Issn: 2455-2224

ISSN: 2455-2224

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ASIO Journal of Humanities, Management & Social Sciences Invention (ASIO-JHMSSI)

Volume 2, Issue 2, 2016: 01-07

TRIBE-CASTE CONFLICT AND THE QUESTION OF CHRISTIAN INSECURITY IN ODISHA: THE CASE OF KANDHAMAL Artatrana Gochhayat†

Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Sree Chaitanya College, Habra under West Bengal State University, Barasat Institutional Address: Sree Chaitanya College, Habra, P.O. - Habra- Prafullanagar, Dist. - North 24 Parganas, PIN-743268, West Bengal, India.

ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT

Research Article History Kandhamal, one of the tribal districts of Odisha, is regarded as the classic Received: 20 June, 2016 home to tribe-caste conflict since the early nineties. The conflict is basically Accepted: 12 July, 2016 between adivasi Kandhas or the scheduled tribes and dalit Panas or the scheduled castes. The main reason behind this conflict is the conversion of Corresponding Author: dalit Panas into Christianity which was opposed by the radical groups of † Artatrana Gochhayat Sangh Parivar. Thus, there has been a constant competition between the Christian missionaries and the Sangh Parivar to bring these two vulnerable Department of Political Science, communities into their respective faiths. The Hindu radical groups Sree Chaitanya College, Habra supported the tribal Kandha community by reconverting them to Hinduism under West Bengal State and used them against the dalit Christians. The main target of the Sangh University, Barasat, Institutional Parivar is to counter the spread of Christianity in Kandhamal district so Address: Sree Chaitanya College, that it will enable them to establish their ideology of Hindutva and cultural Habra, P.O. - Habra- hegemony of Hinduism. This strategy of Sangh Parivar finally gave rise to two famous communal riots in Kandhamal in 2007 and 2008 where the Prafullanagar, Dist. - North 24 Christian community and their places of worship were the main targets. In Parganas, PIN-743268, West this paper, an attempt has been made to find out the root causes of tribe- Bengal, India. caste conflict and how this conflict is being engineered by the Sangh E-mail: [email protected] Parivar in creating a fear of constant insecurity for the Christian people.

INTRODUCTION Jagannath which is the core of all religious, cultural Communal conflicts among the Hindus, Muslims and and political traditions of Odisha. Odisha once Sikhs has been a regular phenomenon of postcolonial regarded as the ‘holy land’ of the Hindus, is now in Indian society. But until the end of the 1990s, Indian reality turned into the melting pot of all religions. It Christians were rarely affected by it. However, the late has a unique distinction of acting as a confluence of 1990s brought an array of violence against Christians many diverse faiths like Brahmanism, Jainism, in different parts of India including Odisha. Shaivism, Vaishnavism, Islam and Christianity. While The state of Odisha has been shaped by a unique Hindus comprise 93.64 per cent of the total population geography, different cultural patterns from of Odisha, Christians, Muslims and others constitute neighboring states, and a predominant Jagannath only 2.76 per cent, 2.17 per cent and 1.43 per cent culture along with a number of castes, tribes, religions, respectively [1]. But despite being a monolithic languages and regional disparity which shows discourse and practice, Hinduism in Odisha, acts a entrenchment of cultural diversity within it. This confluence of diverse faiths and sects, making it a diversity is grounded in terms of religion, language, mosaic. Diversity is also visible among the sub- sub-regions, castes and tribes. But very interestingly, regions. In case of coastal Odisha, we find brahmanical this diversity is again homogenised under the cult of traditions, ceremonial purity, religious superstitions and caste prejudice, while a large adivasi population

1 dids no.: 12.2015-81145222, dids Link: http://dids.info/didslink/07.2016-54532272/ Artatrana Gochhayat / ASIO Journal of Humanities, Management & Social Sciences Invention (ASIO-JHMSSI), 2016, 2(2): 01-07 living in the forests and highlands worship their own in Kandhamal in 2007 and 2008 and analyzed how the gods and goddesses and follow their customs and Christian community including the marginalized traditions. The census of 2011 showed that the sections were the targets of victims by both the radical Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) groups of Sangh Parivar and tribal people; and iv) constitute 17.13 per cent and 22.85 per cent assess the role of state, civil society and media in respectively of the total population of Odisha. There connection with the violence and giving it an articulate are 93 SCs and 62 STs that constitute two vulnerable shape. sections within the fold of Hinduism in Odishan society. Both communities have a long history of living The article basically employed secondary sources like together. But after the emergence of the newspaper coverage on this issue, reports of some fundamentalist organizations in the state particularly documents (Reports of National Peoples’ Tribunal on in the seventies their relationship started Kandhamal, Delimitation Commission, Reports of deteriorating. Christian Legal Association, Reports of All India Kandhamal, one of the tribal districts of Odisha, is Christian Council and Reports of Christian Solidarity regarded as the classic home to tribe-caste conflict Worldwide), and discursive writings on tribe-caste since the early nineties. This conflict is between conflict and other scholarly research on this subject. Kandha (ST) tribal community and the (SC) Dalit The article, however, applied historical, evaluative and Panas [2-4]. After the split of the old district ‘Phulbani’ analytical methods for its overall explanation. into two separate districts, Boudh and Kandhamal in 1994, the conflict looked like a caste-tribe war SOCIO-ECONOMIC PROFILE OF KANDHMAL between the two communities. The immediate reason Kandhmal is one of the poorest districts of Odisha and behind this conflict is perhaps the conversion of dalit situated on the central part of Odisha. The name of the Panas into Christianity which was opposed by the district ‘Kandhamal’ is derived from the name of its Hindu radical groups of Sangh Parivar [5-7]. With major inhabitants “Kandhas”. Present day Kandhamal sustained conversion activities pursued by Christian was formed as a separate district in 1994 from the missionaries and a reactive opposition and earlier Phulbani district. Kandhmal was divided into reconversion drives by the Saffron outfits led by 12 blocks, namely Phulbani, Phiringia, Balliguda, Swami Laxmanananda Saraswati [8] till his death, the K.Nuagaon, Tikabali, Chakapada, Khajuriapada, tribe-caste conflict has received a communal colour Thumudibandh, Daringbadi, Kotagarh, Raikia, and from both the leadership. The Hindu radical groups G.Udayagiri. It consists of about 2587 villages. Because supported the tribal Kandha community by of its hilly, forested areas, it has poor connectivity with reconverting them to Hinduism, and used them other districts. Only 12 per cent of its area is against the dalit Christians. Thus, tribe-caste conflict cultivable. About 71 per cent areas comprise of forests took the form of Hindu-Christian conflict [9]. This and the rest is barren land (Puniyani 2010). According strategy of Sangh Parivar to counter the spread of to 2011 Census, Kandhmal had a population of 733, Christianity in the district and establish the ideology of 110. The Scheduled Tribes constituted 53.58 per cent Hindutva and cultural hegemony of Hinduism, finally of the total population with 392, 820 persons while resulted in bringing the famous two communal the Scheduled Castes constituted 15.76 per cent with violence in Kandhamal in 2007 and 2008 [10-13] The 115, 544 persons. The district is mainly dominated by scale of organized brutal violence in a most macabre Scheduled Tribe and Scheduled Caste population. form that engulfed the tribal belt of Kandhamal Scheduled Tribe population includes tribes like reveals the deep religious divide. Actions of mobs well Kandha, Kutia Kandha, Kandha Gouda, Kol and Soura armed with weapons and explosives for a ‘search and and the Scheduled Castes include mainly Panas [16]. destroy mission’ selectively targeting a particular The Christian community is economically community is said to be well executed by the Sangh disenfranchised in Kandhmal. A majority of the Parivar under the protection of ruling party and the Christian population including local Christian leaders state machinery. The Kandhamal riots thus threatened are landless or marginal landholders with an average the life and security of Christians including the Dalits, holding of half an acre per family. Christian leaders women and children [14, 15]. The Christian assert that the Church does not convert under duress community and their places of worship were the or offer money in lieu of conversions. In the 1960s and principal targets of attack. They bore the brunt of 1970s many Adivasis benefitted from the services of violence and suffered the maximum damage. As a education, health care and employment provided by result, the Christian community along with other the Christian missionaries. The exposure to marginalized sections continues to live in fear and Christianity in the course of such access to services feels insecure and unsafe. may have led some to convert their religion. Adivasis However, taking into consideration of the above and dalits are not religious, but ethnic groups. Adivasis problems, the paper made an attempt to: i) give a are primarily animists and do not fall in the category short description of the socio-economic and cultural of religion as a social phenomenon in the same way as life of SCs and STs in Kandhamal; ii) locate the Christians, Muslims and Hindus. However, the Sangh historical sources of tribe-caste conflict and showed Parivar considers adivasis to be Hindus, and where how this conflict is being engineered by the Sangh they have adopted religions other than Hinduism; they Parivar and finally take the form of violent communal have become targets for re-conversion. More than 90 riots; iii) highlight the famous two communal violence per cent of the dalits in Kandhmal, otherwise known doi no.: 05.2016-65533652, doi Link: http://doi-ds.org/doilink/07.2016-16739636/ 2 Artatrana Gochhayat / ASIO Journal of Humanities, Management & Social Sciences Invention (ASIO-JHMSSI), 2016, 2(2): 01-07 as Panas, are Christians. The dalits are poorer than the anybody of their own community as a Meriah, the Adivasis and have no access to resources. However, Panas acted as brokers who were supplying Meriah Kandhas- the adivasis in Kandhamal- are also child to the tribal communities. Initially when the disenfranchised community. About 78 per cent of the missionaries came to this place, they found the Panas adivasis in Kandhmal live below poverty line [17]. as notorious, greedy and exploitative and also held the The predicament of Panas however was no less than a Panas primarily responsible for existence of the matter of concern. An anomaly in the definition of Meriah tradition as they were supplying Meriah Scheduled Castes in the Constitutional (Scheduled victims. But this practice soon came to an end by the Caste) Order of 1950 issued by the President of India British government. Thus, with no alternative, the is that the Scheduled Castes who convert to religions Dalit Panas gradually came close to the Christian other than Hinduism are no longer regarded among missionaries and got converted into it. The conversion Scheduled Castes. Subsequent amendments to the of Panas into Christianity started from here [20]. Presidential Order have permitted conversion to The Kandha tribal communities who were committed Buddhism and Sikhism without a loss of SC status, but to their religion and sincere to their superstitious not conversion to Christianity or Islam. As a result, a practices could not accept the Panas who opted to take Scheduled Caste person loses his/her SC status upon on Christianity leaving their old religion. So, once conversion to Christianity. Conversely, the Scheduled living together the Kandhas started hating the Tribes have rights to land and reservations that they Christian Panas blaming them as traitors to their old do not lose upon conversion to any religion. The 1950 religion and the society as well. After converting to Order has caused many Christian Panas to lose their Christianity, Panas became close to the missionaries rights to reservations and other benefits that they and British administration and started grabbing the were entitled to as SCs. It is in this context that land which was owned by the tribal communities allegations are made against the Panas, of using fake before. Thus, the relative success of some Panas in certificates to avail of SC benefits despite conversion getting pretty jobs, undertaking small trade and to Christianity. While the Sangh Parivar claims the acquiring land under colonial rule brought serious demand for reservations benefits by converted Panas resentment to the Kandhas. to be the root of the problem, the fact that both, dalit In the post-independence period this got further and adivasi Christians have been at the receiving end crystallized with the perception that the Panas, with of the violence exposes of the hollow nature of their the help of the state as well as the church, have been claim (Puniyani 2010). cornering the maximum benefits of constitutional Socio- culturally, there is a tradition of friendly reservation due to their educational and economic interaction in Kandhmal among people across advantage. This perception is a little misplaced as a boundaries- Hindus and Christians, adivasis and dalits. large majority of the Panas is poor and moreover, Both, adivasis and dalits speak the same Kui [18] being Dalit Christians, they are constitutionally language and despite the politicization and deprived of the benefits of reservation. The Kandhas, subsequent construction of oppositional identities, however, allege that the Panas hide their Christian there are inter-marriages among tribal Kandhas and identity and even claim to be scheduled tribes (ST) or dalit Kandhas. Hindus and Christians have also lived Hindu scheduled castes (SC) by producing forged side by side and for many of them, it is the outside certificates. The Panas, they fear, are out to dominate Odias (namely caste Hindus, some of who are them economically, politically and culturally (Kanungo members of Sangh Parivar) who have instigated 2008). conflicts between adivasis and dalits or Hindus and The limit of patience in the tribal communities Christians, so that their continued exploitation of local breached when the SCs (Panas) tried to brand them as resources and domination of local politics and Kui tribal on linguistic basis claiming them as Kui economy remains unchallenged. In Hinduising the speaking people. Kui is actually the language of the Kandha adivasis and polarizing the relations between Kandhas and a group of the tribe is called in the name them and the Pana dalit Christians, the Sangh Parivar of their language. The reason why SCs might have engineered rivalries between these two communities attempted to get a tribal status is because, as per (Puniyani 2010). Indian Constitution, SCs are no more subjected to enjoy the status of SC once they convert themselves HISTORICAL ROOTS OF TRIBE-CASTE CONFLICT into other religious sect as caste system doesn’t exist The tribe-caste or Kandha-Pana conflict is not of outside Hindu religious system. The converted SCs recent origins. The Kandhas are historically the have to lose their eligibility for reservation system and original inhabitants of Kandhamal and as they control can enjoy their caste status only after they come back over land and forest, they thus perceived themselves to the fold of Hinduism. But this does not happen in as ‘rajas’ (kings). On the other hand, the Panas case STs. They can enjoy the ST status even after migrated from the plains are landless and gradually conversion, as constitutionally they are believed to be considered as ‘prajas’ (subjects) of Kandhas. The latter animists by practice. group played the mediating role between the Kandhas Conflict between the Panas and Kandhas of and the outside world. Before the advent of British Kandhamal district became more severe with officials and Christian missionaries into the district, a increasing socio-economic gap between the two very heinous ritual system called ‘Meriah’ [19] was communities. The Pana community of which majority practiced by the Kandhas. As the Kandhas never use have been converted to Christianity are educationally doi no.: 05.2016-65533652, doi Link: http://doi-ds.org/doilink/07.2016-16739636/ 3 Artatrana Gochhayat / ASIO Journal of Humanities, Management & Social Sciences Invention (ASIO-JHMSSI), 2016, 2(2): 01-07 and economically much ahead of the Kandhas because this demand and mobilized Kandhas under the of their church and missionary link. They are provided Kandhamal Kui Samaj. Thus there started a violent with all kinds of support by the church itself or other Hindu-Christian confrontation on the eve of Christmas organizations having a church link or back up in time in 2007 (Kanungo 2008). This was also supplemented of emergency. But on the other hand, the Kandha by another issue. A temporary bamboo pandal tribals who hate changing their religion are neither (structure) was set up by Christians at Brahmanigaon getting any immediate support from their community village in Daringbari block to celebrate Christmas Day nor the government machinery. Thus, religion here on 25th December. The structure which was very close becomes an additional stick to beat the dalit Panas. to the place of worship of Goddess Durga made the Hence, the Sangh Parivar, in collaboration with the adivasis and Hindus angry and they started attacking upper caste elite and middle caste petty bourgeoisie, on Christians. Christians retaliated for the first time has been mobilizing Kandhas as Hindus against Panas and also burnt some Hindu houses. In reaction, who are dalit Christians by giving it a communal adivasis and different groups of Sangh Parivar colour. attacked Christians by which some Christians were injured while many others ran away to the forests COMMUNAL VIOLENCE IN KANDHAMAL leaving behind their belongings. Meanwhile a rumor of Odisha did not experience any communal violence attack on Swami Laxmanananda Saraswati increased until 1960s. The first communal riot did occur in the the intensity of the communal violence and it was very state at Rourkela in 1964. Incidentally, with this, the soon spread like a wild fire in the area. RSS came into the public gaze and communal riots As a result of which, on 25th December 2007, seven started occurring at different places like Cuttack in churches- Catholic, Protestant, Pentecostal and 1968 and 1992, Bhadrak in 1986 and 1991 and Soro in independent- were torched in Barakhama village of 1991. While these riots targeted Muslims, the Baliguda block. On the same day churches and houses Kandhamal violence was anti-Christian. For Sangh of Christians were attacked, ransacked and burnt in Parivar, Muslims and Christians are the two enemies areas including Pobingin, Bodagan, Kamapada, of Hindu Rashtra (Kanungo 2008). The anti-Christian Kulpakia, Phiringia, Srasananda, Ruthungia, Kalingia, campaign led to the barbaric killings of Australian Tikabali, Nuagaon, Dalagaon and Iripiguda. Between missionary Graham Staines and his two sons while 24th and 26th December 2007, a total of 5 parish sleeping in their jeep at Manoharpur village in churches, 48 village churches, 5 convents, 4 Keonjhar district in 1999 by Dara Singh and his presbyteries, 7 hostels, 1 vocational training centre associates. In the same year, Dara Singh and his and 1 leprosy centre were burnt and destroyed. Over associates also killed another pastor Arul Doss at 500 houses were burnt, looted and destroyed, 126 Jamuboni forest in Mayurbhanj district, and Seikh shops/other properties were destroyed (Puniyani Rehman, a Muslim trader at Padiabeda [21]. 2010). But in Kandhamal, Kandha-Pana ethnic divide has Again after 8 months, another communal riot broke been turned into a Hindu- Christian communal out in the district on 24th August 2008 following the confrontation. This ethno-communal violence has killing of Swami Laxmanananda Saraswati (a Hindu been started in Kandhamal since the early 1990s. religious leader) along with his four followers on 23rd When the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) led the Ram August 2008 while celebrating Krishna’s Janmastami Janmabhoomi agitation in Ayodhya (UP) in 1992, festival at his Jalespata ashram in Tumudibandha churches in Kandhamal were vandalized. But block. The attackers estimated at thirty gunmen, were Christians had no connection with the Babri Masjid. suspected Maoist insurgents killed him as a letter of While the mobilization was anti-Muslim everywhere the Maoist found from his ashram. But the Sangh else, it was anti-Christian in Kandhamal, because of Parivar alleged that extremist Christian groups were negligible Muslim presence. As a result, in Kandhamal, responsible for Swami’s killing. Thus, the seeds of the Ram Janmabhoomi agitation brought many hatred against Christians that had been sown for the Kandhas to the Hindutva fold. In 1992, the Kandha- past many years became the foundation for the Pana violence continued for a long time. In 2004, the carnage that followed, executed in a planned, Catholic Church was vandalized in Raikia. The tension systematic and targeted manner that continued for again broke out in 2006, when Laxmanananda near about two months. The socio-economic and organized a massive congregation of four to five lakhs historical differences between the two most of people at his Chakapada ashram to commemorate underprivileged communities – the Panas and Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar’s (one of the supreme Kandhas of Odisha - were further manipulated by the leader of RSS) birth centenary where the entire Sangh Parivar to exacerbate the violence. The Bajrang Parivar and the state machinery were present Dal mobilized principally the Kandhas to attack the (Kanungo 2008). Panas [22]. In 2007, the situation further worsened when the The attacks on the Christians in Kandhmal district was Panas demanded ST status because like the Kandhas the single largest attack on any religious group in the they also spoke the same “Kui” language. This world in 2008. According to the All India Christianity infuriated the Kandhas as their rivals would not only Council (AICC), at least 118 persons, mostly Christian snatch away their economic resources but also their tribals and Dalits died in the attacks [23]. On 1st sacred cultural resources by claiming an equal status. December 2008, Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik stated The Sangh Parivar soon started a campaign against in the state Assembly that 4215 houses were either doi no.: 05.2016-65533652, doi Link: http://doi-ds.org/doilink/07.2016-16739636/ 4 Artatrana Gochhayat / ASIO Journal of Humanities, Management & Social Sciences Invention (ASIO-JHMSSI), 2016, 2(2): 01-07

damaged or burnt and at least 252 churches/prayer lead the funeral procession spewing hatred and halls were damaged following the killing of Swami inciting communal violence. Unlike the 2002 Gujarat Laxmanananda Saraswati. He also stated that about pogrom, the violence in Odisha may not have been 10,000 people have been named in 746 cases state-sponsored, but the state government silently registered in Kandhmal violence and 598 accused have witnessed this macabre dance of death and terror been arrested [24]. One of the rape victims was a 28 which took 40 lives and made thousands homeless year old Catholic nun who was publicly raped in front (Kanungo 2008). of the armed policemen at K. Nuagaon, 12km.from The state government and opposition parties didn’t Baliguda subdivision in Kandhmal district. Father stand up to scrutiny the post-riot activities. There has Thomas Chellan, a priest, was also dragged out and been no implementation of poverty alleviation badly beaten when he tried to save the nun [25]. programmes in the area and land rights which is said Over 30,000 Christians fled from their homes. But only one of major areas of conflict remained unresolved by 14,500 of them took shelter in the government relief the state government. Preservation of adivasi language camps. The rest were hiding in the forest due to fear of and culture stands as another issue needs to be attacks. The government relief camps were not safe. noticed by the government. The state government On 3rd September 2008, over 2000 armed persons failed to provide appropriate redress to victims and attacked the government High School relief camp in humanitarian aid to those displaced by the violence the Tikabali block which housed about 800 Christians and did not take any steps to prevent further [26]. Those who have returned have faced forcible politicization of communal tension. It also failed in conversion by Hindu fundamentalists [27]. On 2nd providing assistance for damage of public institutions October 2008 alone, as many as 22 Christian families like hospitals, schools and hotels. At the same time, it of Ladapadar village under Phiringia block of is puzzling that the government was neither interested Kandhmal district reportedly “converted” to in nor was serious about maintaining law and order in Hinduism. The conversion ceremony was allegedly the region. In the absence of any land reforms or conducted in the forest adjacent to Ladapadar by some serious governmental interventions to improve the local representatives of the VHP and Rashtriya conditions of poor, tribe-caste conflict increases day Swayam Sevak Sangh (RSS) [28]. It was the murder of by day. Moreover, the local media has failed utterly to Swami Laxmanananda that led to the brutal attacks analyze and evaluate the Kandhamal riot as most against the Christians resulting in the rape of a nun, media persons were the supporters of Sangh Parivar. arson against nearly 300 Christian places of worship, So in the similar way did the administration, civil displacement of around 54,000 people and an society, political parties, local leadership and the estimated 100 deaths. police. This silence is the symptom of a serious malaise – IMPACT Hindutva’s expansion and ideological penetration in However, the above two riots had brought in Odisha. The growth of the RSS over the years has been tremendous impact on the life and security of spectacular. It runs about 2,500 shakhas and has about Christian people. Their life and security was severely 25 active affiliates like the VHP, the Bajrang Dal, the threatened by: Durga Vahini, the BJP, Akhila Bharatiya Vidyarthi  mass killing, Parishad (ABVP), Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh (BMS),  physical and psychological violence, Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram (VKA), Saraswati Shishu  burning of residential premises, Mandir (SSM) and the Budakattu Krishna Sangh (BKS)  looting and destruction of moveable properties, working among students, youth, women, farmers, destruction and damage of places of worship and workers, tribals, intellectuals, journalists, etc. covering other institutions, every sphere of civil society. These organizations have  forced conversion, spread their network in both urban and rural Odisha,  internal displacement and migration, continuously disseminating communal propaganda  violence against women, children and adolescents, under the pretext of ‘seva’, ‘sangathan’, and ‘dharm  disruption on education of children, and raksha’. Saraswati Sishu Mandirs are popular among the middle and lower middle class Oriya parents. The  violation of socio-economic and cultural rights etc. Thus, the post-Kandhmal riot brought a serious print media, which was once secular, has by and large threat and insecurity to the life of the Christians in internalized the Sangh discourse. Moreover, the RSS, with the support of the BJP, a partner in the state particular and other marginalized sections in government since 2000, has got access to the state general. power and resources (Kanungo 2008).

The Parivar’s deep entrenchment and continuous anti- ROLE OF STATE, CIVIL SOCIETY AND MEDIA Christian campaign, harping on the large-scale The Biju Janata Dal (BJD)-BJP coalition government in Odisha miserably failed to protect the lives and conversion in tribal areas, has created a communal properties of the Christian minorities. The BJD chief divide in the state. Odias must not forget that Christians played an important role in the formation of minister, despite his secular conviction, gave in to modern Odisha and Madhusudan Das, one of the political compulsion. The district police chief was founding fathers, was a Christian. Besides, the suspended under BJP pressure and the Parivar was Christian missionaries brought the first printing press, given a free hand to kill and terrorize the Christian minorities. The VHP’s Pravin Togadia was permitted to prepared Odia dictionaries, opened schools, hospitals doi no.: 05.2016-65533652, doi Link: http://doi-ds.org/doilink/07.2016-16739636/ 5 Artatrana Gochhayat / ASIO Journal of Humanities, Management & Social Sciences Invention (ASIO-JHMSSI), 2016, 2(2): 01-07 and orphanages and worked tirelessly in the most be argued that the Sangh Parivar’s hegemonic hold inhospitable terrain serving the poor and destitute for needs to be loosened. more than a century. More importantly, conversion “Dalit Christians are doubly discriminated as dalits happened in the process; however, if it were the only and Christians. As dalits, they are discriminated and agenda, then the number of Christians should not have exploited by the upper caste people so far as the caste- remained a meagre 2.4 per cent. Strangely, the benign ridden hierarchical system in Hindu society is role of Christianity, once part of Odisha’s popular concerned, and as Christians, they are the targets of discourse, has been systematically erased by the RSS victims by the Hindu nationalists or Sangh Parivar and (Kanungo 2008). losers of reservation facilities. Despite the existence of strong constitutional protections for religious CONCLUSION freedom, there exist two significant legislative However, what follows from the above discussion, it restrictions. Firstly, the designation of SC is linked to can be concluded that Odisha has had a horrific history religious affiliation, so dalits who convert to other of violence against the Christian community, which religions lose their eligibility for the reservation increased in intensity and scale with the spread of system, and violence against them cannot be litigated communal forces in the state. The carnage in under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Kandhmal is an act of communalism directed mainly (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989. Secondly, India’s against the Christianity, a vast majority of who are seven state-level Freedom of Religion Acts” [29], Dalit Christians and Adivasis and against those who known informally as ‘Anti-Conversion Laws’, pose a supported or worked with the community. Members threat to freedom of religion through their restriction of Hindutva organizations including the Baj Rang Dal, of religious conversion and their damaging normative the VHP and the RSS were identified as perpetrators. effect on religious minorities. Thus, the ‘Anti- Communal forces have used religious conversion as an Conversion Laws’ as it was passed for the first time by issue for political mobilization and incited horrific Odisha government in 1967 needs to be reformed forms of violence and discrimination against the keeping in view of the right to freedom of religion of Christian of Scheduled Caste origin and their the Indian constitution. supporters in Kandhmal. The targeted violence against In its most transparent meaning as a change of the minority Christian community violated the religious conversion is arguably one of the most fundamental right to life, liberty and equality unsettling events in the life of a society. This is guaranteed by the Indian constitution and affirmed by irrespective of whether conversion involves a single International Convention on Civil and Political Rights individual or an entire community, whether it is forced (ICCPR), International Covenant on Economic, Social or voluntary, or whether it is the result of and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) and other international proselytizing or inner spiritual illumination. The covenants. Thus, by all accounts, the Christians bore incidents of continuing violence have been the brunt of the brutal violence and continue to live in rationalized by those against conversion as a fear and insecurity even at present. legitimate reaction to the persisting proselytizing It can also be said that the violent expression of the efforts of the Christian missionaries in the region. simmering communal hostility against the Christians However, in essence, the conversion debate misses the began in December 2007 and the kind of communal basic issues that plague both the dalits and tribal violence that rocked Kandhamal in Odisha in August society which are their capability-deprivation and 2008 rarely takes place without a long build up. This stunted growth of human capital. The real identity of was done by right-wing organizations and forces that the tribal and other marginalized sections will be used their own brand of nationalism just to end the enhanced by improving their human capital and spread of Christianity and Christian missionaries and capabilities, rather than pondering over their religious took advantage of the historical divide between the affiliations. dalit Panas and the adivasi Kandhas. The BJD-BJP The political rise of Hindu nationalism or Hindutva government turned a blind eye to the trouble that was since the 1990s has also raised questions about India’s happening in Kandhamal. Since then to till date, justice identity as a secular state, at times as the way it has bypassed the victims of the riots. Thus, 25th August produced inter-communal clashes, terrorist acts and has been observed by adivasi and human rights other forms of upheaval. The way Sangh Parivar organization as well as Christian groups as Kandhamal started its anti-Christian campaign nationwide to Day, drawing attention to the plight of those displaced establish Hindutva ideology through Ghar Wapsi by the riots, inadequate rehabilitative measures and (reconversion) programmes in recent time which the tardy pace of the legal process. sooner or later will give way to dangerous political Ironically, the activities of the VHP correspond to what and social consequences in areas of civil liberties and they accuse the Christian missionaries doing in democratic rights. In a multi-religious, multiethnic and western Odisha. Both work to attract and convert pluralistic society like India, they should rather work people to their respective faiths- something that is towards better inter-religious understanding and allowed under the Indian constitution. Moreover, both dialogue. Shared cultural and religious dialogue will sections utilized the local resources for the uplift of the provide an interactive and creative space for the poor. Then, how does one explain the way in which the expansion of socio-political space to make India a true term ‘conversion’ appears to be synonymous with secular democratic state. Christian missionaries? From this point of view, it can doi no.: 05.2016-65533652, doi Link: http://doi-ds.org/doilink/07.2016-16739636/ 6 Artatrana Gochhayat / ASIO Journal of Humanities, Management & Social Sciences Invention (ASIO-JHMSSI), 2016, 2(2): 01-07

REFERENCES Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, 2008, New Delhi, Article No.-2462, 8th January. [1] Census of India, 2011, Orissa Series 22, Director of [13] Human Rights Law Network, Ethnic Cleansing of Census Operations, Odisha, Available from: Christians by Hindutva Rightwing Forces in Orissa, censusindia.gov.in/2011-prov results/prov_data_products_orissa.html. Orissa Report, 2008, 17 December. Available from: [2] B. N. Mohapatra, D. Bhattacharya, Tribal-Dalit idsn.org/uploads/media/Orissa_report_-_Human_Rights_Law_Network.pdf Conflict: Electoral Politics in Phulbani, Economic [14] P. Pradhan, R. Padhi, Normalcy Far from and Political Weekly, 1996, XXXI (2/3):160-64. Returning to Kandhamal, Economic and Political [3] V. Grover, (Ed), Kandhamal: The Law Must Change Weekly, 2008, XLIII (44): 11-14. its Course (Written by Saumya Uma), 2010, New [15] H. Wankhede, The Political Context of Religious Delhi: Multi Action Research Group (MARG). Conversion in Orissa, Economic and Political [4] J. Ambagudia, Reading Conflicts in the Context of Weekly, 2009, XLIV (15): 33-38. ‘Ethnicity’ in Orissa, Think India Quarterly, 2009, [17] R. Rath, Education of Tribal Children in 12(2): 62-74. Kandhamal District, 2006, Orissa Review, 62(10): [5] P. Kanungo, Hindutva’s Fury into a ‘Hindu 50-59. Province’: Early Years of RSS in Orissa, Economic [18] ‘Kui’ is a tribal language and those tribes speak and Political Weekly, 2003, XXXVIII (31): 3293- this language are known as Kui tribe. Some dalit 3303. Panas also speak the Kui language and get all the [6] P. Kanungo, Hindutva’s Fury against Christians in facilities available for the Kui tribes. Thus Kui Orissa, Economic and Political Weekly, 2008, XLIII Kandhas and Kui Panas are the two variants of Kui (7): 16-19. language which is the root cause of Kandha-Pana [7] P. Kanungo, Shift from Syncretism to conflict in Kandhamal. Communalism, Economic and Political Weekly, [19] ‘Meriah’ is a ritual practice by the Kandhas in 2014, XLIX (14): 48-55. Kandhamal district. It is a name given to the [8] Laxman Sethi, popularly known as Swami victims of sacrifice where young people were Laxmanananda Saraswati, was born in 1924 in sacrificed to the Adivasi goddess expecting for Gurujang village of Talcher, a coal mining town of good crops. Odisha, has devoted his whole life to the poor. He [20] D.Swaro, The Christian Missionaries in Orissa, was married and had two children. He renounced (Calcutta: Punthi Pustak, 1990), 131. his family and went to the Himalayas to meditate. [21] J. Ignatus, Indian Christians: Politics of Violence in He returned in the 60s and joined Vinobha Bhave’s Orissa, Open Democracy, 1st September 2008. anti-cow slaughter movement. However, he [22] V. Grover, (Ed), Kandhamal: The Law Must travelled from village to village initially contacting Change its Course (Written by Saumya Uma), 2010, business community, organizing pujas and bhajans New Delhi: Multi Action Research Group (MARG). during the Kumbha Mela at Allahabad. Then in [23] All India Christian Council, In Orissa, fears of 1966, he came across with Bhupen Bose, an RSS more anti-Christian violence over Christians, 19th Pracharak, who persuaded him to come to Odisha December, 2008. and work among the Adivasis. Thus in 1969, Swami [24] The Statesman, 10,000 listed guilty in Kandhmal entered the district of Kandhamal and started Riots, 2nd December 2008. setting up hostels for Adivasi girls, hospitals and [25] The Hindu, Nun was gang raped and priest organized massive yagnas. He then set up the brutally assaulted in Kandhamal, 30th September Gurukul Sanskrit Mahavidyalaya, Vanvasi Kalyan 2008. Ashram at Chakapada and began to spread the [26] The Tribune, Relief Camp Attacked: Deceptive ideology of Sangh Parivar. Claim in Kandhamal, 5th September 2008. [9] C. M. Bauman, Hindu-Christian Conflict in India: [27] The Asian Age, Kandhamal Riots force Tribals to Globalization, Conversion and the Coterminal Caste convert, 9th October 2008. and Tribes, The Journal of Asian studies, 2013, 72 [28] The Hindu, Convert or Leave Ladapadar, Christian (3): 633-53. Families told, 13th October 2008. [10] J.L. Allen Jr. Violence against Orissa Christians is a [29] Odisha was the first state to enact anti- wakeup call, National Catholic Reporter, 2008, 29th conversion law in 1967 when Rajendra Narayan August. Available from: http://www.ncronline.org. Singh Deo was the Chief Minister and later [11]A. Chatterjee, Riots in Orissa, Countercurrents.org, followed by Madhya Pradesh (1968), Arunachal 2008. Pradesh (1978), Gujarat (2003), Tamil Nadu Available from: www.countercurrents.org/chatterji070108.htm (2004), Rajasthan (2005) and Himachal Pradesh [12] M.B. Samantaray, Ethnic Violence and Communal (2006). Polarisation in Orissa’s Kandhamal District,

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