to the professionals, many researchers agree that the current nature of an average citizen acting in a nonprofessional, news-distributing role took off in 2001 when the World Trade
Center was attacked in New York. Thus, the origin of a nonprofessional, citizen journalist in its present form can be traced to the public journalism movement of the 1980s together with the digital revolution of the 1990s.
User Generated Content
In late 2004 and 2005, professional journalism’s feelings toward citizen journalism took a dramatic turn. During that time, natural disasters hit all over the world. A massive 14 tsunami hit in the Indian Ocean in December of 2004. There was widespread flooding in
Europe, and Hurricane Katrina hit the southern United States in August, 2005. In addition, terrorists attacked London’s transportation system. Media companies began to accept citizen-produced imagery and writing graphically displaying the devastation as it happened (Becker, 2006; Marshall, 2005; Outing, 2011; Romano, 2005). They called it
“user-generated content.” The BBC received more than 1,000 photographs, 20 amateur videos, 4,000 text messages, and 20,000 e-mails within 6 hours of the terrorist attacks
(Sambrook, 2005). Richard Sambrook, then director of the BBC’s World Service and
Global News division, wrote, “We know now that when major events occur, the public can offer us as much new information as we are able to broadcast to them. From now on, news coverage is a partnership” (p. 14). Video from newly launched YouTube.com and first-hand experiences, lifted off of social media web sites, of people who witnessed the disasters began to pop up in evening newscasts. Media distributors began linking their traditional journalistic outlets to online outlets to reciprocally help each other (Blom,
2006). As time went on, distributors of professional journalism began to have “social media correspondents” whose job was specifically geared toward scanning for stories and video from people who were posting to blogs, video/image sites, and social media sites.
Social media correspondents accomplish two main purposes: First, they allow the media outlet to provide the information in a more organized fashion; second, they allow the media outlet to “gatekeep” against unauthorized postings or images that could land the outlet in court. Some authors have stated that this is the way of the future to ensure participatory journalism can be reigned in and work with its professional counterpart 15
(Safran, 2005).
Others have raised serious concerns over the use of unverified information when verified information is not available. For example, the 2009 Iranian presidential election was difficult for major news networks to report because of the lack of access professional journalists had to the country. Verified information was hard to retrieve because of large- scale restrictions in what journalists could do. Nonprofessional journalists, average citizens really, were the only source of any information at all. The major networks were forced to use unverified information, images, and videos provided by these citizens. This wild use of unverified information over no information at all has raised red flags.
However, most of the time user-generated content is vetted to ensure accuracy before it is used (Palser, 2009).
The biggest obstacle to user-generated content, especially in large-scale stories like natural disasters, is not unauthorized imagery/text or in the quality of content, but in the volume of content. Waldman (2005) recognizes the importance of on-site, first-person accounts through text and images, but he also states that this strength of nonprofessional journalism is also its weakness because the content produced does not provide a cohesive story that provides overall meaning. User-generated content requires the helping hand of professional journalists to report the big picture of what the text and images mean. He states, “It is in this fusion of old and new that the future of journalism most probably lies”
(p. 78).
One study, conducted in 2007, examined the level of citizen participation opportunities at various stages of the journalism process (Domingo et al., 2008). The 16 authors found that journalism outlets were unwilling to let go of the decision making power at any stage of the journalism process. Journalists simply did not want to have user-generated content appear without retaining the traditional gatekeeping role. The same desire was shared in the United Kingdom (Hermida & Thurman, 2008; Singer,
2010). Ornebring (2008) reported that much of user-generated content focused on pop- culture or lifestyle as opposed to news content. This could be possible because much of the information posted on social media sites is not news related, but is reflective of pop- culture and lifestyle. The decision rests on the journalist who is making the decisions as to what content is newsworthy.
Doyle (2010) calls professional journalists who cull through the internet, hunting for usable tweets, Facebook photos, YouTube videos, and social media web sites for the evening news, “curators.” These curators use their professional journalistic skills to find information, verify it, and present it in a usable and understandable format. Since nonprofessional journalists and professional journalists must work together in order to provide the story-consuming public a broad, cohesive picture using text and imagery provided by average citizens who experienced the story first-hand, use of nonprofessional journalism by professionals needed to organize this even further than simple curation.
User Contributions
Although accepting of user-generated content, journalists were still recalcitrant about fully embracing nonprofessional journalism. A study conducted in 2008 showed that newspaper journalists were unwilling to accept the internet when it would drastically 17 change the way they reported the news. They would adhere to practices that would ensure their status (O'Sullivan & Heinonen, 2008). As of 2009, many professional journalists did not believe that the role of citizen journalists was as important as their own (Nah &
Chung, 2009). “The strongest predictors leading to such perceptions and explaining the differences between the role perceptions show that traditional journalistic practices are linked to the cultivation of stringent perspectives ingrained in the resilient centralized view of information dissemination” (p. 81). Since 2009, however, many media outlets have attempted to change the role of professional journalists to be more inclusive of nonprofessional journalists.
User contributions combine the desire to accept user-generated content with the ability to keep professionals in the loop. The concept began with crowdsourcing
(Muthukumaraswamy, 2010). In crowdsourcing, a problem is turned over to a community of people who give their aid to solving the problem with each member taking a portion of the overall problem. Applied to journalism, a professional journalist elicits the help of a community of people who aid with newsgathering and analysis. “The time could not be riper for crowdsourced journalism. Crowds are willing to offer their services so long as news organizations can come up with workable methods to ‘ask’ them” (p. 58). Many media outlets are learning to ask for help. Rather than waiting for events to take place and scanning blogs, video, and social media sites, media companies are actually seeking out nonprofessional journalists before stories break. The News-Press in Fort Myers, Florida, put together a program that had retirees and reporters working directly together researching stories, providing expert advice, and removing some of the tedious work 18 from investigative reporters. There were a number of people interested in providing help and the amount of work necessary to manage such a large team was immense, but the
News-Press was devoted to ensuring the program’s success in order to foster a community-based approach (Wells, 2008).
Carpenter (2008a) found that nonprofessional journalists are able to break out of the “routine” that many professional journalists fall into. She concluded that professional journalists are more reliant on official, organization, and male sources. Nonprofessional journalists are more likely to “ ...offer a different perspective on community-level issues compared to online newspaper journalists because they are less likely influenced by routines” (p. 540). However, others have found that citizen journalists who lack direction and guidance provide little in the way of newsworthy stories (Niekamp, 2009).
Professional journalists felt that they must at least fill a gatekeeping role (vetting), or citizen contributions could not fill the traditional role of journalism.
In addition to the desire to promote citizen-oriented journalism, media outlets are feeling the effects of the financial crisis and looking for alternatives to having a staff of, not only highly trained, but also highly paid, professional journalists. Soft news stories or stories about surprise events are increasingly being handled by these “citizen correspondents.” Citizen correspondents give traditional media outlets the hyperlocal feel sought after by many consumers of news (Potts, 2007).
In 2008, MTV covered the Presidential election primaries using a team of 51 nonprofessional journalists, one for each state and the District of Columbia. The network 19 provided each team member with a camera and a computer and trained them during a 3- day journalism boot camp. The team members filed weekly reports and provided MTV with a level of coverage that would not have been possible without their reports (Nord,
2008). Many companies are offering payment for contributions and crash course training sessions in videography, photography, and writing (Cox, 2006; Romano, 2005). Many training courses available at these outlets are meant to address potential legal issues with regard to using untrained journalists. Using paid contributors opens the potential for law suits if defamatory statements are made in contributed articles (Rappaport & Leith,
2007). By offering training sessions and ensuring that all submissions are edited by a professional, offending statements can be caught ahead of time.
Bowman and Willis (2005) outline what the most successful citizen media outlets have learned. They list four specific requirements: first, although most citizens do not want to be journalists, they do want to contribute to subjects that traditional outlets ignore. Second, citizen journalism communities require constant attention, involved leadership, and nurturing. Third, organized citizen journalistic ventures could become small and viable businesses. Fourth, successful ventures seek to add greater levels of interactivity. With these ideas in mind, it is possible that traditional journalism outlets would seek ways to enhance their news product, without requiring huge increases in spending, by bringing on untrained journalists.
Attitudes toward citizen journalism are greatly varied, even in today’s digital savvy world (Lewis, Kaufhold, & Lasorsa, 2010). Brown (2007) believes that the only way that old media can hope to compete is by maintaining credibility and an authoritative 20 voice. Many media outlets do not feel that they can maintain credibility while allowing citizens to produce news stories. Others do not have a newsroom that is conducive to inclusion (Paulussen & Ugille, 2008). However, many writers agree that collaboration is the future of journalism. According to Bowman and Willis (2005), “Collaboration is the driving force behind the explosion of citizen media, with new forms being regularly blazed by passionate, motivated individuals” (p. 8). The organization of user contributions represents a new form that unites these passionate, motivated people to the benefit of the professional organization that does that uniting.
Some companies are organizing citizen journalism using tools that put into practice the suggestions of Bowman and Willis. Many have a “virtual workdesk” for participants. These online newsrooms allow citizen journalists to interact as if in an actual newsroom and organize their projects into a workflow. They work with their fellow journalists, both professional and citizen, and work with editors to pitch story ideas.
Many of the pitched stories are those that the citizen journalists care about and are hyperlocal. Finally, leadership is involved with constant nurturing and support. As discussed earlier, one example of this idea is happening in Salt Lake City, Utah, and is called “Deseret Connect.” Deseret Connect gives nonprofessional journalists the opportunity to submit stories to traditional news outlets ("About Deseret Connect," n.d.).
The story ideas for Deseret Connect usually consist of soft-news articles about local community events around the state of Utah. These articles, once submitted, are edited by “coaches” who are employed Deseret Connect staff and are professional 21 journalists. The newspaper itself benefits by filling the “news hole” that is not covered by staff written articles. Populations served by stories written by Deseret Connect contributors may be very small, local communities who may read an article about a high school rivalry sports game. Stories that are meant for the greater population continue to be written by employees of the newspapers. Thus, Deseret Connect and the newspapers served by its contributors do not benefit to a large extent by individual stories. However, by combining stories, the papers may benefit through the long tail. A mass of stories for small populations adds up to more readership for the papers, and more readership translates to more advertisers and revenue. So, Deseret Connect does benefit directly from contributors' volunteerism in a significant way.
The current notion of nonprofessional journalism is driven by the advent of the internet in the early 1990s. Indeed, technology has been one of the driving forces that has influenced the evolution of nonprofessional journalism. “The emergence of participatory forms is influenced by various external factors such as technology, economy, and the larger cultural and societal framework. Out of these internal and external factors, various development logics might emerge” (Domingo et al., 2008, p. 331). According to Lewis,
Kaufhold, and Lasorsa (2010), these development logics can fit into two categories: philosophical and practical. The philosophical viewpoint relates to the disparity between long standing journalistic values and changing societal notions toward news. The practical viewpoint relates to the changing economics of journalism. As layoffs continue in newsrooms across America (Beebe, 2010), editors must find alternatives to the historically expensive nature of news production. However, these alternatives may not be 22 the answers to economic woes as the need to ensure journalistic quality may cause economic repercussions that actually make the nonprofessional alternatives less appealing (Compton & Benedetti, 2010). The two frames are at odds with one another: editors must carefully balance the philosophical aspects and the practical aspects as they consider using nonprofessional journalism.
Thus, technology provides only half of the picture. Journalism is steeped in tradition. Professional journalists are taught fundamentally about bias, truthfulness in reporting, and telling the entire story. They are taught to never insert their own opinion.
Nonprofessional journalists receive no such guidance, except when their work is refused or edited after being submitted to professional organizations. Professionals must enculturate amateurs at least to the point of conformity.
Definition of “Journalist”
In seeking to define “journalism” and “journalist” researchers have travelled a number of different avenues. Indeed, defining “journalist” is problematic. Herrscher
(2002) articulates the problem beautifully:
Few activities pose so many questions as journalism when it comes to codes of ethics. Lawyers or physicians have no need of discussing what and who is a lawyer or a doctor. Journalists do. Teachers and professors can more easily separate what is public and what is private in their work and their lives. Journalists cannot. For public servants, most practices that are ethically wrong are also illegal. Not so in the world of mass media. (p. 277)
Defining the term “journalist” and the practice of journalism is difficult. Table 1 outlines some of the different terms and definitions that have appeared in the literature. 23
Table 1 Terms for journalism and their definitions
Do not include nonprofessionals Traditional Civic/Communitarian/Network Nonprofessionals do not play any role in Forms of change in traditional journalism to the production and dissemination of news cope with the ingress of nonprofessional (Deuze, 2005; Nip, 2006). forms of journalism into the professional sphere (Frolich, Quiring, & Engesser, 2012). Various levels of inclusion of nonprofessionals Interactive Citizen Add-On Allows nonprofessionals to interact with Citizens are invited to contribute specific news content after it is produced, but does feedback to specific questions (Outing, not allow for involvement before the news 2011). is published (Nip, 2006; Outing, 2011). Public Citizen Ombudsmen Allows nonprofessionals to offer story ideas Allows the professional organization to be and even write stories, but professional transparent in their reporting by having a journalists act as gatekeepers and editors readers panel (Outing, 2011). (Nip, 2006; Ocwich, 2010; Outing, 2011). Edited Contributions Unedited Contributions Nonprofessional journalists have a This model is exactly the same as Edited dedicated portion of a news site for Contributions, except that contributions are publishing contributed content (Outing, not edited in any way (Outing, 2011). 2011). Printed Citizen Participatory By taking the content from either the edited Content that is produced by news users or unedited models of contributed stories, independently of professional journalists the professional outlet publishes a printed who continue to produce their own content version of citizen news as part of its and then publish and market the finished regularly published news (Outing, 2011). news product in the professional-owned publication (Nip, 2006). Integrated Collaborative/Open-source/Peer-to-Peer Includes nonprofessionals and professionals Collaborative production of user-generated working “under one roof.” Professionally content on independent platforms or on produced stories appear alongside platforms offered by professional media nonprofessional stories with only a simple providers (Frolich, Quiring, and Engesser, label distinguishing the two (Outing 2011). 2012). No professionals involved Citizen Fully produced and maintained by nonprofessional journalists (Nip, 2006). 24
Definition by Defining “News”
Some definitions of journalism involve a process. Oreskes (2000) notes that journalism is the process of making news. It is “a way of watching the world, the events, the ideas, and the incidents that shape us” (p. 102). He then adds that the news gathering process must be done by one who upholds professional standards in order for the content to be accurate, fair-minded, balanced, and thorough. By defining “journalism” as the process of making news, this definition equates the two terms. It essentially says that
“journalism is the process of making journalism.” This type of definition is problematic.
Nerone (2012) differentiates between news and journalism. News becomes any system that relays information (including gossip, tabloid news, sensationalism, and partisanism).
Journalism, however, is a belief system “that defines the appropriate practices and values of news professionals, news media, and news systems” (p. 2). Both Oreskes and Nerone note that, in order to be termed a journalist, one must adhere to professional standards or practices. Some researchers have begun to outline what these standards represent, even going so far as to define what elements of a news story make it exactly what it purports to be: news. The subject matter must be topical and publicly significant. It must have evidentiary adequacy (conformance to accepted procedures of empirical verification). Its narrative style is normally linear exposition; it avoids polemics, resists financial pressures, avoids sweeping conclusions, and has standards of fairness in dealings with sources and in presenting fully the contours of controversies (Meyers, Wyatt, Borden, &
Wasserman, 2012). The researchers contend that anyone who produces content of this 25 nature is a journalist (at least in terms of the production of that particular content).
Whether or not the definition of journalism includes some process for gathering and distributing information, many researchers agree that professional journalists adhere to an ethical code.
Defining a Journalist Through Ethical Standards
The terms participatory journalism, citizen journalism, and the like are used in diverse ways in the literature, often to refer to the same phenomena (Deuze, Bruns, &
Neuberger, 2007). Singer (2006) proposes that this is because researchers have concentrated on the process of journalism as opposed to the main underlying factor: the definition of a journalist as one who acts ethically. “As the nature of the media environment changes, the definition and self-conceptualization of the journalist must shift from one rooted in procedure—the professional process of making information available
—to one rooted in ethics—the professional norms guiding determinations about which information has true societal value” (p. 15). Deuze (2005) also includes ethics in a definition of professional journalism.
Borden (2010) emphasizes characteristics that have become part of what she calls the “tradition” of journalism. These characteristics include “storytelling and authorship, truth and objectivity, professionalism and social responsibility, power of the press and the people’s right to know, participatory citizenship and the press” (“The Reporter’s
Inheritance”, para. 1). She then argues for the ideal of journalism as a practice. One of the paramount features of the practice of journalism, according to Borden, is the role of 26 ethics. She states that ethics have been a part of the tradition of journalism, its role as a moral community, and the role of ethics in the professionalization of journalism. She argues that the definition of journalism is, of necessity, a teleological definition based on the goal of the journalist, which is “to help citizens know well in the public sphere” (Chapter 4, para. 4). She then lays out how this can be accomplished, highlighting ethical standpoints.
The social role played by American journalism has at its heart the evolution of journalism ethics (Plaisance, 2003). “We must better grasp those philosophical foundations to fully understand that evolution, which includes views of concepts such as truth, impartiality, social good, equality and press autonomy—and all of which changed over time” (para. 5). These “philosophical foundations” are at the heart of the move of journalism from the days of yellow journalism to journalism as a profession. Yet,
Plaisance notes a separation of the evolution of normative journalism from that of the professionalization of the field. Casper Yost, the president of the American Society of
Newspaper Editors when the original ethical code was adopted in 1923, also noted that an ethical code must be established and adopted by common consent before journalism could be considered a “professional” industry. “The ethics of journalism must be somehow expressed in definite form, and somehow established as the rule of practice of an influential number of journalists, before it can have professional recognition” ("Problems of Journalism," 1923, p. 18). Thus, to Yost, the establishment of a code of ethics was a prerequisite to the professionalization of the industry, and 27 therefore, not the only thing that needed to be done. Cronin (1993) disagrees with
Plaisance and combines the establishment of ideals of normative behavior as the same thing as a movement toward professionalism.
Some researchers contrast definitions of journalism through other routes. Ugland and Henderson (2007) argue that the definition of journalist is generally a conflation between two unrelated arguments: those that use the law to define the role and those that use professional ethics to define it. They propose that the law cannot be used as a justification for an ethical definition and vice-versa. This distinction, however, may simply be another way of arguing that professionalism and normative definitions of journalism are also distinct. The law defines many who may be considered “professional”
(as in the examples given by Herrscher above). Ugland and Henderson combine professionalism and ethics using the term “professional ethics.” They outline federal and state laws that seek to define “Journalism” and “Journalist.” These laws are varied and disparate. Because of this, they propose a definition of journalist based on ethics that occurs on three levels: public communicators, second-level journalists, and top-level journalists.
“Public communicators are those who contribute something to the world of knowledge by disseminating ideas or information to others but who do so only occasionally or without a permanent media presence that subjects their work to the normal mechanisms of accountability” (Lee 2004). They give examples of those whose communications are essentially sporadic or that “... are not designed to report on 28 important events occurring in society” (p. 254). College professors giving public addresses, film critics, or a person who is posting a single video to YouTube on an important event are all examples of public communicators under this category.
“Second-level journalists, on the other hand, are engaged in a more regular, systematic, and conspicuous dissemination of news. Unlike other public communicators, their efforts are continuous and their contributions are made with some predictability and purpose; they are not simply incidental to some other goal” (Ugland & Henderson, 2007, p. 254). In terms of the definition of a professional journalist, this definition shows the gradated nature of professional journalism. The authors note that second-level journalists act in good faith to report the truth.
Top-level journalists are concerned with truth and ethics:
The second and perhaps more important distinction that might be made in the domain of professional ethics is between second-level journalists, who are principally focused on truthfully communicating news to others, and top-level journalists, who are not merely concerned with telling the truth but also with honoring the ethical canons of traditional American journalism, such as independence, proportionality, comprehensiveness, and accountability. (p. 256)
This level, then, becomes the level that requires all journalists to adhere to specific ethical standards that are provided by “professional” organizations such as the Society of
Professional Journalists.
The prescriptions afforded by ethical codes produced by various organizations make up the main way that professional journalists can be distinguished from their nonprofessional counterparts. Ugland and Henderson state, “what really matters—indeed the only things that matter—are the standards of practice that journalists follow in their 29 pursuit and dissemination of news” (p. 256).
Based on Singer’s differentiation, this study will use the term "professional journalist" to refer to a person who produces any form of content for a news outlet, who also is believed by the news outlet to live by an ethical code of journalism practice. This definition does not, of necessity, require that a professional journalist be one who has graduated from a journalism school, nor does it require that a potential professional journalist be one who has made a formal agreement to live by an ethical code of journalism. Journalists who are employed by news outlets prove their ability to act ethically through demonstration of their past news production (i.e., their portfolio).
Experience is not the only way that a professional can be believed to live by an ethical code, however. Training in a journalism school can also provide the news outlet with this knowledge. The definition does not rely on the need for the news outlet to be concerned with how a journalist was trained in journalism. It is simply a way to demarcate whether the news outlet believes that the journalist does what has been a marker for professionalism by the scholars cited above, adherence to a code. This, then, allows a definition of “nonprofessional journalist” to be a person who produces any form of content who is not known by the news outlet to live by an ethical code of journalism.
This definition does not mean that the nonprofessional journalist does not live by an ethical code. It requires that it not be known whether or not the content producer lives by a code. "Use" of nonprofessional journalism refers to any situation where professional news outlets utilize the services or content produced by nonprofessional journalists
(Kaufhold, Valenzuela, & Gil de Zúñiga, 2010). This may be in the form of story ideas, 30 feedback to previously written stories, the stories themselves, editing, or any other component involved in the process of producing news.
Journalism Ethics
With research showing that traditional journalists are concerned with the ability for nonprofessionals to produce ethical news, the notion of journalism ethics must be characterized. This section presents an overview of journalism ethics, its inception, evolution, and current definition.
The SPJ Code of Ethics
One of the most well-known and respected ethical codes in the journalism industry is the Society of Professional Journalists’ Code of Ethics (“SPJ Code of Ethics,” n.d.). It was originally adopted by the American Society of Newspaper Editors as the
Canons of Journalism (“Problems of Journalism: Proceedings of the First Annual
Meeting of the American Society of Newspaper Editors,” 1923).
Important aspects of the code as it has evolved include the notion of truth, deception, objectivity, and accountability. These notions have been redefined or expanded as the code has evolved. Researchers have stated that studying the evolution of ethical codes provides a window into the issues faced by the profession to which the code belongs. “Since codes of journalistic ethics serve as one marker for a profession, ‘the domain of the lived’ at a particular historic time, scholarly study of codes can provide insight into the specific stresses and strains on the profession” (Wilkins & Brennen, 2004, 31 p. 299). The remainder of this section will discuss the evolution of the code in each of these areas.
“Seek Truth and Report It”
The notion of truth has been an important aspect of the SPJ code since its inception. When the American Society of Newspaper Editors convened for the first time in 1923, Casper Yost noted in the President’s Address that the main ways that journalists from that era could combat the negative critiques brought on by those who were against the kind of journalism that was common in the early part of the 20th century were to “... show the untruth that lies in them, where they are in fact untruthful” and to “... establish definite standards of journalistic conduct which will serve to lessen occasion for truthful criticism” (Problems of Journalism: Proceedings of the First Annual Meeting of the
American Society of Newspaper Editors 1923, p. 18). Truth has always been at the forefront of American journalism. The original SPJ code stated, “By every consideration of good faith, a newspaper is constrained to be truthful” (“Sigma Delta Chi's New Code of Ethics,” 1926). The desire for truth in reporting has always been a part of the ethical code even through all of its revisions. The 1973 revision stated, “Truth is our ultimate goal” (“Sigma Delta Chi Code of Ethics,” 1973). The current code requires the admonition to “seek truth and report it” (“SPJ Code of Ethics,” 1996).
The term “truth” in the current code requires more discussion. The code does not state that a reporter should “tell” the truth. The reporter should “seek” truth and report it.
This distinction is subtle, but it does take the requirement away from the reporter to 32 ensure that he or she should be truthful him or herself. Researchers have analyzed the concept of lying as it applies to professional journalism (see, for example, Al-Fedaghi,
2005; Borden, 2002; Lee, 2004; Mahon, 2008; Ryan & Martinson, 1994).
Bok (1999) makes a distinction between telling the truth and being truthful. Being truthful, according to Bok, means sharing what is believed to be accurate information, while telling the truth requires that the information is known to be true, something that may be impossible to know with certainty. The current SPJ code uses the first of Bok’s definitions by constraining reporters to “seek” truth, rather than “tell” the truth. Some discussion has sought to understand whether reporting truth is an end that justifies untruthful behavior by those doing the reporting. The first section of the SPJ code, by itself, allows the reporter to take a utilitarian stance that justifies untruthful behavior as long as the end, that of finding truth, is the outcome. As will be discussed, many reporters have chosen to interpret the code in this way.
The SPJ Code supplies a number of ways a journalist may find truth. A commonality in each of the ways of finding truth rests in the fact that the journalist must not insert his or her own version of truth into the story, but he or she should allow the truth, according to sources, be the guiding factor. However, this is not to say that the journalist’s sources are not lying. Sources are constantly telling journalists stories that are intended to dodge the truth or keep a person out of trouble. A journalist’s responsibility is to dig for the truth. In some cases, the truth is easy to find, as long as a journalist does some checking. Over the past few years, one person has regularly lied to journalists. The person’s name is Ryan Holiday. His “experiment” consisted of responding to requests 33 from journalists who were looking for sources (Thier, 2012). He made up stories about
“barefoot running, investing, vinyl records, or insomnia” (para. 1). His stories have been published in Reuters, ABC News, CBS, MSNBC, and The New York Times. He says that the reason he has for lying is to expose the deficiencies in modern journalism. “‘A well made article and a poorly made article both do clicks the same way,’ says Holiday.
‘There’s no incentive to do good work’” (as quoted in Thier, 2012, para. 16).
Indeed, in the case of Ryan Holiday, he intentionally misled a multitude of journalists. The journalists were, in effect, middlemen for the lies. The SPJ Code’s first sub-admonition (under Seek Truth and Report It) is “Test the accuracy of information from all sources and exercise care to avoid inadvertent error” (SPJ Code of Ethics, n.d, para. 2). So, the journalist is not the liar, but the Code would consider the journalist to be acting unethically because the journalist did not test the accuracy of the sources.
The ramifications of journalists who do not report the truth are widespread, especially among younger audiences who may be forming opinions based on what is being reported in the news. Furthermore, many public communicators and second-level journalists may be forming opinions based on what is being reported in the professional sphere and producing nonprofessional journalism based on the flawed stories. The most fundamental role of a journalist is to provide information for the proper functioning of democracy (Murphy, Ward, & Donovan, 2006). Murphy, Ward, and Donovan propose that, if the professional news media is not providing the required information, people will turn to nonprofessionals. However, if nonprofessionals do not have access to first hand 34 information, they may simply be reporting on what they have seen in the professional news media (Singer, 2008). They may be forming opinions and expressing those opinions based on second-hand accounts. Murphy, Ward, and Donovan stress that truth-telling is of paramount importance and that balance is required when the truth cannot be found. They claim that a diversity of opinions found on the internet helps provide this balance, but when the opinions are based on information reported by the professional media, it is not nonprofessional journalists providing the information. It is only citizen opinions of professional journalists’ stories. In the end, it remains the responsibility of the professional to provide the required information, at least in political matters.
While Murphy, Ward, and Donovan stress the importance of truth in journalism,
Spence and Quinn (2008) propose a newer way of looking at truth in journalism, particularly with how professional journalists use information obtained from nonprofessionals. They propose the idea of “justified belief” because “... something potentially less than knowledge is still publicly important, there must be justificatory criteria for publishing information based on whether it is worth believing. This objective can be achieved when the information is supported by reasonable, though incomplete, evidence. This evidence must be sufficient to give form [sic] a justified opinion that the information is probably true” (p. 273). This type of reasoning is important to justify the need for the best possible information when the stakes are low, but it can be devastating when the potential outcomes are of paramount importance. For example, the Sandy Hook
Elementary School shooting of 2012 was a massive tragedy reported with information that was “probably true.” However, the professional news media reported elements of the 35 story that were flat-out wrong (“Getting Sandy Hook So Wrong”, 2012). Professional media outlets reported that there may have been two gunmen, that the shooter’s name was
Ryan Lanza, that his mother was a kindergarten teacher at the school, and that both his father and brother had been found dead. All of these “facts” turned out to be untrue. The news media’s excuse for this misinformation was that the situation was fluid and that facts were still coming in. This example highlights the “probably true” mentality.
Professional news outlets reported information that was probably true and received heavy criticism. The public was not happy that they had been led astray with misinformation.
The idea that professional journalists can report information obtained from citizen reporters based on the “probably true” mentality spits in the face of Murphy, Ward, and
Donavon’s ideal of truth in journalism being of paramount importance for the proper functioning of society.
The notion of “probably true” is at the heart of everyday journalism, however.
The old adage that professional journalists should “check, recheck, and check again” is based on the argument that witnesses can corroborate facts if the witnesses are saying the same things happened. The greater the number of witnesses, the greater the probability that the things being spoken are, in fact, true. This idea was highlighted during the 2009
Iranian elections. The Iranian people protested what they considered to be an unfair election. The government responded with cruelty and violence, which they expected to keep hidden from the world. However, Tweets from the Iranian people showed the cruelty in text and visual form. The sheer number of Tweets of this nature verified and 36 corroborated the actuality of what was happening (Shepherd, 2009). “Probably true” became “true.”
Rodrigues (2010) takes the importance of truth a step further and argues for the value of opinion in nonprofessional journalism. She helped groups of villagers produce short films that highlighted local issues and uploaded the films to YouTube. The issues were not being reported by professional news outlets. This type of reporting fits the definition of true citizen journalism as provided by Nip (2006). However, this type of reporting highlights the “probably true” mentality if professional news organizations choose to run the stories without first checking the facts. It also highlights a main issue with nonprofessional journalism in general: How can viewers, who are not watching the stories on professional news sites, know that the information being conveyed is “true” or not? Murphy, Ward, and Donovan (2006) express the importance of truth in reporting, but real citizen journalism, without professionals involved in any way, does not have a vetting process in place for ensuring that facts are double-checked and are not simply
“probably true.”
The Protection of People—“Minimize Harm”
The SPJ Code’s second admonition is to “Minimize Harm” (SPJ Code of Ethics, n.d.). Harm can come in a multitude of ways. The most obvious way is through reporters acting deceptively in order to “get the story.” In speaking to the relationship between deceit in the search for truth and the harm caused by that deceit, Bok (1999) states that the most forgivable lies are those that “harm no one and yet save someone from physical 37 defilement” (p. 33). Bok’s desire to “harm no one” and the SPJ’s desire to “minimize harm” are related in that they speak to the need to do the least amount of damage to as many people as possible while providing the greatest level of benefit. This act-based utilitarian viewpoint means that the journalist has some leeway when determining the best course of action, including lying in order to get the truth (Fay, 2009; Kapler, 2012;
Konner, n.d.; Lee, 2004; Lisheron, 2007; Steele, 2007). However, the courts have determined that this freedom does not extend indefinitely (Goodman, 1997).
Immanuel Kant disagrees with Bok: “He takes the duty of truthfulness to be an
‘unconditional duty which holds in all circumstances’; a lie, even if it does not wrong any particular individual, always harms mankind generally, ‘for it vitiates the source of the law’” (as quoted in Bok, 1999, p. 38). Yet, to lie “annihilate[s] one’s human dignity; yet for these others [refusing to lie when your friend’s life is at stake], to reply honestly, and thereby betray one’s friend would in itself constitute a compromise of that dignity” (Bok,
1999, p. 40). Thus, Kant’s ideals regarding never telling lies cannot be fruitful in all cases. The journalist who decides to lie in order to go undercover is justified by Bok as well as any Utilitarian because the lie allows the journalist to find a greater level of truth.
However, the SPJ Code states that undercover journalism should only be used when
“traditional open methods will not yield information vital to the public” (SPJ Code of
Ethics, n.d, para. 2). The end justifies the means.
As has been shown, there are issues when people lie to journalists, but journalists also lie, and they do so on a regular basis. One journalist lied in order to publish a story 38 about Three Mile Island Nuclear Power Plant (Kapler, 2012). Another was told specifically not to lie when filling out an application for a chicken processing plant, but to covertly gather information and photographs from the plant that could later be used in a story (Paterno, 1997). Finally, there is the case of Ken Silverstein, Washington Editor for
Harper’s Magazine, who pretended to be a representative of a London-based energy company with business interests in Turkmenistan in order to expose a group of lobbyists
“who would eagerly sell their services for dubious reasons to questionable clients” (Steele, 2007, para. 4). There are numerous examples of journalists who lie and go undercover in order to “expose” some negative aspect of society (for other examples, see Manson, 2011; Schulman, 2010). Reporters masquerading in order to get a story have been both praised and criticized by their peers (Elliott & Culver, 1992).
Elliot and Culver (1992) define deceptive reporting practices among journalists in two ways. “A journalist has acted deceptively in the course of an investigation (a) if he or she has, through lying or nonverbal equivalent to lying, attempted to initiate or sustain a false belief; or (b) if the reporter, by withholding information that he or she is morally required to tell, has allowed another person to form or sustain a false belief” (p. 77). The authors define deception and offer examples of what would be considered deceptive practices. Whether undercover reporting practices fall under the umbrella of deception depends on whether the reporters’ deceptive practices are morally justified, however. Lee
(2004) interviewed 20 reporters and found that the decision to lie in order to perform journalistic duties was based on a good/bad continuum, with three rules: 1. Who is 39 deceived? If newsmakers are being deceived, the deception is more acceptable compared to when audiences are being deceived. 2. The perceived character of the person deceived.
Deception is more justified when the person being deceived appears to be a liar or bad person. 3. The nature of the act (omission or commission). Omitting information is morally justified compared to falsifying information or fabricating facts (Lee, 2004).
A second way that journalists can harm others is by reporting information that either directly or indirectly causes harm to others. “The naming of juvenile suspects in crimes, interviews with people inexperienced with the news media during times of great stress, and reporters who use their occupation as a license to be rude toward officials or news sources” are all examples of this type of harm (Tallent, 1997). The code is very specific with some aspects of this type of harm. For example, the code specifies that reporters should “be cautious about identifying juvenile suspects or victims of sex crimes” ("Society of Professional Journalists Code of Ethics," 2009, Section 2). In other areas, it is more vague: “Show good taste. Avoid pandering to lurid curiosity” (Section 2).
Before 1996 the SPJ code did not include a section on the minimization of harm.
The 1973 version does include a section on “Fair Play,” which includes many admonitions that are in the current “Minimize Harm” section. Tallent (1997) notes that the bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City in 1995 became the main impetus for rewriting the Fair Play section (and for calling it “Minimize
Harm”). She cites examples that include journalists attributing blame to Middle
Easterners early in the investigation and dressing up like firefighters and clergy in order 40 to gain access to areas that were off-limits to journalists.
The Objectivity Question — “Act Independently”
A classic work by Johnstone, Slawski, and Bowman (1972) articulates and defines two competing notions of the objectivity question. In one form, journalists are strictly neutral observers. They simply dispense information. Alternatively, journalists can be participants, actively playing a role in the dissemination of news. In the latter, journalists are not “objective” in the strict sense of the word. In fact, the authors note that participant journalists find that “the most significant news of the day will come to light only as the result of the imposition of [the journalist’s] point of view” (p. 523). The argument that objectivity should or should not be an important aspect of journalism comes just a few decades after the establishment of professional journalism schools and codes of ethics where notions of objectivity were at the heart of the debate. When establishing the first code of ethics for the American Society of Newspaper Editors, those involved were very concerned about the notion of partisanship. H.J. Wright, the primary author of the original “Canons of Journalism” stated that, although most papers in the country had departed from partisanship, establishing a canon that sought to prevent partisanship would make “a fixed condition that has developed among us” because “it may be that in parts of the country there is still an adherence to that sort of partisan comment” (“Problems of Journalism: Proceedings of the First Annual Meeting of the
American Society of Newspaper Editors,” 1923, p. 119).
The original code used strong words like “honest journalism,” “violence” 41
(referring to the use of partisan journalism that “knowingly departs from the truth”), and
“subversive” ("Sigma Delta Chi's New Code of Ethics," 1926). The original code’s framers cared strongly about objectivity, though they did not use the specific term.
Strekfuss (1990) argues that objectivity in the 1920s was more aligned with scientific naturalism than a lack of bias. Schudson (1973) also notes that early 20th century thinking was toward journalism as a science where supposed “facts” should be presented in their entirety by impartial journalists. Thus, objectivity was in the scientific sense where journalists were to seek out and measure truth and weigh the various aspects of truth to arrive at proper conclusions. But, as newspapers merged and finances necessitated, objectivity evolved into the presentation of all sides of the story equally by an impartial reporter. Johnstone, Slawski, and Bowman (1972) concur.
By 1973, the Society of Professional Journalists considered objectivity (in its evolved form) to be a requirement for professional journalists. The 1973 version of the code uses the term in both the preamble and in one of the sections. The preamble states, in part, “We believe those responsibilities [serving and seeking truth] carry obligations that require journalists to perform with intelligence, objectivity, accuracy, and fairness
("The Society of Professional Journalists, Sigma Delta Chi Code of Ethics," 1973, para.
4), and, under the heading “Accuracy and Objectivity”: “Objectivity in reporting the news is another goal which serves as the mark of an experienced professional. It is a standard of performance toward which we strive. We honor those who achieve it” (section 4). Within just a few years, however, the ideal of journalistic objectivity was coming under fire (Hage 1976; Pember 1974). 42
Tuchman (1972) had already noted by this time that objectivity was easily invoked by newspapermen to “… bulwark themselves against critics. Attacked for a controversial presentation of ‘facts,’ newspapermen invoke their objectivity almost the way a Mediterranean peasant might wear a clove of garlic around his neck to ward off evil spirits” (p. 660). She concludes, “It appears the word ‘objectivity’ is being used defensively as a strategic ritual” (p. 678). This conclusion does not serve the ideal of journalism as a profession (at least, not according to the early establishers of the ethical code), but it does allow professional journalists to steer clear of critics.
The current version of the SPJ code makes no mention of objectivity ("Society of
Professional Journalists Code of Ethics," 2009). This is fascinating, since less than 15 years ago, Schudson (2001) was calling the ideal “the chief occupational value of journalism” (p. 149). Indeed, it was a cornerstone of American journalism. However, as
Schudson (1973) clarifies, “While objectivity, by the 1930s, was an articulate professional value in journalism, it was one that seemed to disintegrate as soon as it was formulated. It became an ideal in journalism, after all, precisely when the possibility of overcoming subjectivity in presenting the news was widely accepted and, I have argued, precisely because subjectivity had come to be regarded as inevitable” (pp. 156-157).
Interestingly, the early version of the code contains no specific reference to the term, even though it was widespread thinking at the time that journalists should be objective; the
1973 version of the code makes strident mention of the term, just when the ideal was beginning to be rethought; and the 1996 version of the code again turns to using other, 43 more simplified, ideas rather than using the term. SPJ committees chose to break the concept into other (what may be termed) lower level concepts like accuracy, fairness, and balance. These concepts are, as Wien (2005) puts it, “equally problematic” (p. 8).
Westerståhl (1983) argues that the constituent parts of objectivity are truth, relevance, balance, and neutral presentation. Wien notes that breaking a difficult term, in terms of definition, into equally difficult to define terms simply increases the quagmire of illusive terms within journalism. Furthermore, Soffer (2009) notes that some researchers (e.g.,
Bennett, 1983) claim that objectivity in itself causes bias in the news because official sources bias the political perspective. The current version of the code emphasizes independence. “Journalists should be free of obligation to any interest other than the public's right to know” (“SPJ Code of Ethics,” 1996) and transparency, which Singer
(2007) equates to “accountability to the public” (p. 79).
Trust — “Be Accountable”
The SPJ code of ethics makes no mention of the word “trust.” However, trust is at the very heart of journalism codes, and even those journalists who do not specifically profess to subscribing to a specific code honor the principle of trust (Ugland &
Henderson, 2007). The SPJ code makes the blanket statement, “Professional integrity is the cornerstone of a journalist’s credibility” ("Society of Professional Journalists Code of
Ethics," 2009, Preamble). Svensson (2006) analyzed the concept of professionalism in general (i.e.—not related to journalism specifically) and found that professionalism is interpreted on an individual level, not necessarily on an organizational level. 44
Furthermore, trust is not an easily apparent factor when people seek to identify professionals. Trust comes through demonstrated achievements. Because of this,
Svensson highlights the need for individual competence in any profession. Applied to journalism, individual journalists must demonstrate ethical competence in each story produced in order to gain the audience’s trust. When journalists or journalism outlets make mistakes, the public loses trust. This gets back to the example at the beginning of this study where a nonprofessional contributor used a pen name to write stories. Richard
Piatt, a professional journalist, wrote in response to this revelation, “As journalists, we work to write without bias and strive for balance and accuracy above all. This issue really is about trust, something media outlets—like KSL and the Deseret News—take very seriously and are accountable for” (Piatt, 2011). Trust is big in journalism. If the public does not trust journalists, the journalists find that they no longer have jobs.
Piatt (2011) stressed that journalists prize trust beyond all other things. When
Mayor Winder created a “false identity to write news articles about his city” (para. 1), professional journalists responded by defending their desire for the news reading public’s trust. Bok (1999) states, “There must be a minimal degree of trust in communication for language and action to be more than stabs in the dark” (p. 18). Journalists prize trust because it establishes credibility. According to Bok, this level of trust is required for a functioning society: “A society, then, whose members were unable to distinguish truthful messages from deceptive ones, would collapse” (p. 19). Journalists provide information in order for the public to make informed decisions. The information must be true in order 45 for the public to make a valid decision. If the information is inaccurate, proper decision making is impossible. However, Winder stated that all the articles he wrote “were 100 percent truthful, accurate, and verifiable” (Manson, 2011, para. 8). A Deseret Connect editor confirmed that this was true (with the exception of the byline) (Page, 2011b). So, the articles were accurate, but the byline was untruthful. The fact that the stories were, in actuality, written by a person other than the one stated in the byline turns public perception against Winder. The West Valley City Council reprimanded Winder (Page,
2011a); the man whose photo Winder used sought an apology (Reavy, 2011); and Winder faced a law suit from one man who claimed that the mayor defamed him in at least one story (Morgan, 2012; Page, 2011c). Bok (1999) states, “Those who have learned they have been lied to in an important matter ... are resentful, disappointed, and suspicious” (p.
20). Indeed, the Mayor lost a bid for the Salt Lake County Mayor’s office in 2012 at least in part because of the Burwash incident (Gorrell, 2012).
The SPJ Codes have evolved over the last century to include a great many things.
Indeed, objectivity is the most illusive in terms of the code and has evolved the most. In addition, the code itself can be interpreted in such a way as to make it impossible for the journalist to adhere to all elements at the same time. The first two standards—to seek truth and to minimize harm—and the second two standards—to act independently and to be accountable— are at odds with one another. The journalist is compelled to seek truth up to the point where it increases harm or vice versa. The same is true of the second pair.
This seeming contradiction has been addressed by noting that the journalist should balance the first standard with the second standard in each case, thus ensuring that neither 46 standard is neglected (Gratz, 2005; Tallent, 1997). This seemingly simple explanation is at the heart of the difficulty in working with ethical codes. Clearly, however, professional journalists have used the code, in some form, for a very long time. The code has transcended evolutions in media, like radio, television, and the internet, and it continues to be used by professional journalists today. Although, the SPJ Code is very well received, a recommendation has been made to professional journalists to adopt communitarian ideals in journalism. Since the ideals of nonprofessional journalism and communitarian ethics are so closely related, more information regarding communitarian journalism is required.
Communitarian Journalism
During the 1980s and 90s, a shift in journalism was proposed (Christians, Ferré,
& Fackler, 1993). Christians and his colleagues discussed the need for a fundamental shift in the ethical ideals of journalism. Their proposal included four main elements: a move from the autonomous self to the dialogic self, community commitment, civic transformation, and mutuality in organizational culture. Ultimately, each element contributes to a communitarian form of journalism where stories are reported in such a way that considers the political and community value of that story. If stories do not respect others in the community, they are not reported. Steiner (2010) terms the ideal of mutual respect as the underlying “proto-norm” (p. 110) of Christians and his colleagues’ thinking. This ideal represents a fundamental shift away from the notion of the journalist as a “detached observer” 47
(Hodges 1996, p. 133) and fully embraces the journalist as one who is involved in the news that he or she is reporting and makes decisions about what is covered based on the value the story has for the community. Hodges expands Christians and his colleagues’ issues with the Enlightenment Era’s focus on individualism and autonomy at the expense of community. He proposes four problems, in addition to a focus on individualism, that plague today’s world and contribute to the problems in journalism: people act on emotion, polarization, a concentration on rights at the expense of responsibilities to others, and extremism and zeolotry. During the mid-1990s, the question of whether communitarian ideals could become a part of journalism was unclear. Hodges (1996) states, “How the communitarian ideal will work itself out philosophically and in practice is not clear. What is clear is that we have before us a fresh way, potentially redemptive and potentially dangerous, to look at the human condition and the function of the press in the modern world” (p. 137). He concludes by stating, “We can establish a realistic ethic for journalism only if we explore the professional implications of human interdependence” (p. 139). The current study proposes that this exploration can now be accomplished because the participatory ethic brings to the forefront human interdependence.
This interdependence has been termed a “discursive-network model” (Plaisance
2005, p. 294) when applied to the press. In the discursive-network model, the press become a means for presenting a variety of news “frames” that highlight the multiplicity of views necessary for the democratic polity to make informed decisions. Plaisance 48 argues that the goal of the individual is “comprehensive self-realization—a significant part of which is socially constructed” (p. 299). This social construction occurs, in part, through the discursive-network model of journalism. The concept of the press as a network is not new in terms of broadcast networks or networks of correspondents located in disparate parts of the world. However, related to a network of varying ideas and discursive thought processes, this model can be applied to participatory journalism in that adding to the number of “frames” provided by news outlets serves to expand the network.
Plaisance criticizes Christians et al. by stating that implementation of communitarian journalism is difficult. He states, “Their call for a new mission remains a revolutionary ideal without a vehicle. Part of this difficulty lies in their conceptualization of the
‘community’ that such a communitarian press would serve” (p. 302). By instituting a forum for contributions to journalism by ‘community’ members, adoption of nonprofessional journalism by professional journalism outlets could be the vehicle that starts the revolution.
The idea of communitarian journalism has its critics. Barney (1996) denounces communitarian journalism stating that communitarian cultures throughout history have been obstinate toward change. Furthermore, by taking away individualism, people essentially lose agency. They no longer make decisions based on their own thinking but concentrate on the will of the community itself. Altschull (1996) takes this worry a step further by fearing that communities may become so like-minded that they wish to separate from the outside world. 49
Cali (2002) makes a connection between communitarian journalism and participatory journalism. He notes that journalism changed after the September 11 terrorist attacks in New York City. It became more inclusive and participatory. He argues that these changes continue today. If this is the case, one of the main factors that has been critiqued by multiple scholars is the notion of professional codes of ethics within journalism, specifically with regard to objectivity (Cali, 2002; Christians et al., 1993;
Rauch, 2003). This differentiation, then, can become the basis for separating professional journalists from nonprofessional journalists.
Journalists consider themselves “professionals” in large part because of ethical codes (Deuze, 2005). At the present time, journalists face a potential weakness to the wall they have built establishing themselves as professionals: that of digital technologies allowing for easy distribution of “news” by anyone, “professional” or not. Although willing to shepherd these “nonprofessionals” into the herd of the professional journalists, they are unwilling to give up the gatekeeping role. It is the professional journalist, who claims to live by a professional ethical code, who believes that he or she alone has the proper capacity to know what is in the public interest (Harrison 2010; Hayes, Singer, &
Ceppos, 2007; Hermida & Thurman, 2008; Hujanen 2012; Shaw 2012; Singer 2008). It is the code of ethics that sets the professional journalist apart from the nonprofessional (at least from the professional’s point-of-view).