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What Is Racial Residential Integration? SREXXX10.1177/2332649215598159Sociology of Race and EthnicitySin and Krysan 598159research-article2015 Feature Review Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 2015, Vol. 1(4) 467 –474 What Is Racial Residential © American Sociological Association 2015 DOI: 10.1177/2332649215598159 Integration? A Research sre.sagepub.com Synthesis, 1950–2013 Ray Sin1 and Maria Krysan1 Abstract In the past two decades, there has been a sharp increase in the number of studies on racial residential integration. However, there is a fair amount of disagreement in this work about how to conceptualize integration and how to operationalize it in research. We conduct a research synthesis of published research from 1950 to 2013 to uncover (1) how scholars have defined integration, (2) how scholars have measured integration, and (3) which ethnic/racial groups are integrating with whom. We have three key findings. First, the definition of integration moved away from being a multidimensional concept—involving both racial mixing in neighborhoods and cross-racial interactions—to solely referring to the racial composition. Second, the measurement of integration varies tremendously across time. Third, although the combination of ethnic/racial groups has expanded from Whites and Blacks sharing a residential space to include other groups such as Asians and Hispanics, these differences are often not made explicit. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of these findings. Keywords residential integration, housing, research synthesis, race relations, racial inequality, neighborhoods INTRODUCTION the problem created by a lack of specificity in what is meant by integration—a lack of specificity that A 2012 report published by the Manhattan Institute extends beyond the debate surrounding Glaeser for Policy Research proclaimed the end of segrega- and Vigdor’s (2012) report. We track published tion (Glaeser and Vigdor 2012). One criticism of the social science research on residential integration report was that it was misleading because integration over the past 60 or so years to document three was operationalized as the degree to which Blacks things: (1) how integration has been defined, (2) live apart from non-Blacks—a catch-all category how it is measured, and (3) which racial/ethnic comprising Whites, Asians, and Hispanics (Alba and groups are integrating with whom. Based on this Romalewski 2012). Glaeser and Vigdor, it was systematic review, we make three key observa- argued, therefore glossed over the fact that the decline tions: (1) The definition of integration has slowly in Black segregation is largely brought about by the moved away from a multidimensional concept corresponding increase in Blacks sharing residential encompassing both racial mixing in residences and space with Hispanics and/or Asians. Consequently, majority-minority neighborhoods are treated as inte- grated. In short, the magnitude of the declines in black 1University of Illinois at Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA segregation—and whether segregation is, in fact, Corresponding Author: dead, hinges on the definition of integration. Ray Sin, Department of Sociology, University of Illinois Our goal is not to contribute to this conversation at Chicago, 4112 Behavioral Sciences Building, 1007 W. about whether and how much segregation has Harrison St. (MC 312), Chicago, IL 60607-7140, USA. decreased but instead to use the debate to illustrate Email: [email protected] 468 Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 1(4) social integration to being identified solely in terms sociological research syntheses that treat research on of racial composition, (2) how integration is mea- a topic as a collective product (e.g., Connell 1997; sured varies tremendously across time, and (3) the Jung 2009). Online Appendix A in the online journal combination of racial/ethnic groups in integrated at http://sre.sagepub.com/supplemental provides the neighborhoods has expanded from consisting of details on each of these three areas (definition, mea- only White and Black residents to consisting of a surement, and combinations of racial/ethnic groups variety of other combinations such as Black-Other in integrated communities) across the waves. We and multiracial/ethnic. present the results here in summary form using charts and figures. METHODOLOGY We identified all scholarship on residential integra- DEFINING INTEGRATION tion that was published in English between 1950 The first dimension we consider is the question of and 2013 by searching three databases (Academic how integration is defined. We identify two key Search Premier, Google Scholar, and JStor). Our ways: Either it is conceptualized exclusively as a keywords were “housing integration,” “racial diver- numerical definition or else it is seen as multidi- sity,” “racially diverse neighborhood,” “integrated mensional. There is a third residual category for neighborhood,” and “racial integration.” This completeness. Studies that conceptualize integra- yielded 113 articles and books that looked at racially tion in terms of the numbers view an integrated integrated neighborhoods in a meaningful way. We neighborhood as one in which there is some level also included studies that focus on segregation but of racial heterogeneity. In contrast, studies that nevertheless included racially integrated neighbor- treat integration as multidimensional pay attention hoods in the analysis—even if only as a “residual” to social interaction between people of different category. Additionally, we used the “cited by” func- racial/ethnic backgrounds, in addition to a place’s tion in Google Scholar to trace published studies racial composition. The residual category is a small that may be relevant but were not uncovered by our group of studies that focus on integration but fail to keyword search. We excluded studies that do not specifically define it; they tend to be review papers provide empirical analyses of housing integration in summarizing the literature. a substantive way. To take one example, Galster Figure 1 shows that there is a clear shift in the (1999) analyzes how the Fair Housing Act contrib- definition of integration used in published research. uted to the attenuation of racial discrimination in In wave I, 70 percent define integration as multidi- housing, which led to the emergence of stable, mensional. However, this attenuated by wave II to racially diverse neighborhoods. Since it was a social about 60 percent before declining precipitously to history of open housing laws and residential inte- about 20 percent in wave III. Nearly 80 percent of gration was not a unit of analysis and empirical articles in wave III focus on the numbers alone scrutiny, we excluded this paper and others like it. when talking about integration. We present our analysis using two-decade inter- Part of the explanation for this change from mul- vals (which we refer to as “waves”). Our timeline tidimensional to numeric integration is likely the begins in 1950 because the first published research expansion of desktop computing and the Internet, on housing integration we found was in 1951. The which facilitates large-scale dataset analyses. Early number of studies on housing integration was less studies that define integration as multidimensional than 20 in each of the first two waves (1950–1969; administered surveys to residents living in location- 1970–1989). However, between wave II and wave specific integrated housing and gathered informa- III (1990–2013), there was a fourfold increase from tion, for example, about the frequency of social 19 to 77 publications. interactions with other-race neighbors. By waves II and III, particularly from the 1980s onward, studies relied almost exclusively on census data to deter- ANALYTIC STRATEGY mine how many integrated neighborhoods there We undertake this research synthesis through the lens were and if they remain integrated over time. An of sociology of knowledge. A research synthesis uses advantage is that the results are not limited to a sin- an inductive approach to critically analyze an accu- gle city or housing project. On the other hand, a ben- mulated body of research on a particular topic to efit in studying housing integration specifically in uncover shared concerns, assumptions, and practices one location—in other words, relying on case stud- (Cooper 2010). We follow the tradition of previous ies—is the ability to have a more comprehensive Sin and Krysan 469 Figure 1. Definitions of Residential Integration in Published Research from 1950 to 2013. definition of integration that includes assessments of There is no consensus among the absolute stud- actual social interactions. For example, Merton, ies as to what cutoffs to use (Galster 1998). Some West, and Jahoda’s (1951) survey interview study of (older studies) used an absolute number such as an East Coast housing project found that living in one or two Black families (Zeul and Humphrey integrated housing has different meanings for 1971), while others use a range such as 10 to 89 Whites and Blacks. Whites framed residential inte- percent Black (Lee and Wood 1990) or 30 to 70 gration as a step toward racial equality, while Blacks percent Black (Quillian 2002). Ellen (2000) pro- saw integration, particularly through government vides one of the more detailed justifications for her fiat, as an affirmation of the American Creed, bridg- approach. She puts the upper limit of the Black ing the promise and practice of formal equality. population in White-Black integration at 50 per- Interestingly, in wave III, there are the
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