Texts in the Indigenous Languages of the Americas Plains Life in Kiowa: Voices from a Tribe in Transition
Anonymized for review
December 4, 2020 Contents
I Introduction 5
1 About this volume 7 1.1 Editorial choices ...... 7 1.2 Contents of this volume ...... 7 1.3 The sources of the texts ...... 8
2 About the Kiowas 11 2.1 The Kiowa people and history ...... 11 2.2 The Kiowa homeland ...... 11 2.3 Kiowa transition into modern life ...... 11 2.4 Kiowas and storytelling ...... 12 2.5 The Kiowa language ...... 12
3 Linguistic overview of the texts 15 3.1 Kiowa orthography ...... 15 3.1.1 Alphabet ...... 15 3.1.2 Orthography ...... 16 3.2 Transcription ...... 16 3.3 Glossing ...... 17 3.4 Translations ...... 19
4 About the Contributors 21
II Life on the Plains 23
5 The Kiowa Migration to the North written by Parker McKenzie 25
6 The Cutthroat Massacre told by Parker McKenzie 33
7 Captive Woman told by Alma Ahote 39
8 Wagon Attack told by Charles Redbird 47
9 The Life of Satanta told by the Kiowa Culture Program 51 9.1 Lewis Toyebo ...... 52 9.2 George Tsoodle ...... 52 9.3 Steve Zotigh ...... 54 9.4 Lucy Saumty ...... 55 9.5 Yale Spottedbird ...... 56 9.6 Guy Tainpeah ...... 59 9.7 Lewis Toyebo ...... 62 9.8 Hazel Botone ...... 63
10 When They Imprisoned Our Chiefs told by Wind Goomda 69
3 plains life in kiowa
III Interacting with a closing frontier 79
11 Poolant’s Killing told by Wind Goomda 81
12 Running Away from School told by William Wolfe 85
13 Sende Meets a White Man told by Alma Ahote 89
14 Sende Tricks White Man told by Helen Spottedhorse 93
15 New Clothes for Church told by Parker McKenzie 95
16 Incident at a Kiowa Beef-Butchering written by Parker McKenzie 99
IV Kiowa adaptations to the 20th century 105
17 Christmas Encampment told by Parker McKenzie 107
18 Letter of May 5, 1963 to Charlie Redbird written by Parker McKenzie 111
19 Frybread at the Fair told by Alma Ahote 119
20 Goodnight Show in Amarillo, TX told by George Saumty 125
21 Grandmother and the Oranges told by Parker McKenzie 133
22 A Curious Car Accident told by Parker McKenzie 135
A Grammatical Abbreviations 143
4 Part I
Introduction
5 Chapter 1
About this volume
This volume is a collection of spoken and written texts in the Kiowa language, with a unifying theme that traces the Kiowas’ transition from the traditional pre-reservation life through the reservation era into a synthesis of White and Kiowa cultures. Each text offers a Kiowa perspective on this voyage, emphasizing details that differ from Western viewpoints.
1.1 Editorial choices
Overall, our volume aims for diversity within a unified theme. Speakers are balanced for gender and generation, have different personal styles, and employ a range of genres. Some speakers were around for the pre-reservation ways, while others grew up navigating the brave new colonized world. Men and women had markedly different experiences, and this shows in the corpus. The texts illustrate into four main genres: oral history, personal recollection, conversation, and trickster myth. Each text is preceded by a critical introduction that provides cultural and historical background that helps situate the reader. It also provides summaries and unspoken information that a Kiowa listener might have been expected to know. Occasionally, footnotes in the text add some further detail. The volume presents Kiowa perspectives, so when White historical accounts of events exist, we simply refer readers to them to invite comparison. We have not altered, cut, or adapted the language of the texts for content. We have added sentence boundaries and paragraphs into oral texts, and preserved those of written texts. We made the translations with help from a number Kiowa speakers and storytellers, whom we thank profusely, except for two texts that the teller translated himself; we simply used his translations with minimal alteration for clarity. Our translations aim at delivering the clear literal meaning of the Kiowa text while maintaining a natural American English style, and we deliberately shy away from exotic or overly poetic translation. Controversy has emerged as to whether the term white should be capitalized as the name of a distinct ethnic identity. Some academics employ alternate terms like Anglo or even settler, but in this volume we chose to capitalize White, in line with the Kiowa practice to do so. From the Kiowa perspective, White has always denoted a distinct ethnicity. In this volume about Kiowa perspectives, we find it fitting to follow the Kiowas’ lead. Concerning names, we employ the Anglicized versions of Kiowa names in English texts, when a version is generally agreed on. For instance we will write Satanta in English rather than Séttháˍidé. This choice stems from two observations. First, modern Kiowas generally use the Anglicized names or translations when speaking English. Second, the Kiowa use of Kiowa-language names instead of the Anglicization is usually an active statement of cultural identity, rather than simply a reflection of perspective, and it is not our place to make that sort of statement.
1.2 Contents of this volume
The volume consists of three sections in rough chronological order, and the text can fluidly be read from beginning to end. Section one describes the history of pre-reservation life. Some of the stories reflect major elements of Kiowa history from a solely Kiowa perspective, like the migration to the north, the Osage Massacre of 1833, and the capture and trial of three Kiowa war leaders as the US closed in. This section also includes smaller-scale stories reflecting the old way of life, like a stirring retelling of war-deeds, and the daring rescue of a captive Kiowa woman. Section two focuses on the transition into the new ways, often rife with conflict and one-upsmanship with White settlers. This includes darker stories like a fatal fight over a horse, or a flight from the boarding school. But it also includes a lighter encounter where Kiowas pranked a crowd of gullible Whites. In the same vein are the only mythological texts we chose: Two versions of a trickster myth featuring Séndé (sometimes written Saynday). Kiowas adapted this classic genre for the modern world, depicting his encounter with a White Man as he was coming along. The story is still beloved and
7 plains life in kiowa part I widely told today, and it highlights the Kiowa sense that White curiosity toward Native customs is not quite as innocuous as it seems. Section three is about Kiowa life well after the reservation period, once allotment and attempted assimilation had become policy. Many Kiowas took swimmingly to new ways, often sending their children to be educated. At the same time, Kiowas also played prominent roles in preserving and maintaining traditional customs, including events like the Indian Exposition. Kiowa dances are very widely emulated on powwow circuits. This life in two worlds is vividly retold in the texts, which mix humor and complete seriousness—one is a letter detailing a trip by Kiowas to Washington to head off political misdeeds by their Agent, which also offers a rare glimpse of Kiowas neologizing to express novel political concepts. Another is the screwball misadventure of a Kiowa preacher who found himself forced to drive drunk.
1.3 The sources of the texts
The texts were collected from a wide variety of sources. Some were recorded by tribal members directly. For instance, Parker McKenzie, a self-trained Kiowa linguist who created the most accurate Kiowa orthography in use (and which we use in our first lines), recorded oral histories from his elders back in the 1930s and 40’s. He later transcribed them with painstaking accuracy from wire recordings (since lost), and in some cases read out his transcriptions for tape recordings. So we not only have the original words of speakers from the pre-reservation era, but examples of the cadence of read Kiowa speech as well. The text about Satanta was recorded by Kiowas in the 1970s, as part of a larger program of cultural preservation. The other texts were recorded by various linguists and researchers. In the 1950s the Summer Institute of Linguistics recorded several of the present texts during their annual summer language school in Oklahoma. We excluded Biblical re-tellings and Christian testimony they recorded—these would constitute their own interesting volume—in favor of stories focused on Kiowa lifeways and perspectives. The author(s) of this volume also recorded some of these texts during their fieldwork. Texts that we have recordings for will be made available in an online supplement.
Facets of significance This volume offers multiple facets of significance to academic and non-academic audiences. First, it offers a firsthand Kiowa perspective of the tumultuous transition into modern Western life. The text along with its content provide evi- dence that the transition was never a complete one. The ways that Kiowas had to live with one foot in each world are vividly brought to life. For too many people, Indian history is summed up as “we took their land, the end.” However this displacement was only the opening of the story. This volume leads readers to the next chapter of the Kiowa story through the eyes of those who lived it. Second, the corpus is linguistically rich and features a large number of distinct speakers using the language. It includes vocabulary that Kiowas devised for the new technology and concepts they were confronted with. This kind of resource is especially important now that the Kiowa Tribe is officially endeavoring to revitalize the language, to complement the sporadic personal efforts people have valiantly made over the years. Only a few native speakers remain, and heritage speakers often calque from English, and learners indicate a strong need and desire for resources with a version of Kiowa more reflective of that heritage. Also, Kiowa has offered a wide array of interest for linguistic research, but this interest has focused more on elicitation than corpora, largely due to the lack of an available corpus of extemporaneous or naturalistic speech. This volume offers the first corpus available to everyone. Relatedly, the third facet of significance is that this volume offers the first-ever collection of Kiowa texts anywhere. Even though the grammar and lexicon of the language are rather thoroughly documented, no one has compiled a col- lection of texts suitable for documentary purposes, or one that allows teachers and learners to see how the language’s structures are put together. Numerous Kiowa texts are in print, but they are strewn about independent pieces of linguis- tic and anthropological literature, written in diverse orthographies, disparately analyzed, and altogether inconvenient for community members and researchers alike. Kiowa stories can be found in Harrington (1928, 1946); Watkins (1984, 1990); Harbour et al. (2012); Palmer (2003); Neely (2012); Palmer (2018). However, none of the texts in this collection have been published before. A final facet of significance is inspiration. It turns out that a lot of people have recorded various spoken and written texts in Kiowa. Linguists, anthropologists, and motivated community members have all contributed to this treasure trove of Kiowa language material, which includes several hundred hours of audio recordings, along with hundreds of pages of written material. Yet almost none of it has been made available to the public, either within the tribe or without. Not because of cultural attitudes—the Kiowa have generally always been happy to share their culture and language with the wider world. But rather, much of the material had simply been archived, or stashed away in a community member’s home for safekeeping. Some of the material in this collection was literally saved in extremis from permanent destruction. We hope that this volume will inspire more people to take up this work and make as much of it available as possible, as soon
8 plains life in kiowa part I as possible, for the Kiowa community and the wider world. We aim to inspire either by setting a solid example for people to emulate, or by triggering a proud challenge to do even better.
9 Chapter 2
About the Kiowas
2.1 The Kiowa people and history
The Kiowa (endonym: Cáuigú [kɔ́ygú]) are a Native American tribe organized today as the Kiowa Tribe of Oklahoma, which numbers some 14,000 members, most living in that particular US state. Historically, the Kiowa (pronounced [ˈkʰ ɑıowə] in English) lived a Plains lifestyle, migrating on horseback after massive buffalo herds and living in portable tipis.
2.2 The Kiowa homeland
Most people associate the Kiowas with a traditional homeland in the high plains region of the Southern Great Plains, but history shows that the Kiowas only arrived there in the early 1800s, after a long-term trend in migration. Both oral Kiowa history and documented Western history agree on this much. We know from linguistic evidence that the Kiowas were at some point with the Tanoan tribes of present-day New Mexico, presumably in the Rio Grande Valley or just to its northwest. At some point, between the abandonment of the Mesa Verde cliff dwellings and the arrival of the Spanish, the Kiowas moved northward toward what we now call the Yellowstone region. Around 1700, they began to migrate eastward, adopting a Plains lifestyle from the Crow, and settling in the Black Hills. Wars with other tribes pushed them southward, until they formed a lasting alliance with the Comanche around 1806. The Kiowas first encountered official US parties in 1834, and eventually were forced onto a reservation in SW Indian Territory in 1867. This reservation was dissolved in 1901 as the land was allotted to individual Kiowa households (con- veniently, the majority of the land was “left over” for White settlement). However, the Kiowas came to see this area as their home. It hosts several sacred sites, including Rainy Mountain and Saddle Mountain, and despite the pressures of urbanization, over half of Kiowas still live in this area (Schnell 2000).
2.3 Kiowa transition into modern life
Like other American and Canadian tribes, the Kiowas were required to adapt to a whole new way of life— different religion, economic approach, clothing, language, and more. Some steadfastly refused, but for the most part Kiowas were interested in taking what they thought was helpful, and blending it into their own traditional ways. As a result, Kiowas never fully lost their old road. Like bricks under a pavement, if you dig a little you will find it there. Over the years, Kiowas made instrumental contributions to several facets of modern Indian life, on the pow-wow circuit, in music and clothing styles, art, the Native American Church, and so on. At the same time, many Kiowas leapt at the chance to get their kids educated at Western schools. A number of the first generation of reservation kids even went to college at a time when few people of any social class did. Kiowa men proudly served in the US army, even before being allowed to be citizens of the US, and there was no contradiction in the warriors’ hearts, for that is what men were raised to do (Mooney 1896; Mishkin 1992; Meadows 1999, 2010). Meanwhile, when they fought against the US and its allotment act, Kiowa leaders donned suits rather than warpaint, and took their battle to court. Kiowas have also been very proud to share their traditions and culture with the outside world. They were keen from the start to show off their history,lifeways, and language to artists like George Catlin, or to ethnologists and anthropologists like Albert Gatschet and James Mooney. They have worked with and alongside other researchers as well unto the present day. Kiowas have also cut out the interpreter and made their own recordings as well, be it on tapes, on paper, on video, or nowadays on smartphones, usually with the explicit purpose of saving the knowledge and heritage for future generations. One pleasant result of all this sharing is that Kiowas who today find themselves cut off from the oral transmission cycle
11 plains life in kiowa part I
Figure 2.1: Historical map of the Kiowa
can ‘catch up’,and another is that even people who did learn from their grandparents can fill in gaps. This result has aided the struggle to preserve this island of ancestral knowledge from erosion by a tempestuous sea of modern influences.
2.4 Kiowas and storytelling
The sharing process includes telling their stories. Storytelling is a major feature of oral transmission of knowledge, and for Kiowas it forms a crucial component of culture. The stories often reinforce life lessons, so only rarely does the narrator mention the lesson explicitly; the listener is expected to know them already (Palmer 2003). Sometimes, stories have no real point but entertainment, or to relate historic events. Of course, most storytelling involves a mix of the three. Sometimes, two versions of a story do not quite say the same thing. Or, two storytellers will focus on different aspects of the story and paint very different pictures as a result. These differences feed into the culutral aspect of stories, by revealing the heart of the storyteller to the audience.
2.5 The Kiowa language
The Kiowa language (ISO code: kio; endonym: Cáuijṑˍgà [kɔ́y∗+] ‘Kiowa’ [tó ̨ːgʸà] ‘speaking, words, language’) is the heritage of the Kiowa people. It is a critically endangered language, in that only a few elderly people could be considered fluent native speakers, and no children are fully acquiring the language. In between, a few hundred people of various ages might qualify as ‘heritage speakers’, but few to no people use the language in regular conversation (Neely 2015). Recently, the tribal community has shown a great interest in preserving and revitalizing the language, and the tribal government has committed to the efforts with a Kiowa Language and Culture Revitalization Program. However those programs are still nascent and have yet to bear fruit. They also face geographic hurdles resulting from the community’s displacement across Oklahoma and the United States. The documentation of Kiowa can be described as ‘fair’ on the UNESCO scale (UNESCO 2003). The language is rela- tively well documented linguistically, with a dictionary (Harrington 1928) and a reference grammar (Watkins 1984) easily
12 plains life in kiowa part I available. It is well represented in theoretical analysis as well (Harbour 2011). However, there is little to no ‘everyday me- dia’, and there is little to no audio or video that has been properly annotated. This volume aims to start to fill the latter gap.
13 Chapter 3
Linguistic overview of the texts
To maximise the information to be gained from our texts, we present each sentence (or sentence part) in the following four-line format:
Bā́thā́u. < Kiowa in Parker McKenzie’s writing system 0= báː– t’ɔ́ː < Kiowa in IPA with morphemic breakdown 3s=go:pfv–mod:vi < morpheme-by-morpheme glossing ‘(S)he will go.’ < translation
In the following sections, we introduce the reader to the conventions deployed in each: the Kiowa orthography of line 1 (section 3.1), the broadly phonemic transcription of line 2 (section 3.2), the glossing conventions of line 3 (section 3.4), and the translations of line 4 (section 3.3). For fuller grammatical description of the language, the reader is referred to Watkins 1984 and to the other references cited below.
3.1 Kiowa orthography
Kiowa has no official writing system and many, each with variants, coexist amongst tribal members (Neely and Palmer 2009). Of these, the most widespread, and complete, is Parker McKenzie’s. McKenzie was a prolific documenter of Kiowa language and culture and the vehicle for his written work was a repurposing of the Latin alphabet. The linguistic ingenuity and acumen of the system is analysed in Watkins and Harbour 2010. As detailed in there, he had hoped to see it in print as early as McKenzie and Harrington 1948, but was disappointed. We take pleasure in using his system in the current the volume, in tribute to his enormous contributions to the documentation and understanding of the Kiowa language.
3.1.1 Alphabet In McKenzie’s alphabet, sounds common to, or close to another in, English and Kiowa are represented identically:
(1) abdeghikmnopstuwyz
The sounds are of course not identical, as the recordings accompanying this volume show. For instance, l is obstruentized in Kiowa /d̥l/ and only occasionally approaches the /l/ sound found in English. Additionally, McKenzie made the following innovations to write other Kiowa phonemes, especially for unaspirated voiceless stops and ejectives:1
(2) c /k/ f /p/ j /t/ ch /ts/ ai /ay/ q /k’/ v /p’/ th /t’/ x /ts’/ au /ɔ/ Note that k p t denote aspirated stops /kʰ pʰ tʰ/ and c f j, the corresponding voiceless nonaspirates /k p t/. There is no contrast for aspiration (or voicing) at the end of syllable and McKenzie used k p t for the weakly glottalised, unaspirated stops that occurs there. Kiowa vowels contrast for tone (high/falling/low), length (long/short), and nasality (nasal/oral). McKenzie always indicated tone by standard linguistic means (acute for high, circumflex for falling, grave for low). Length is marked by a macron and nasality by an underscore; the absence of these marks means that the vowel is short or oral, respectively. Length is noncontrastive for falling tone and so is unmarked. Some combinations are given below, including for the di- graph au.
1/y/ stands for IPA /j/ (section 3.2)
15 plains life in kiowa part I
(3) āˍú /ɔ́ ̨ː/ long, high, nasal /ɔ/ éˍ /é ̨/ short, high, nasal /e/ ê /êː/ long, falling, oral /e/ (in an open syllable) êl /êd̥l/ short, falling, oral /e/ (in a closed syllable) ò /ò/ short, low, oral /o/
3.1.2 Orthography The orthography, that is rules of use, for McKenzie’s alphabet were those of a native speaker, not a descriptive linguist. Allophony was ignored in many cases, but was written explicitly for processes that differentiated McKenzie’s generation of speakers from younger ones. For instance, McKenzie did not indicate that velar consonants palatalize before /a/:
(4) cá /kʸá/ gái /gʸáy/ kā̀ /kʰʸàː/ qâˍ /k’ʸâ ̨ː/
He did, however, indicate palatalization on /l/ before /i/ (e.g., tàlyī)́ and the spread of /y/ over /h/ (e.g., âihyèl), as these features were less pronounced in younger speakers. Several of our texts were originally written or transcribed by McKenzie himself and we have preserved his orthography, including, in most cases, his punctuation. We have kept to his conventions for texts that McKenzie himself did not work on. For instance, McKenzie was sparing in writing the contractions and elisions of spoken Kiowa and wrote argument indexing morphology as a separate word before the verb (though he experimented with writing them joined to the verb at earlier stages of his orthography). We use the second line of the texts to indicate contractions and show argument morphology as verbal proclitics.
3.2 Transcription
The transcription line broadly uses the International Phonetic Alphabet. However, for convenience, y stands for the palatal glide (IPA /j/), as per English and Parker McKenzie’s Kiowa writing system. We also omit the tie mark for the affricates, writing /ts/ and /ts’/, rather than /t͜s/ and /t͜s’/. Our transcription abstracts away from much phonetic detail and aims to show something closer to the underlying form. For instance, vowels tautosyllabic with a nasal stop are nasal, categorically. Moreover, nasalization can spread for- wards or backwards over /h/, but the effect is variable between and within speakers. We do not transcribe either kind of nasal: ‘woman’ is /màːyí/, not /mà ̨ːyí ̨/, and ‘tomorrow’, /kʰʸáhí ̨ːgɔ́ː/, not /kʰʸá ̨hí ̨ːgɔ́ː/. We do, however, consistently repre- sent speaker variation between /ę/ and /į/, and /o/ and /u/, which occurs particularly in deictics. Where this practice would lead to difficulty in following the recording, owing to contraction or elision, we double bookkeep, providing both a transcription and restitution of the lexical parts. For simple elision, we place missing material in parentheses. For instance, nɔ̂ndó, from nɔ̀ hɔ̂ndó, and páːlêːl, from páːlêː∗–hêl, are represented as:
(5) n(ɔ̀ h)ɔ̂ndó páːlêː– (hè)l and:ds why:q be.weak–evid Where more substantive changes occur, creating new segments, the surface form is transcribed and the underlying form is supplied between braces. To highlight that it is a derived form, an arrow under the surface form points to gloss of the underlying form.
(6) gɔ̀t {gɔ̀ gʸà}= bó ̨ː í ̨ːgìgɔ́ {é ̨ːgɔ̀ː hègɔ́} −→ and:ss 1s›3p=see:pfv −→ now:prs then These signal that the forms heard as gɔ̀t bó ̨ː and í ̨ːgìgɔ́ on their recordings derive from gɔ̀ gʸà bó ̨ː and é ̨ːgɔ̀ː hègɔ́, respectively. To aid listeners to the recordings, we have retained false starts on this line. These are followed by a slash and are unglossed:
(7) á= z/ á= zélbé 3e= 3e=be.fearsome The transcription indicates underlying tones, which can diverge significantly from surface tones, owing to an ar- ray of rightward and leftward processes. Of these, rightwards spreading of low tone is the most prominent. Within any prosodic word, we indicate the morpheme responsible for tone lowering with subscripted asterisk. For instance, the words qáudáltài /k’ɔ́dáltʰày/ ‘on wagons’ and yīqàudàltàí /yíːk’ɔ̀dàltʰày/ ‘on a pair of wagons’ are transcribed (and glossed) as:
(8) k’ɔ́dál∗+tʰáy yíː∗+k’ɔ́dál+ tʰáy wagon+ on two+wagon+on
16 plains life in kiowa part I
The high tones in (8) indicate that, when not perturbed by other words, yī,́ qáudál, and tái all have high tone. The surface lows in qáudáltài and yīqàudàltàí arise from the starred word, which lowers all subsequent tones. A tone lowerer is only marked as such when it, and not a preceding morpheme, bears responsibility for subsequently low tones; hence, /k’ɔ́dál∗/ in qáudáltài but /k’ɔ́dál/ in yīqàudàltàí .
3.3 Glossing
The current volume aims in part to provide a gateway to further study and appreciation of the Kiowa language and culture. We have, therefore, opted for a slightly more coarse-grained morphemic analysis than might have suited other projects. Too detailed a morphological decomposition risks highlighting the trees at the expense of the forest. The reader inter- ested in further grammatical detail will find the necessary resources in the references section. (A full list of grammatical abbreviations used is presented in appendix A.) In consequence, we treat agreement prefixes, locatives, and numerous verbal forms as portmanteaux, even though viable decompositions exist. For instance, é ̨nêː∗, indexing a third person dual agent, and first or third singular indirect object, and a dual object, is not decomposed into é ̨–d–êː∗ for agent, direct, and indirect object respectively. Likewise, ɔ́ːpéhɔ̀ː (there:sprd:def) ‘spread out along a discourse-definite distal location’, is not decomposed into ɔ́ː–pé–hɔ̀ː (there– sprd–def). Besides making for a more readable text, this allows as to sidestep complications of allomorphy and allosemy that would interest only the subspecialist. In a similar vein, we have glossed some (parts of) words variably, according to what we believe will give the typical reader the easiest handle on how the sentence in question is put together. Locatives like the one just given are a case in point, as these vary between spatial and temporal readings in a systematic fashion. The root áum /ɔ́m/ provides a lexical example where multiple translations are appropriate. In transitive contexts, it is glossed as ‘cause’, ‘do’, ‘make’, but its detransitive uses range over ‘get made’ (make:detr), ‘become’,‘happen’,‘manage.to’. A functional item showing similar behavior is béthɔ̀ː, which we have consistently glossed as mir (mirative), even though the surprising element and the experiencer of it are not always elucidated. We distinguish between three kinds of boundaries when decomposing morphologically complex forms all illustrated above. En-dash (–) signals an inflectional boundary, as between a root and evidential marking (5) (hyphens are used only where they would be in English). Equals (=) signals a clitic boundary, as between agreement prefixes (see below) and roots (6)–(7). And plus (+) signals lexical compounding, as in (8), ‘two+wagon’ meaning ‘a pair of wagons’. The preceding marks occur in one-on-one correspondence between the transcription and glossing lines. Additionally, on the glossing line alone, we use a period (.) between words that would be separated by a space in ordinary text, as in (15), where gloss- ing mîn as ‘about.to’ means that mîn means ‘about to’. Semicolon (:) indicates multiple lexical and functional items in a single form that cannot be, or for the current volume, is not decomposed (previous two paragraphs). The guillemet (›) distinguishes between arguments in the agreement prefix (9)–(12). Finally, angled brackets signal interjections by other speakers, typically a supportive hā̀u [lit.: ‘yes’]. Kiowa presents several grammatical rarities, the glossing conventions for which require special comment. The Kiowa verb must be preceded by what we call an agreement prefix, though, prosodically speaking, it is a proclitic (we use the term ‘agreement’ descriptively). It is null only for a few combinations of third persons. Otherwise, it is a syllable or disyllable encoding up to three arguments: agent, indirect object, and direct object. There are four classes of agreement prefix according to the arguments that they encode. The simplest are single arguments, which occur with intransitives. These are glossed purely according to the person and number of the argument:
(9) à= dɔ́ː mà=tsán gya=k’ɔ́ː 1s=be 2d= arrive:pfv 3p= be.lying ‘I am’ ‘You arrived.’ ‘They are lying.’
All prefixes involving argument combinations are glossed with a › between arguments. For transitives, the agent occurs to the left, the object to the right:
(10) nèn= bó ̨ː ê ̨ː= bó ̨ː mé= góp 1s›3d=see:pfv 3d›1s=see:pfv 2d›r=hit:pfv ‘I saw them.’ ‘They saw me.’ ‘You hit yourselves.’
For ditransitives, the indirect object occurs between the agent and direct object, with › on either side. The indirect object category is semantically broad in Kiowa, including recipients, sources, possessors, benefactors, and others.
(11) nén= bó ̨ː ê ̨ː∗= hɔ́ːgʸà mé= ɔ́ ̨ː 1s›2s›3d=see:pfv 3d›1s›3d=get:pfv 1s›2d›3s=give:pfv ‘I saw yours.’ ‘They got them from/for me.’ ‘I gave you it.’
17 plains life in kiowa part I
Finally, indirect and direct object may cooccur without an agent. This occurs when an intransitive takes a possessor or experiencer, and for many experiencer predicates, including actors who are ‘out of control’ of the verbal event, or merely ‘manage to’ effect it. For these prefixes, the indirect object is still sandwiched between two ›, distinguishing it from the notation for agents in (10).
(12) yá ̨= dɔ́ː yán= yɔ́tkʸày án= mɔ́ːgɔ́ː mé= té ̨ːgʸáy ›1s›3p=be ›2s›3p=blunder:pfv ›3s›3p=be.expert ›2d›3s=grab:detr:pfv ‘They are mine.’ ‘You blundered.’ ‘(S)he is expert.’ ‘You managed to grab one.’
Many prefixes are ambiguous. For instance, mé occurs in the previous examples as 2d›r, 1s›2d›3s, and ›2d›3s. Whether such homophony is principled or coincidental, we always gloss each occurrence of a prefix according to the arguments in play on each use. Third person is a complex category in Kiowa. In addition to singular (s), dual (d), and plural (p), illustrated above, third persons can be empathetic (e) or inverse (i). empathetic third person occurs only in the plurals (so 3e is to be understood as 3e:p). It is generally used to refer to adult Kiowas, though it can also extend to members of other tribes, to nonadults, and on occasion to nonhumans. Empathetic plural is never indicated on nouns. It occurs only in agreement prefixes. Empathetic agreement does not need an overt antecedent and frequently opens a text talking about some indefinite group of Kiowas:
(13) á= dɔ̀m+báː nɔ̀ dè= tʰáy∗+ hâːpɔ̀ 3e=land+go:pfv and:ds 1s›3e=accompany+raise:pfv ‘They [Kiowas] were going marauding and I accompanied them.’
Inverse is a more complex category. It occurs both on nouns (where it is glossed as inv) and in agreement prefixes (where is it glossed as i, in line with one other one-letter abbreviations). Inverse marking and its agreement carry the meaning of singular for some nouns and plural for others. All animate plural nouns are inverse-marked, but can occur with inverse or empathetic agreement. In the same text, we find Tháukâui ‘Whites’ indexed by both agreement types:
(14) ét= bó ̨ː t’ɔ́kʰɔ̂y … t’ɔ́kʰɔ̂y yíː∗+k’ɔ́dál+ tʰáy á= hóː∗+ á ̨ː 3e›3i=see:pfv White:inv White:inv two+wagon+on 3e=travel+come:pfv ‘They saw the Whites … The Whites were travelling on a pair of wagons.’
Inverse-marked inanimates are generally singular, but not universally so, as the following examples illustrate:
(15) zébɔ̀t é= â ̨ː∗+ dóː– dêː táːgɔ̀ mîn bét= kʰúːlyà arrow:inv 3s›3i=haul+hold–evid eye:inv about.to ›3i›3i=pop.out:detr:ipfv ‘It had an arrow sticking up out of it.’ ‘Their eyes were about to pop out.’
‘Basic’, that is to say, non-inverse nouns, are glossed as such only if they contain an overt suffix in complementary distribution with the inverse. This is a feature of some nouns (e.g., ‘day’ but not ‘town’) and all relative clauses and demon- stratives:
(16) kʰíː–dá 0= dɔ́ː=dè à= kíl∗= dé– tʰáːɔ̀n é ̨ːhɔ̀∗– dé tʰáːɔ̀n day–bas 3s=be= bas 1s=dwell=bas–town this:def–bas town
There are many further intricacies to the Kiowa number system and its expression on nouns and via agreement and suppletion. Although we do not detail them here, we do note that there are a good number of systematic mismatches between the three. The reader should therefore not be alarmed to see singular agreement on a plural predicate, or con- versely. Discussion can be found in Watkins 1984, Harbour 2007, and Harbour and McKenzie 2020. Finally, all nonstative verbs in Kiowa contrast for aspect (exception under negation, where aspectual distinctions are neutralized). Given the thoroughgoingness of the perfective/imperfective contrast and its tendency to fuse closely with the verb root, we indicate pfv and ipfv on all verbs showing the semantic distinction, even where there is not overt mor- phology. The perfective and imperfective evidential and nonevidential of ‘drink’ (all from the same text) illustrate, with overt morphology partially fused with the root in all except the nonevidential perfective, which lacks marking (compare to the compounded form in tʰó ̨ːɔ́lkʰɔ́y ‘alcohol’):
(17) tʰónmɔ̀ tʰó ̨ːnêː tʰóm tʰó ̨ː– hêl tʰó ̨ː+ ɔ́lkʰɔ́y drink:ipfv drink:ipfv:evid drink:pfv drink:pfv–evid drink+crazy
Three auxiliaries carry special aspectual function. Glossed as coming and going respectively, á ̨ː and hɔ́ː indicate that an event is not merely ongoing but carried out along a trajectory, towards or away from a deictic center.
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(18) è ̨= tò+ t’átté∗+ hóː– á ̨ː– hêl á∗= hɔ́ː–híː– tɔ́ː 3d=camp+between+travel–coming–evid 3e›3s=get–going–mod:vt ‘They were travelling from place to place.’ ‘They will be getting en route.’ By contrast, dóː (holding) indicates that the verbal event is constant over the relevant period:
(19) ét= sɔ́ɔ̀l∗+ k’ʸál+ dóː ét∗= sɔ́m∗– mɔ́kʰôn– dóː 3i›r=mouth+agape+holding 3i›r=watch–crowd.around–holding ‘They had their mouths open wide.’ ‘They crowded around watching.’
None of these three occurs with other imperfective morphemes. In (19), for instance, á ̨ː takes the evidential hêl used with perfectives (17).
3.4 Translations
We have given McKenzie’s own translations for his texts, modifying them only slightly for clarity. Otherwise we have relied on the Kiowa speakers who helped us to understand and translate the many different speakers whose stories we include here. In the translations, material in square brackets [ ] provides information a Kiowa speaker would readily understand from the preceding text, e.g., from verb agreement or switch reference marking, but which might be opaque to readers unfamiliar with Kiowa. Material in parentheses provides more general information. Examples of the two are given in (20). (20) ‘Today we are telling the history of the Kiowa people, when they drove us [to the reservation] (out of Palo Duro Canyon).’ Where a Kiowa text was written or transcribed into paragraphs by a native speaker, we have indicated paragraph breaks by a blank line. We have not taken any measures to disambiguate translations where English makes fewer distinctions than Kiowa. For instance, first-person clusivity, or number in second person, and the dual-plural distinction in third person are absent from English translations, as are many of the rich contrasts in the locative system. The interested reader will always find the information in line three.
19 Part II
Life on the Plains
23 Chapter 6
The Cutthroat Massacre told by Parker McKenzie
This text is an account of one of the major events of Kiowa history, in which much of an entire band of Kiowas was massacred in an attack. The year was 1833, a year that would prove portentous across the Plains because of the historic Leonid meteor shower that November. This particular shower rained hundreds of thousands of meteors into the moonless night sky, stunning observers all over North America. For Kiowas keeping a calendar count, it was the winter the stars fell, and the summer they cut their heads off. That summer, the Kiowa bands had all gathered to prepare for the Sun Dance, when evidence of nearby Osage warriors frightened everyone, for the Kiowa warriors were out on a raid. Two bands fled for safety, but the third, led by Ā̀ujáujè ‘Island’, stayed behind to wait for an easier river crossing. By the time they got going it was too late to make it far. A marauding pack of Osage warriors descended upon the camp one morning, slaughtering everyone they could, some 150 in all. They then decapitated them (as was their custom) and set their heads in kettles before leaving with loot and two sibling captives. They also rode off with the sacred Táˍimé bundle that was necessary for the Sun Dance. Apparently the war party hunted this band down to punish it for having hunted and traded in Osage territory. In the aftermath of the attack, Ā̀ujáujè was replaced as band chief with Jòhâusàn, generally called ‘Dohausen’ or ‘Lit- tle Bluff’ in English. Jòhâusàn would rise to become chief of the entire tribe until his 1866 death. The summer after the massacre, the United States sent its new regiment of dragoons on an expedition through the region led by Gen. Henry Leavenworth and Col. Henry Dodge. Accompanied by painter George Catlin (whom the Kiowas called C’álàn), the ex- pedition marked the first official contact between the US and the Kiowa. The expedition brought the surviving Kiowa captive back. This return assuaged the Kiowas’ thirst for revenge and led to negotiations that eventually saw the Táˍimé’s return. Details of this episode can be found in a number of sources, including Mooney (1896); Catlin (1876); Gorenfeld and Gorenfeld (2016), and even Burns’s 2004 account from the Osage side. The story told here is a Kiowa account of events, which gives no discussion to possible Osage intentions, for raids were a part of Plains life, though they were rarely this brutal. Instead it focuses on the tragic decision-making that led to the disaster. It is told by Yīsàuḿ (Parker McKenzie), who heard the story from his mother Ákāˍudṑˍnā́ ˍ.̀ Her grandfather was leader of another band. Before the attack, the Kiowas had been camping at a bend in the Washita River, near its confluence with Rainy Mountain Creek. The campsite is now in Mountain View, OK, where “Ákāˍu”́ would later choose her land allotment. Parker came to live on that allotment upon his retirement, and most people who remember him today entertain fond memories of visiting his home and office there. The attack itself took place about 20 miles (32 km) southwest of there, near the modern town of Cooperton, at what is now called Cutthroat Gap— named after the massacre. Some Kiowas recently raised money to fund a state historical marker near the site. This incident marks a major turning point in Kiowa history, as it marks the entry of the US into the Kiowa way of life. The Osage themselves had been pushed westward by American settlers and by Eastern tribes forcibly located to areas over which the Osages had previously reigned. With this incident then, the ‘frontier’ finally reached the Kiowas, and would come to shape the tribe’s history thereafter. To this day, the massacre forms a major part of Kiowa oral tradition, and Kiowas still sometimes joke about beheading Osages in revenge when that tribe comes up in conversation.
Cáuigú ám Gùsâugàu ét qóltā̀hèldèhḕˍjègà kɔ́y– gú ám gùsɔ̂ː– gɔ̀ ét= k’ól∗+tʰáː– hêl= dé+ hê ̨ːtè– gʸá Kiowa–inv anaph Osage–inv 3i›3e=neck+sever:p–evid=bas+storytell–bas ‘The story of when the Osage beheaded some Kiowas.’
0:01 Cáuigú ám Gùsâugàu ét qóltā̀hèldèhḕˍjègà gà dā́u.
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kɔ́y– gú ám gùsɔ̂ː– gɔ̀ ét= k’ól∗+tʰáː– hêl= dé+ hê ̨ːtè– gʸá gʸà=dɔ́ː Kiowa–inv anaph Osage–inv 3i›3e=neck+sever:p–evid=bas+storytell–bas 3p= be ‘This is the story of when the Osage beheaded some Kiowas.’ 0:09 Cā̀ucâui éˍtāˍujét,̀ éˍhêˍjètdè gà dā́u. ò ̨ː kɔ̀ːkɔ̂y é ̨= tʰɔ̀ ̨ːtét é ̨= hê ̨ːtèt= dè gʸà=dɔ́ː um Mother:name ›1s›3s=recount:pfv ›1s›3s=storytell:pfv=bas 3p= be ‘This is the story that Mom told me.’ 0:19 Ḗˍgā̀u ḗˍhā̀u à cíl nàu hâuigā̀u è píhótdā́u déḕˍá cīdê.́ é ̨ːgɔ̀ː é ̨ːhɔ̀ː à= kíl nɔ̀ hɔ̂ː/ hɔ̂ ̨ygɔ̀ː è= pʰíhót+ dɔ́ː dé– è ̨ː á= kíːdêː here:prs now:def 1s=dwell and:ds near 3i=river.bend+be bas–at 3e=dwell:evid ‘The Kiowas were camped near the river bend spot where I live today.’ 0:30 Pāˍòjṑdàú á dāˍumê.́ pʰá ̨ːò∗+tóːdɔ̀ á= dɔ́ ̨ːmêː three+ band:inv 3e=be:evid ‘There were three bands.’ 0:34 Qájáidāˍumḕ̀ qāˍhîˍĀ́ ̀ujáujè kāˍudêdè.́ 0= k’ʸátáy∗+dɔ́ ̨ːmêː k’ʸá ̨ːhî ̨ː ɔ̀ːtɔ́tè 0= kʰɔ́ ̨ː– dêː= dè 3s=chief+ be:evid man Island 3s=be.named–evid=bas ‘A man named Island was one of the chiefs.’ 0:43 Jṑfàujṓqī̀ dāˍumê.́ tòːpɔ̀tóːk’ìː 0= dɔ́ ̨ːmêː band.leader 3s=be:evid ‘He was a band leader.’ 0:47 Nàu hā́jêl jógùl èˍdā́ucádè Ā́gùntàvā̀uvīdè̀ máun èˍḗˍbā̀ gàu cául éˍhòlhèl hàgà. nɔ̀ háːtêl tógúl è ̨= dɔ́ː–kʸá= dè áːgùntʰàp’ɔ̀ː∗+ p’íː– dé mɔ́n è ̨= é ̨ː∗+ báː gɔ̀ and:ds someone young.man 3d=be– surm=bas Washita.River+downstream–along infer 3d=hunt+go:pfv and:ss kɔ́l é ̨∗= hól–hêl hàgʸà buffalo 3d›3s=kill–evid maybe ‘A couple young men had gone down along the Washita River to hunt, and had killed a buffalo.’ 1:01 Nàu Gùsâuzèbàut é âˍdṑdḕ. nɔ̀ gùsɔ̂ː∗+zébɔ̀t é= â ̨ː∗+ dóː– dêː and:ds Osage+arrow:inv 3s›3i=haul+hold–evid ‘It had an Osage arrow sticking up out of it.’ 1:06 Nàu hègáu ḗˍgā̀u jṑfḗgù jém èˍbā́udèhèl gàu cáulàl háun éˍfḕˍnā̀uhèl. nègí ̨ːgɔ̀ː { nɔ̀ hègɔ́ é ̨gɔ̀ː } tòː+ péːgù tém/ tém/ è ̨= bɔ́ːdè∗– hêl gɔ̀ kɔ́l= àl hɔ́n −→ and:ds then now:prs house+toward swiftly 3d=emerge–evid and:ss buffalo=even neg é ̨∗= pé ̨ːnɔ̂ː– hêl 3d›3s=butcher:neg–evid ‘So they took off for home as fast as they could, and didn’t even butcher the buffalo.’ 1:14 Gàu èˍchánhèl gàu én jélhèl áugàu zébàut én tāˍuhêldè́ nègáu jṓdàu gà câˍiàumdèhèl. gɔ̀ è ̨= tsán– hèl gɔ̀ én= tél– hèl ɔ́gɔ̀ zébɔ̀t én= tʰɔ́ ̨ː– hêl= dè nègɔ́ tóːdɔ̀ and:ss 3d=arrive–evid and:ss 3d›3e=tell–evid sub arrow:inv 3d›3i=find–evid=bas and.then:ds band gʸà=kʸâ ̨y∗+ ɔ́mdé– hêl 3p= anxious+become–evid ‘They got to camp and told them they’d found an arrow and the camp got frightened.’ 1:25 Nàu áugàu pāˍòjṑdàú á dā́ugàu, pāˍṑyā́ ̀ugàu á dā́ugàu Cā̀ucâuikṑˍgìjṑdàu á dāˍumê.́ nɔ̀ ɔ́gɔ̀ pʰá ̨ːò+tòːdɔ̀ á= dɔ́ː=gɔ̀ pʰá ̨ːòːyɔ̀ː–gɔ̀ á= dɔ́ː=gɔ̀ kʰò ̨ː/ kɔ̀ːkɔ̂y∗+ kʰò ̨ːgì tóːdɔ̀ á= dɔ́ ̨ːmêː and:ds sub three+band 3e=be= inv third– inv 3e=be= inv mother:name+grandfather band 3e=be:evid ‘And of the three bands, the third band was my mother’s grandfathers’s band.’ 1:38 Nègáu ákṑˍgyòi jṓˍnê,
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nègɔ́ á∗– kʰò ̨ːgyòy 0= tó ̨ːnêː and.then:ds 3poss–grandfather:bas 3s=say:ipfv:evid ‘Her grandfather said,’ 1:44 Nā́u hóldé bá mâu gàu qópfḗgù bà hṓbā̀. nɔ́ː hóldé bá∗= mɔ̀ː gɔ̀ k’óp+ péːgù bà= hóː∗+ báː 1 quickly 1ns:in›3s=move:imp and:ss mountain+towards 1ns:in=travel+go:imp ‘We need to decamp right away and move to the mountains’ 1:51 bôt mā̀yīˍ́ mā́u éˍmàuáuibé. bôt mɔ̀ː/ màːyí ̨ː mɔ́ː é ̨= mɔ̀ɔ́ybé because woman somewhat ›1s›3s=be.difficult ‘because my wife is having some difficulties.’ 1:57 Hègáu án chḗ gàu hóldé sân á dā́uthā́udò bá kòmā̀u gàu qópfḗgù bà hṓbā̀. hègɔ́ án= tséː g(ɔ̀) hóldé sân á= dɔ́ː– t’ɔ́ː= dò bá∗= kó+ mɔ́ː then ›3s›3p=short:np and:ss soon child ›3s›3s=be.born–mod:vi=because 1ns:in›3s=right.away+move:imp gɔ̀ k’óp+ péːgù bà= hóː∗+ báː and:ss mountain+towards 1ns:in=travel+go:imp ‘She is soon to give birth and that’s why we should decamp now and move to the mountains.’ 2:08 Nègáu gá kūˍtèlhèl̀ gìgáu jéhàundè gà mā̀uhṓgáihyèl nègɔ́ gʸá∗= kʰû ̨ːtʰèl– hêl gìgɔ́ té∗+hɔ́ndé gʸà= mɔ̀ːhóːgʸáy∗– hêl and.then:ds 3e›3s=break.down.tipi–evid and.then:ss all+ thing ›3p›3p=prepare:detr–evid ‘And so they took the camp down and got everything packed’ 2:13 gìgáu ém hṓāˍuzònhèl.̀ gìgɔ́ (é)m/ ém= hóː∗+ ɔ̀ ̨ːzôn– hêl and.then:ss 3e›r=travel+start.off–evid ‘and they started on their way.’ 2:17 Chènvā́u tṓˍchépdāˍumḕ̀ gàu bôt jḗgàdāˍumḕ̀ nàu yîyàfḕbèchò á hṓbā̀hèl. tsènp’ɔ́ː 0= tʰó ̨ːtsép∗+dɔ́ ̨ːmêː gɔ̀ bôt 0= téːgʸà∗+ dɔ́ ̨ːmêː n(ɔ̀) yîːyà∗+péːbé=tsò Rainy.Mountain.Creek 3s=flood+ be:evid and:ss because 3s=spill.over+be:evid and:ds west+ along=instead á= hóː∗+ báː–hêl 3e=travel+go– evid ‘Rainy Mountain Creek was in flood stage, overflowing its banks, and so they followed it westward instead.’ 2:27 Áugàu Sépyàldàqòp è chél déèm á tṓgáihyèl. ɔ́gɔ̀ sépyàldà∗+ k’óp è= tsél dé– èm á= tʰóːgʸáy∗–hêl sub Rainy.Mountain+mountain 3i=be.set:np bas–toward 3e=pass– evid ‘They passed by Rainy Mountain.’ 2:32 Gìgáu châu fáifḕgù máun à hṓbā̀hèl. gìgɔ́ tsɔ̂ː páy∗+ péːgù mɔ́n á= hóː∗+ báː–hêl and.then:ss thus south+towards infer 3e=travel+go– evid ‘And then they must have travelled south.’ 2:37 Gìgáu qópcà á chánhèl gigáu áuihyā̀u ém qū́hèl. gìgɔ́ k’óp– kʸà á= tsán∗– hêl gìg(ɔ́) ɔ́yhɔ̀ː ém= k’úː∗– hêl and.then:ss mountain–at 3e=arrive–evid and:then:ss around.there:def 3e›r=camp–evid ‘Then they reached the mountains and set up camp there,’ 2:42 hègáu gà kṓˍhīhèl̀ jḗ áuihyā̀u á chánḕˍ hègɔ́ gʸà= kʰó ̨ː∗+ híː– hêl téː ɔ́yh(ɔ̀ː) á= tsán– è ̨ː then ›3e›3p=night.pass+going–evid all there:def 3e=arrive:pfv–when:ds ‘They spent a few nights there once everyone had arrived.’ 2:52 Héjáu háun cyṓˍidé á cīgâuhèĺ nègáu kòdêdè jógúl èˍdāˍumêdè́ èˍchóˍchánhèl. hétɔ́ hɔ́n kʸó ̨y– dé á= kíː– gɔ̂ː∗–hêl nègɔ́ kʰòdêːdè tógúl è ̨= dɔ́ ̨ːmêː= d(è) still neg be.long:s–adv 3e=dwell–neg–evid and.then:ds suddenly young.man 3e=be:evid=bas è ̨= tsó ̨+ tsán∗– hêl 3d=riding+arrive–evid
35 plains life in kiowa part II
‘They hadn’t been living there long when suddenly a pair of young men rode into camp.’ 3:06 Gàu én jélhèl hágá Gùsâugàu étjé zélbél ét hólhèl. gɔ̀ én= tél∗–hêl hágʸá gùsɔ̂ː– gɔ̀ étté zélbé– l ét= hól∗–hêl and:ss 3d›3i›=tell– evid somewhere:at Osage–inv many terrible–adv 3i›3i=kill– evid ‘And they told people that Osages had brutally killed a lot of people somewhere.’ 3:19 Défḕgù én jélhèl nàu, gàu èˍjṓˍnê áultṓˍchèndàuálcù bét càuéttṑdèsàul. dé+ péːgù én= tél∗–hêl nɔ̀ gɔ̀ è ̨= tó ̨ːnêː ɔ́ltʰó ̨ː tsèn+ dɔ̀ál–kù bas+about 3d›3i=tell– evid and:ds and:ss 3d=say:ipfv:evid head stew+pot– into bét= kɔ̀ét∗+tʰóːdè+ sɔ́l ›3i›3i=fear+ leave.behind+be.set:p ‘They told them about this and said that their heads had been left in cooking kettles as a message.’ 3:33 Béthā̀u ét qóltā̀hèl. béthɔ̀ː ét= k’ól∗+tʰáː– hêl mir 3i›3e=neck+sever:p–evid ‘Apparently they had cut their heads off.’ 3:40 Nàu áugàu á cíl déḕˍqāˍhyòí á sṓjéhèl n(ɔ̀) ɔ́gɔ̀ á= cíl dé– è ̨ː k’ʸá ̨ːhyòy á= sóːté∗– hêl and:ds sub 3e=dwell bas–at man:inv 3e=be.scarce–evid ‘There were few men where they were camped’ 3:46 bôt máun câul á ḗˍtèp háyá gàu hḗˍgà dāˍumê.́ bôt mɔ́n kɔ̂l á= é ̨ː/ é ̨ː∗+ tʰép háyá gɔ̀ hé ̨ː gʸà=dɔ́ ̨ːmêː because infer some:irr 3e= hunt+exit:pfv to:somewhere and:ss absent 3p= be:evid ‘because they had gone to hunt someplace and were gone.’ 3:52 Né hègáu gá tònàihyèl áugàu qāˍhyóṕ háòjècā́u á dāˍumêgàu.́ né hègɔ́ gʸá∗= tʰón+ ây– hêl ɔ́gɔ̀ k’ʸá ̨ːhyóp (h)áòtè–kɔ́ː á= dɔ́ ̨ːmêː= gɔ̀ but then 3p›3p=attack+start.off–evid sub man:inv several– only 3e=be:evid=inv ‘But the few men still there raced off in pursuit.’ 3:58 Áui á chánhèl nègáu hā́chò gà jā́udāˍumḕ.̀ ɔ́y á= tsán∗– hêl nègɔ́ háːtsò gʸà=tɔ́ː∗+dɔ́ ̨ːmêː around.there 3e=arrive–evid and.then:ds how 3p= act+ be:evid ‘They got to the site and (saw) how they had ransacked the camp.’ 4:03 Nègáu áuphā̀uchò máun gà yâiàumgà gìgáu háun Gùsâugàu háun ét àunhā́fâuhèl. nèg(ɔ́) ɔ́phɔ̀ː= tsò mɔ́n gʸà= yây∗+ɔ́mgʸá gìgɔ́ hɔ́n gùsɔ̂ː– gɔ̀ hɔ́n and:then:ds from.there.on:def=instead infer ›3e›3p=busy+become:pfv and.then:ss neg Osage–inv neg ét= ɔ̀nháː/ ɔ̀n+ háːpɔ̂ː∗– hêl 3i›3i= trace+pick.up:neg–evid ‘They got busy in pursuit but did not manage to pick up the Osages’ trail.’ 4:14 Áugā̀u Cā̀ucâuikṑˍgìjṑdàu á mā̀u Ā́gùntàvā̀ugyà ɔ́gɔ̀ː kɔ̀ːkɔ̂y∗+ kʰò ̨ːgì+ tóːdɔ̀ á∗= mɔ́ː áːgùntʰàp’ɔ̀ː– gʸ(à) then:prs mother:name+grandfather+band 3p›3s=move Washita.River–at ‘Mom’s Grandfather’s camp had moved from the Washita River there.’ 4:29 áugàu máun á cíldéḕˍá mā̀u gàu nàu qīgà́ yī́ á jóp máun ɔ́gɔ̀ mɔ́n á= kíl dé– è ̨ː á∗= mɔ́ː gɔ̀/ nɔ̀ k’íːgʸà yíː á= tóp mɔ́n sub infer 3e=dwell bas–at 3e›3s=move and:ds later two 3e=stay.behind:pfv infer ‘They moved from where they must have been camped and two bands must have stayed behind. 4:36 gàu hā́gâu á thàummā̀u gàu Āˍ̀ ucùvā́ugù ém hṓāˍuzònhèl̀ gàu áuihyā̀uchò máun hágá ém qū́hèl gɔ̀ háːgɔ̂ á∗= t’ɔ̀m+mɔ́ː g(ɔ̀) á/ ó ̨ː ɔ̀ ̨ːkùp’ɔ́ː– gù ém= hóː∗+ ɔ̀ ̨ːzón– hêl gɔ̀ and:ss other:inv 3e›3s=first+ move and:ss um Elk.Creek–to 3e›r=travel+start.off–evid and:ss ɔ́yhɔ̀ː= tsò mɔ́n hágʸá ém= k’úː∗– hêl there:def=instead infer somewhere:at 3e›r=camp–evid ‘Some others had decamped first and headed toward Elk Creek where they set up camp somewhere.’
36 plains life in kiowa part II
4:48 Nàu áugàu qájáidā̀udéjṑdàu á, á thā́udê bót áugàu Ā̀ujáujè dāˍumêdè́ máun álfīdā́ ̀u. nɔ̀ ɔ́gɔ̀ 0= q’ʸátái∗+dɔ́ː=dé∗+ tóːdɔ̀ á/ á= t’ɔ́ːdêː bót ɔ́gɔ̀ ɔ̀ːtɔ́tè 0= dɔ́ ̨ːmêː= dè mɔ́n and:ds sub 3s=chief+ be= bas:poss+band 3e=stay:evid because sub Island 3s=be:evid=bas infer 0= álpíː∗+ dɔ́ː 3s=disagree+be ‘The one chief’s band stayed behind because this Island didn’t agree [that there was a problem].’ 5:01 Āˍ́ udê háundégùsā̀ugàu ém ḗˍtṑyīthā̀ ̀u jṓˍnê 0= ɔ́ ̨ːdêː hɔ́ndé∗+gùsɔ̂ː– gɔ̀ ém 0= é ̨ː∗+ tʰóːyîː– t’ɔ̀ː 0= tó ̨ːnêː 3s=think:ipfv:evid some+ Osage–inv here:sprd 3s=hunt+go.around:np:ipfv–mod:vi 3s=say:ipfv:evid ‘He figured it would just be some Osages out hunting nearby.’ 5:09 Hègáu háun áuigā́u á mā̀umā̀uhèl hègɔ́ hɔ́n ɔ́ygɔ́ː á∗= mɔ́ːmɔ̂ː– hêl then neg right.away 3p›3s=move:neg–evid ‘They didn’t move right away’ 5:13 gàu háòi qīgà́ máun á mā̀u gigáu qā́ufé qópfḗgù ém hṓāˍuzòn.̀ gɔ̀ háòy k’íːgʸà mɔ́n á∗= mɔ̂ː gìgɔ́ k’ɔ́ː– pé k’óp+ péːgù and:ss sometime:at later infer 3p›3s=move:pfv and.then:ss riverbank–along mountain+towards ém= hóː∗+ ɔ̀ ̨ːzón 3e›r=travel+start.off:pfv ‘And must have moved sometime later, traveling along the riverbank.’ 5:19 Nàu Gùsâugàu máun è chán. nɔ̀ gùsɔ̂ː– gɔ̀ mɔ́n è= tsán and:ds Osage–inv infer 3i=arrive:pfv ‘But the Osages must have gotten there.’ 5:20 Dāˍumâú àn è dàumzêmà. dɔ́ ̨ːmɔ̂ː àn è= dɔ̀m+zê ̨ːmà on.foot hab 3i=land+go.around:p:ipfv ‘They [the Osage] would go on raiding parties on foot.’ 5:25 Gìgáu máun ét àunhā̀fàu gàu ét tàun áugàu qópcà á cílgàu. gìgɔ́ mɔ́n ét= àun+ hâːpɔ̀ gɔ̀ é∗= tʰɔ́n ɔ́gɔ̀ k’óp– kʸà á= kíl= gɔ̀ and.then:ss infer 3i›3i=trace+pick.up:pfv and:ss 3i›3i=find:pfv sub mountain–at 3e=dwell=inv ‘And they chased after them and found the ones camped at the mountain’ 5:29 Áuihyàugàu á dāˍumêgàú ét qóltā̀hèl. ɔ́yhɔ̀– gɔ̀ á= dɔ́ ̨ːmêː= gɔ̀ ét= k’ól∗+tʰáː– hêl that:def–inv 3e=be:evid=inv 3i›3i=neck+sever:p–evid ‘Those are the ones whose heads they cut off.’ 5:36 Qīgà́ ḗˍgā̀u áugàu qāˍhîˍĀ́ ̀ujáujè kāˍudêdè́ á qàjàihḕˍdèhèl. k’íːgʸ(à) é ̨ːg(ɔ̀ː) ɔ́gɔ̀ k’ʸá ̨ːhî ̨ː ɔ̀ːtɔ́tè 0= kʰɔ́ ̨ːdêː= dè á∗= k’ʸátáy∗+hé ̨ːdè– hêl later this:prs sub man Island 3s=be.named:evid=bas 3e›3s=chief+ remove–evid ‘After this, the man named Island was removed as chief.’ 5:43 Nègau ā́uhā̀u Jòhâusàn qájáiàumdèhèl. nègɔ́ ɔ́ːhɔ̀ː ò ̨ː tò/ tòhɔ̂ːsàn 0= k’ʸátáy∗+ɔ́mdé– hêl and.then:ds then:def Dohausen 3s=chief+ become–evid ‘And at that time, Dohausen became chief.’
37 Part III
Interacting with a closing frontier
79 Chapter 13
Sende Meets a White Man told by Alma Ahote
Séndé (or Saynday) is the trickster character of Kiowa mythology. He is always getting into funny situations where he takes the occasion to pull a fast one on an unsuspecting victim. As often as not, he fails in comedic fashion, or the tables turn and he finds himself the mark of someone else’s trick. His antics are also the source of a number of etiological and cosmological explanations about how the world came to be. Séndé stories are transmitted to children from a young age, but certain cultural traditions dictate their use. For in- stance, they are only to be told after dark in the wintertime, or he might come and punish you. The stories all start with Séndé “coming along” and encountering a novel opportunity. If you wish to be careful, be sure to read this story on a win- ter’s evening once all the chores are done. Alice Mariott published a collection (Marriott 1963) of Séndé tales in translation, as told by George Hunt. The Kiowas have passed these stories to children and grandchildren since time immemorial, but the genre was not a fixed one. As Kiowas encountered Europeans and other colonists, the Kiowa adapted and created new Séndé stories to reflect the Kiowa attitudes towards those who would turn Kiowa culture into their entertainment. The best example is this text, in which Séndé comes across a fancily-dressed White man on a horse. The White man has heard the legends and demands that Séndé pull a trick on him, a sort of one-man Wild West show. Séndé feigns inability, alluding to his medicine, craftily spinning a web using the European mythos of Indians as mystics. The White man is unaware that Séndé’s gifts are all too earthly. The trickster sets in motion a process that bamboozles the White man without him even realizing. Seen with this background, the story reveals itself as a defiant statement of resistance and independence in the face of a closing frontier oppressing one’s culture. The Indian will act the Indian, but on his own terms, and to his own ends. Small wonder this tale has amused generations of Kiowas. This particular version was told by Alma Ahote in 1957, as part of the series of recordings collected by the Summer Insititute of Lingusitics. The transcription and gloss were greatly aided by an earlier gloss made by Gus Palmer, Jr., which he graciously provided us. Linguistically, you will notice the frequent use of the word jṓˍnê; 29 times in all. This verb, glossed [say:ipfv:evid], is frequently employed in Kiowa narratives where English might use ‘said.’ Curiously, the form is in the imperfective but is universally understood and translated as a complete event rather than an ongoing one. The term is often doubled up, as it also used to round out quotes. This story has a lot of dialogue which is constantly punctuated with jṓˍnê. Also, this text is excellent for comparing the lexical pair ‘mule’/‘White’, both of whose basic forms are tháukáui [t’ɔ́kʰ ɔ́y]. Their inverse forms differ ([t’ɔ́kʰɔ́y-gú] and [t’ɔ́kʰɔ̂y]), but interestingly, their basic forms are not pronounced the same. Typically, ‘mule’ has the standard downstep pattern, where the first high tone in the word is the highest. Meanwhile, ‘White’ has an exceptional tone pattern, where the second tone is slightly higher than the first. Two curiosities stands out in Alma’s version. One is in the story: She puts the White man on a mule, rather than a horse. The text even includes the White man talking about his chêˍ‘horse’, but this word can sometimes have a broader meaning as ‘animal’.The other is in the procedure. After 1:04, the recording stops and starts again, and we have no indication why— was there an interruption?
Séndé Tháukáuiqī́ qā́ujéhèldèhḕˍjègà séndé t’ɔ́kʰɔ́y+k’íː 0= k’ɔ́ːté∗-hêl= dè+ hê ̨ːtè- gʸà Sende White+ male 3s›3s=meet- evid=bas+storytell-bas ‘The story of Sende meeting a White man.’
0:00 Séndé hábé āˍhêĺ nàu Tháukáuiqī́ qā́ujéhèl.
89 plains life in kiowa part III
séndé hábé 0= á ̨ː- hêl gɔ̀/ nɔ̀ t’ɔ́kʰɔ́y+k’íː 0= k’ɔ́ːté∗-hêl Sende along.somewhere 3s=come-evid and:ds White+ male 3s›3s=meet- evid ‘Sende was coming along and met a White man.’ 0:07 Nègáu jṓˍnê “Hā́chò èm āˍ?”́ jṓˍnê. nègɔ́ 0= tó ̨ːnêː háːtsò (è)m=á ̨ː 0= tó ̨ːnêː and.then:ds 3s=say:ipfv:evid how 2s= come:pfv 3s=say:ipfv:evid ‘And the White man asked “How are you coming along?”’ 0:13 “Nàu, émhā̀u à āˍ,”́ jṓˍnê. nɔ̀ é ̨mhɔ̀ː à= á ̨ː 0= tó ̨ːnêː and:ds here:along:def 1s=come:pfv 3s=say:ipfv:evid “‘Why, I’m coming along this way.”’ 0:16 Nègáu Tháukáuiqī́ jṓˍnê “Hā́chò èm kāˍu?”́ jṓˍnê. nègɔ́ t’ɔ́kʰɔ́y+k’íː 0= tó ̨ːnêː háːtsò (è)m=kʰɔ́ ̨ː 0= tó ̨ːnêː and.then:ds White+ male 3s=say:ipfv:evid how 2s= be.named 3s=say:ipfv:evid ‘And the White man said “What is your name?”’ 0:21 Nàu, “Séndé à kāˍu.”́ jṓˍnê. nɔ̀ séndé à= kʰɔ́ ̨ː 0= tó ̨ː(nêː) and:ds Sende 1s=be.named 3s=say:ipfv:evid ‘“My name is Sende.” 0:24 Tháukáuiqī́ jṓˍnê “Háu ám èm dā́u, àn bè xànhṓlê?” jṓˍnê. t’ɔ́kʰɔ́y+k’íː 0= tó ̨ːnêː hɔ́ ám èm=dɔ́ː àn bè= ts’àn+hóːlêː 0= tó ̨ːnêː White+ male 3s=say:ipfv:evid Q 2 2s= be hab 2s›3i=trick+kill:ipfv:evid 3s=say:ipfv:evid ‘The White man asked “Are you the one who plays tricks?” 0:32 Nàu, “Hā̀u, áuihyàudè à dā́u,” jṓˍnê. nɔ̀ hɔ̀ː ɔ́yhɔ̀–dè à= dɔ́ː 0= tó ̨ːnêː and:ds yes that– bas 1s=be 3s=say:ipfv:evid ‘And Sende replied, “Yes, that’s me.”’ 0:36 Nègáu jṓˍnê, “Nàu hét éˍkóxànhṑ,” jṓˍnê. nègɔ́ 0= tó ̨ːnêː nɔ̀ hét é ̨= kʰó∗+ ts’àn+hôː 0= tó ̨ːnêː and.then:ds 3s=say:ipfv:evid and:ds hort 2s›1s=right.now+trick+kill:imp 3s=say:ipfv:evid ‘The White man replied, “So how about you trick me?” he said.’ 0:40 Nàu hègáu Séndé jṓˍnê, “Hāˍunê,”́ jṓˍnê. nɔ̀ hègɔ́ séndé 0= tó ̨ːnêː hɔ́ ̨ːnêː 0= tó ̨ːnêː and:ds then Sende 3s=say:ipfv:evid no 3s=say:ipfv:evid ‘And Sende said, “No.”’ 0:47 “Dáui táuigàu yáˍqúl,” jṓˍnê, “gàu hā́chò? Dāˍumâú à dā́u, gàu hā́chò à chándéthā̀u?” dɔ́y tʰɔ́ygɔ̀ yá ̨= k’úl 0= tó ̨ːnêː gɔ̀ háːtsò dɔ́ ̨ːmɔ̂ː à= dɔ́ː gáːtsàː { gɔ̀ háːtsò à= } medicine far.away ›1s›3p=be.lying:p 3s=say:ipfv:evid and:ss how on.foot 1s=be −→ and:ss how 1s= tsándé∗- t’ɔ́ː arrive:detr-mod:vi “‘I left my medicine far from here,” he said. “So how? I’m on foot. How shall I manage to get there?”’ 0:54 Nègáu Tháukáuiqī́ jṓˍnê, “Hāˍunê,́ éˍkóxànhṑ.” jṓˍnê nègɔ́ t’ɔ́kʰɔ́y+k’íː 0= tó ̨ːnêː hɔ́ ̨ːnêː é ̨= kʰó∗+ ts’àn+hóː 0= tó ̨ːn(êː) and.then:ds White+ male 3s›3s=say:ipfv:evid no 2s›1s=right.now+trick+kill:imp 3s=say:ipfv:evid ‘And the White man said, “No, trick me now,” he said.’ 1:00 “Háun àn dáuihḕˍdè xànhṓgû,” jṓˍnê.” àn/ hɔ́n àn dɔ́y∗+ hé ̨ː dè= ts’àn+hóːgûː 0= tó ̨ːnêː neg hab medicine+without 1s›3i=trick+kill:neg 3s=say:ipfv:evid ‘He said “I don’t play tricks without my medicine.”’ 1:05 Jṓˍnê, “Nàu hét chêˍgá ā́uāˍujā̀ ̀u,” jṓˍnê.
90 plains life in kiowa part III
0= tó ̨ːnêː nɔ̀ hét tsê ̨ː gʸá= ɔ́ː∗+ ɔ́ ̨ː- tɔ́ː 0= tó ̨ːnêː 3s=say:ipfv:evid and:ds hort horse 1s›2s›3s=awhile+give-mod:vt 3s=say:ipfv:evid ‘He said, “Let me just go ahead and lend you my horse.”’ 1:09 Nàu, “Hāˍunê,”́ jṓˍnê. nɔ̀ hɔ́ ̨ːnêː 0= tó ̨ːnêː and:ds no 3s=say:ipfv:evid “‘No,” he [Sende] said.’ 1:10 Tháukáui á āˍdê.́ t’ɔkʰɔ́y á= á ̨ːdêː mule ›3s›3s=be.sitting:np:evid ‘The White man was mounted on a mule.’ 1:13 Ém dólbéhèl Tháukáuiqī́ nàu hègáu háun āˍunâuhèl.́ 0= dólbé- hêl t’ɔ́kʰɔ́y+k’íː nɔ̀ hèg(ɔ́) (h)ɔ́n 0= ɔ́ ̨ːnɔ̂ː∗- hêl ›3s›r=dress.elegantly-evid White+ male and:ds then not 3s=want:neg-evid ‘The White man was elegantly dressed and so Sende refused.’ 1:19 Nègáu hā́bé hègáu jṓˍnê, “Nàu éˍkóā̀uāˍu,”̀ jṓˍnê. nègɔ́ háːbé (hè)gɔ́ 0= tó ̨ːnêː nɔ̀ é ̨= kʰó∗+ ɔ́ː+ ɔ̂ ̨ː 0= tó ̨ːnêː and.then:ds sometime then 3s=say:ipfv:evid and:ds 2s›1s›3s=right.now+awhile+give:imp 3s=say:ipfv:evid ‘At length, Sende said “All right, lend it to me.”’ 1:24 Gàu á ā́uāˍuhèl.̀ gáː { gɔ̀ á= } ɔ́ː∗+ ɔ́ ̨ː- hêl −→ and:ss 3s›3s›3s= awhile+give-evid ‘Then he lent it to him.’ 1:25 Nègáu èm sā́uhèl gàu gà âihyèl. nègɔ́ (è)m=sɔ́ː∗- hêl gɔ̀ gìː { gʸà= } ây∗- hêl and.then:ds 3s›r=sit.down-evid and:ss −→ 3s›3p= start.off-evid ‘So he [Sende] got in the saddle and started away.’ 1:29 Gàu hègáu xàncîˍhèl gàu hègáu kóigáàumhèl. gɔ̀ hègɔ́ 0= ts’àn+kî ̨ː∗-hêl gɔ̀ hègɔ́ 0= kʰóygʸá∗+ ɔ́m- hêl and:ss then 3s›3s=trick+pull-evid and:ss then 3s›3s=turn.round:detr+make-evid ‘Then he deceptively tugged [on the reins] to make the horse turn around on its own.’ 1:34 Gàu jṓˍnê, “Èm ā́ugákàunmàu, háun ḗˍháigâu.” gɔ̀ 0= tó ̨ːnêː èm= ɔ́ːgʸá∗+ kʰɔ́nmɔ̀ hɔ́n é ̨= háygɔ̂ː and:ss 3s=say:ipfv:evid 3s›r=refuse.request+balk:ipfv neg ›1s›3s=be.known:neg ‘And he said, “It’s balking. It doesn’t know me.”’ 1:38 “Hét qàunbóhṑˍdàu náu ā́uāˍu,”̀ jṓˍnê. hét k’ɔ̀nbóhò ̨ːdɔ̀ nɔ́= ɔ́ː∗+ ɔ̂ ̨ː 0= tó ̨ːnêː hort hat:inv 2s›1s›3i=awhile+give:imp 3s=say:ipfv:evid ‘“So why don’t you let me borrow your hat?” he said.’ 1:42 Nègáu kâun hègáu qàunbóhṑˍdàu áu ā́uāˍuhèl.̀ nègɔ́ kʰɔ̂n hègɔ́ k’ɔ̀nbóhò ̨ːdɔ́ː { k’ɔ̀nbóhò ̨ːdɔ̀ ɔ́= } ɔ́ː∗+ ɔ́ ̨ː- hêl and.then:ds so then −→ hat:inv 3s›3s›3i= awhile+give-evid ‘And so he lent him his hat.’ 1:46 Nègáu èm âuiāˍuzònhèl̀ gìgáu fòi âuikòidèhèl tháukáui. nègɔ́ (è)m=ɔ̂y∗+ ɔ̀ ̨ːzón- hêl gìgɔ́ pòy 0= ɔ̂y∗+ kʰóydé- hêl t’ɔ́kʰɔ́y and.then:ds 3s›r=again+start.trip-evid and.then:ss likewise 3s=again+turn.round:detr-evid mule ‘So he got started again and once more the mule turned around.’ 1:50 Nègáu jṓˍnê, “Èm ā́ugákàunmàu. Hóldà yáˍā́uāˍu.”̀ nègɔ́ 0= tó ̨ːnêː èm= ɔ́ːgʸá+ kʰɔ̀nmɔ̀ hóldà yá ̨= ɔ́ː∗+ ɔ̂ ̨ː and.then:ds 3s=say:ipfv:evid 3s›r=refuse.request+balk:ipfv shirt 2s›1s›3p=awhile+give:imp ‘Then he said, “He’s balky. Let me borrow your shirt.”’
91 plains life in kiowa part III
1:54 Háun máun ám à dāˍumâú nàu gàu jā́ubà. Âˍunyà à dā́u,” jṓˍnê. hɔ́n/ hɔ́n mɔ́n ám à= dɔ́ ̨ːmɔ̂ː nɔ̀ gɔ̀= tɔ́ːbà ɔ̂ ̨ːnʸà à= dɔ́ː neg infer you 1s=be:neg and:ds 3s›2s=watch:ipfv different 1s=be ‘“I’m not you, I guess. He’s watching you, and I’m different,” he said.’ 2:02 Nègáu hóldààl án āˍuhèl.́ nègóldàl { nɔ̀ hègɔ́ hóldà=àl } án= ɔ́ ̨ː∗- hêl −→ and:ds then shirt= also 3s›3s›3p=give-evid ‘And then he gave him his shirt too’ 2:03 Gàu fā́chòcā́u âuikòidèhèl gìgáu kā́udé gàu jòcīˍnyíàĺ hègáu én hā́uhèl. gɔ̀ páːtsòk(ɔ́ː) 0= ɔ̂y∗+ kʰóydé- hêl gìgɔ́ kɔ́ːdé gɔ̀ tòkí ̨ːní=àl hègɔ́ én/ én/ and:ss same.way 3s=again+turn.round-evid and.then:ss pants and boot= also then én= hɔ́ː∗-hêl 3s›3s›3d=take-evid ‘Sende turned around again the same way, and took his pants and his boots too.’ 2:13 Én ā́uhā̀uhèl. én= ɔ́ː∗+ hɔ́ː- hêl 3s›3s›3d=awhile+take-evid ‘He borrowed them from him.’ 2:15 Hègáu fòi á âuikòidèhèl nàu jṓˍnê. hègɔ́ pòy á= ɔ̂y∗+ kʰóydé- hêl nɔ̀ 0= tó ̨ːnêː then likewise ›3s›3s=again+turn.round:detr-evid and:ds 3s=say:ipfv:evid ‘Then he turned it around yet again and said,’ 2:20 “Háˍuàuncù né âˍu. Áuihyàudò hègáu háun gà ā́yâu,” jṓˍnê. hɔ́ ̨ːkùː/ hɔ́ ̨ːkùː/ hɔ́ ̨∗+ ɔ́n+ kûː né= ɔ̂ ̨ː ɔ́yhɔ̀= d(ò) (h)ègɔ́ hɔ́n gʸà= áːyɔ̂ː metal+foot+hit 2s›1s›3d=give:imp that:def=because then neg 3s›3p=start.off:neg 0= tó ̨ːnêː 3s=say:ipfv:evid ‘“Give me your spurs. That’s why he won’t get going,” he said.’ 2:29 Gìgáu kâun háˍuàuncùàl. Hègáu jḗ án hā́uhèl. gìgɔ́ kʰɔ̂n hɔ́ ̨∗+ ɔ́n+ kûː=àl á ̨ː/ hègɔ́ téː án= hɔ́ː∗-hêl and.then:ss so metal+foot+hit= also then all 3s›3s›3p=take-evid ‘And so, the spurs too. He had taken everything from him.’ 2:32 Gìgáu èm āˍuzónhèl.̀ gìgɔ́ èm= ɔ̀ ̨ːzón∗- hêl and.then:ss 3s›r=start.trip-evid ‘Then he began to ride off.’ 2:35 Gàu jṓˍnê, “Chólhā̀u à dā́u,” jṓˍnê, “qàut dè xànhótjàu.” gɔ̀ 0= tó ̨ːnêː tsólhɔ̀ː à= dɔ́ː 0= tó ̨ːnêː k’ɔ̀t dè= ts’àn+hóttɔ̀ and:ss 3s=say:ipfv:evid that.way 1s=be 3s=say:ipfv:evid and:expr:ss 1s›3i=trick+kill:ipfv ‘And he said “That’s the way I am. I fool people.”’ 2:40 “Ḗˍhā̀u châu èm āˍ,”́ gìgáu gà âihyèl. é ̨ːhɔ̀ː tsɔ̂ː èm=á ̨ː gìgɔ́ gʸà= ây∗- hêl here:def thus 2s= come:imp and.then:ss 3s›3p=start.off-evid “‘Come around here some more like that,” then he took off.’ 2:43 Nàu èm cīàuthā́ ̀dèhèl nègáu háyá pīgúṕ cṓbèhèl. nɔ̀ èm= kíː∗+ɔ́t+ háːdè-hêl nèg(ɔ́) (h)áyá pʰíː-gúp 0= kóːbè∗- hêl and:ds 3s›r=fear+cry+shout-evid and.then:ds to.somewhere hill-behind:onward 3s=disappear-evid ‘The White man cried out, but Sende had already disappeared over the hill.’
92 Part IV
Kiowa adaptations to the 20th century
105 Chapter 20
Goodnight Show in Amarillo, TX by Rev. George Saumty
This is the second text concerning Kiowas at an Indian show, showing the men’s side of things. In pre-reservation days, the work was largely divided along gender lines, and the shows exhibiting Kiowa traditions reflected that division. In this case, Rev. George Saumty (1906-1993) describes a time when he and a few others went out to Amarillo to a buffalo hunt exhibition hosted by Charles Goodnight. Goodnight (1836–1929) was a major player in the West Texas cattle business, who helped develop a Western cattle trail to bring herds up through booming areas of New Mexico and Colorado along a route now known as the Goodnight-Loving trail. He ran a massive ranch in the Texas panhandle,1 invented the chuckwagon, developed the venerable Texas Longhorn breed of cattle, and helped his wife preserve the American bison from extinction (Hagan 2007). Goodnight also had a long history with Indians as well. As a young man he eagerly helped track down the captive girl Cynthia Ann Parker among the Comanches, and lost his business partner Oliver Loving to an Indian attack. As he aged, though, his attitudes softened. He sent gifts of buffalo meat to nearby Indian tribes, for instance. Among the dignitaries who would visit his Texas ranch house was Comanche chief Quanah Parker. In his later years, he turned to showmanship, losing most of his fortune bankrolling Hollywood failures, including a film of Kiowas hunting a buffalo (Goodnight Films 1916). Later he established a Wild West show at the Amarillo Tri-County Fair, which allowed patrons to reminisce or fantasize about the way things had been in that area just a generation or two past (see 3-3). This text offers the Kiowa perspective on one of Goodnight’s invitations. Only two aging men conducted the hunt– few would have known the old ways firsthand, decades after the buffalo had been exterminated off the Plains. ’Kiowa’ George Poolaw (1863–1939) was one of them. Cúifòlā́u (póːlɔ̀ː) had served in the US Cavalry in the 1890s, his name written as Pohd-Lohk. His son, photographer Horace Poolaw, is known today for his memorable shots that visually document the Kiowa transition to a life blending tradition and modernity (Smith 2011). His grandson Pascal Poolaw became a modern Kiowa hero, fighting in three US wars with distinction, earning forty-two medals before being killed in battle in 1967. Another descendant, Dane Poolaw, now teaches Kiowa language courses at the University of Oklahoma. The other was named Old Man Skinny; we are unable to ascertain exactly who this was. In front of a massive crowd, the two successfully took down the buffalo in impressive fashion, with just one shot. Then the butchering began. Kiowas were slicing the animal apart and enjoying some of the delicacies while they were still warm (see 1-6). Of course, one culture’s delicacies are another’s horror, and so it went for the White spectators. Saumty closes by explaining how important it is to understand that Kiowas see these deeds and lifeways as good for them. The recording was conducted by Laurel Watkins in 1978. Reverend Saumty was accompanied by his wife, who kept reminding him of a few things. Her voice can be heard in the background a few times, although we opted not to transcribe her words. His sister-in-law Belle Kayitah was also present: He addresses her at the start by her Kiowa name, and teases her about saying things simply for her. Teasing was a sign of a close respectful relationship, and it was proper for a man to be that close with his wife’s sister. The story proper begins at 0:13. Linguistically interesting is the use at the end of several nominalized clauses that are the ‘subject’ of gát ṓˍ [gʸát=ó ̨ː] ‘be good for us’. Also of interest is his use of the hearsay evidential throughout; this signals that he was not actually present for these events, as he would have probably been a teenager. The sentence at 1:16 features an interesting ambiguity. It is glossed and translated as a 1st-person inclusive, ‘let’s you and me kill a buffalo and (we) eat it’, but these forms could just as well refer to a 2nd-person plural: ‘Y’all kill a buffalo and (you) eat it.’ We chose 1st person in keeping with the theme of the storyteller portraying Goodnight as generous and hospitable.
1The JA ranch reached over 700,000 acres in size— over 1000 sq.mi (283,000 ha/2800 km2), nearly the size of the US state of Rhode Island.
125 plains life in kiowa part IV
0:00 Ā̀kô, Bófàn, háiṑˍdè bè thā́uhál àːkʰôː bópàn háyò ̨ːdè bè= t’ɔ́ːhál now:intj Belle:name carefully 2s›r=listen:imp ‘So, Belle, listen closely.’
0:04 ḗˍgàu gà dā́udè câul háundé syáundé háyá à jṓˍthā́u. é ̨ːgɔ̀ gʸà=dɔ́ː=dè kɔ̂l hɔ́ndé syɔ́n– dé háyá à= tó ̨ː– t’ɔ́ː now:prs 3p= be= bas some:irr thing be.small:s–adv somehow 1s=say:pfv–mod:vi ‘The way things are, I’m going to say something short’ 0:08 nàu hàgà hègáu mā́u háyátjò bè qáphā́ujā̀u. nɔ̀ hàgʸà hègɔ́ mɔ́ː háyáttò bè= k’ʸáphɔ́ː∗– tɔ́ː and:ds maybe then somewhat might 2s›r=catch.on:pfv–mod:vt ‘and maybe you might catch some of it.’ 0:13 Hègáu gá mā̀uhṑlḕ gìgáu háyá á bāˍnê.́ hègɔ́ gʸá∗= mɔ́ːhóːlêː gìgɔ́ háyá á= bá ̨ːnêː then 3e›3p=prepare:ipfv:evid and.then:ss somewhere:to 3e=go:ipfv:evid ‘They [some Kiowas] were getting ready to go somewhere.’ 0:18 Jèˍhāˍnèdàumgù́ á bāˍnê.́ tè ̨há ̨ːnè+dɔ̀m–gù á= bá ̨ːnêː Texan+ land–to 3e=go:ipfv:evid ‘They were going to go to Texas.’ 0:20 Gìgáu jḗ gà mā́uhṓgáihèl gìgáu ém hṓāˍuzònhèl.̀ gìgɔ́ téː gʸà= mɔ́ːhóːgʸáy∗– hêl gìgɔ́ ém= hóː∗+ ɔ̀ ̨ːzón– hêl and.then:ss all ›3e›3p=prepare:detr:pfv–evid and.then:ss 3e›r=travel+leave:pfv–evid ‘And when they got everything ready then they started off.’ 0:26 Gìgáu á bā́hêl gìgáu sándádṑˍbè á tṓgàihyèl gìgɔ́ á= báː– hêl gìgɔ́ sándá∗+ dó ̨ːbè á= tʰóːgʸày∗– hêl and.then:ss 3e=go:pfv–evid and.then:ss escarpment+down.in:along 3e=pass.through:pfv–evid ‘And they were going along and passed on through the escarpment (onto the Llano Estacado) 0:31 gìgáu cáp á bā́hêl. gìgɔ́ kʸáp á= báː– hêl and.then:ss further.on 3e=go:pfv–evid ‘and were continuing on from there.’ 0:33 Óóói háòi gà dāˍumế déḕˍ, hègáu háòjèkī̀ cáp, óːːːy háòy gʸà=dɔ́ ̨ːmêː dé– è ̨ː hègɔ́ háòtè∗+kʰíː kʸáp there:expr sometime:at 3p= be:evid bas–at then several+day further.on ‘A while later, after a few days had passed,’ 0:39 gìgáu jòiáuigà á chánhèl. gìgɔ́ tòyɔ́y∗–gyá á= tsán∗– hêl and.then:ss town– at 3e=arrive:pfv–evid ‘then they came to a town.’ 0:43 Á chánhèl Jèˍhāˍnèdàumgà,́ á= tsán∗– hêl tè ̨há ̨ːnè∗+dɔ́m–gʸà 3e=arrive:pfv–evid Texan+ land–at ‘They arrived in Texas.’ 0:45 Amarillo, Texasgà kāˍudè.́ Amarillo, Texas–gʸà 0= kʰɔ́ ̨ː= dè Engl.– at 3s=be.named=bas ‘In Amarillo Texas, it’s called.’ 0:50 Jḗ áuihyā̀u ém qā́ujéhèl.
126 plains life in kiowa part IV
téː ɔ́yhɔ̀ː ém= k’ɔ́ːté∗– hêl all there:def 3e›r=meet:pfv–evid ‘They all met there.’ 0:51 Gìgáu áuihyā̀u á cīdê.́ gìgɔ́ ɔ́yhɔ̀ː á= kíːdêː and.then:ss there:def 3e=dwell:evid ‘And they camped there.’ 0:54 Nègáu Tháukáuiqī́ dāˍumê,́ Cīgúldā́ ́ugáu èm ṓˍféldṑdè nègɔ́ t’ɔ́kʰɔ́y+k’íː 0= dɔ́ ̨ːmêː kíːgúldɔ́ː–gɔ́ èm/ èm= ó ̨ːpéldòː=dè and.then:ds White+ male 3s=be:evid Indian– inv 3s›3e=like= bas ‘And then there was a White man who liked Indians.’ 1:01 gìgáu Goodnight, Colonel Goodnight, Texas kāˍu,́ Colonel Goodnight. gìgɔ́ Goodnight, Colonel Goodnight, Texas 0= kʰɔ́ ̨ː Colonel Goodnight. and.then:ss Engl. 3s=be.named Engl. ‘Goodnight, Colonel Goodnight Texas he’s called, Goodnight.’ 1:07 “Āˍ̀ kô,” jṓˍnê, “Cīgúldā́ ́ugáu, háundé ṓˍdé bà chán!” à ̨ːkʰôː 0= tó ̨ːnêː kíːgúldɔ́ː–g(ɔ́) (h)ɔ́ndé ó ̨ː– dé bà= tsán well:intj 3s=say:ipfv:evid Indian– inv how:intj good–adv 2p›=arrive:pfv ‘“Well,” he said, “Indians, how good it is that you came!”’ 1:13 Jḕhīˍ́ câul báu âˍbā̀ujā̀u tèːhí ̨ː kɔ̂l bɔ́∗= â ̨ː∗+ bɔ́ː– tɔ́ː evening some:irr 1s›2p=convey+bring:pfv–mod:vt ‘In the evening I’m going to bring some of you over’ 1:16 nègáu bá hṑ gàu āˍugàú bát fā̀u. nègɔ́ bá∗= hóː gɔ̀ ɔ́ ̨ːgɔ̀ bát∗= pɔ́ː and.then:ds 1in›3s=kill:imp and:ss self 1in›3p=eat:imp ‘and let’s kill [something] and eat by ourselves.’ 1:18 Hègáu gá fā̀ulḕ gàu gà fīˍpátjéhèl.́ hègɔ́ gʸá∗= pɔ́ːlêː gɔ̀ gʸà= pí ̨ː+ pʰátté∗– hêl then 3e›3p=eat:ipfv:evid and:ss ›3e›3p=eat+stop:pfv–evid ‘Then they were eating and they finished the meal.’ 1:23 Kápáˍuidéhèl nègáu Cītháˍidā́ ́ugáu háundé gá āˍumḕ.̀ 0= kʰʸápʰɔ́ ̨ydé∗– hêl nègɔ́ kíːt’á ̨ydɔ́ː–gɔ́ hɔ́ndé gʸá∗= ɔ̂ ̨ːmèː 3s=dawn.break:pfv–evid and.then:ds White– inv something 3e›3p=do:ipfv:evid ‘The next day broke and then the White people were having some kind of event.’ 1:31 Gìgáu ém qā́ujéhèl. gìgɔ́ ém= k’ɔ́ːté∗– hêl and.then:ss 3e›r=meet:pfv–evid ‘And they met.’ 1:33 Gìgáu bá jṓˍnê “Ḗˍhā̀udèkīdèdàtcà̀ câul háundé Cīgúldā́ ́udé sāˍumī́ jè́ bát àum,” bá jṓˍnê. gìgɔ́ bá=tó ̨ːnêː é ̨ːhɔ̀ː∗– dè+ kʰíː–dè/ dà– kʸà kɔ̂l hɔ́ndé kíːgúldɔ́ː–dé sɔ́m/ and.then:ss ns=say:ipfv:evid this:def–adv+day– bas–at some:irr thing Indian– bas sɔ́ ̨ːmíː∗– té bát∗= ɔ̂m bá=tó ̨ːnêː be.interesting–adv 2p›3p=do:imp ns=say:ipfv:evid ‘Then they said, “Today, do some interesting Indian things.” 1:42 Gìgáu gá qīcàumhèl.̀ gìgɔ́ gʸá∗= k’íːkɔ́m– hêl and.then:ss 3e›3p=decide:pfv–evid ‘and they made some decisions’. 1:43 gìgáu bá jṓˍnê “Ḗˍhā̀u gà dā́uthā́u kīsáutàup,́
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gìgɔ́ bá=tó ̨ːnêː é ̨ːhɔ̀ː gʸà=dɔ́ː–t’ɔ́ː kʰíːsɔ́+tʰɔ̀p and.then:ss ns=say:ipfv:evid now:def 3p= be– mod:vi noon+on.beyond ‘They said, “It [the event] will be here in the afternoon,’ 1:47 kīsáutàuṕ gà dā́uthā́u déḕˍ, kʰíːsɔ́+tʰɔ̀p gʸà=dɔ́ː–t’ɔ́ː dé– è ̨ː noon+on.beyond 3p= be– mod:vi bas–at ‘when it’s after noon,’ 1:51 ḗˍgàu jòiáuigà á jṓcáithā̀u. é ̨ːgɔ̀ tòyɔ́y∗–gʸá á= tóːkʸáy∗– t’ɔ́ː here:prs town– at 3e=gather:detr:pfv–mod:vi ‘they will gather here in the town.’
1:55 Háòjè jémàuncā̀udòkīˍ̀ á sáumcòpjḕ. háòtè témɔ̀nkɔ̀ːdòkʰì ̨ː á= sɔ́m∗+ kóptêː several thousand 3e=watch+be.lying:p:evid ‘There were thousands of spectators.’ 1:59 Nègáu yī́ qāˍhîˍèˍdā́ ˍumê.́ nègɔ́ yíː k’ʸá ̨ːhî ̨ː è ̨= dɔ́ ̨ːmêː and.then:ds two man 3d=be:evid ‘And there were two men.’ 2:01 Câudè Pòlā́u dāˍumê,́ George Poolaw, kɔ̂ː– dè pʰòːlɔ́ː 0= dɔ́ ̨ːmêː George Poolaw other–bas Poolaw 3s=be:evid Engl. ‘One of them was Poolaw, George Poolaw’ 2:07 gàu câudè Old Man Skinny dāˍumê.́ gɔ̀ kɔ̂ː– dè Old Man Skinny 0= dɔ́ ̨ːmêː and:ss other–bas Engl. 3s=be:evid ‘the other was Old Man Skinny.’ 2:11 Hègáu áuihyàudè dṓˍgà èˍbā́udèhèl. hègɔ́ ɔ́yhɔ̀ː– dè dó ̨ːgʸà è ̨= bɔ́ːdè∗– hêl then that:def–bas down:in 3d=appear:pfv–evid Then the two of them came out into the show area. 2:15 Tái én sā́uhèl. tʰáy én= sɔ́ː∗– hêl upon 3d›r=sit.down:pfv–evid ‘They mounted up.’ 2:18 Gàu hégáu ám àn àunqî déchò mén dāˍumê.́ gɔ̀ hégɔ́ ám àn ɔ̀nk’îː dé– tsò mén= dɔ́ ̨ːmêː and:ss just.then anaph hab in.past bas–like ›3d›3p=be:evid ‘And then it was just like the old days for those two.’ 2:23 Hégáu mén mɔ̄̀pāˍdê.́ (hé)gɔ́ mén mɔ̀ːpʰá ̨ː/ mén mɔ̀ːpʰá ̨ː/ mén= mɔ̀ːpʰá ̨ːdêː just.then ›3d›3i=be.reined.up:evid ‘At that moment they were reined up [and waiting]. 2:25 Āˍ̀ kô, hègáu dṓˍgà hègáu á āˍbā̀ ̀udèhèl. Tháukâui è dāˍumế ḗˍgàu dāˍumê.́ à ̨ːkʰôː hègɔ́ dó ̨ːgʸà hègɔ́ á bɔ̀ː/ á∗= â ̨ː+ bɔ́ːdé– hêl t’ɔ́kʰɔ̂y è= dɔ́ ̨ːmêː é ̨ːgɔ̀ 0= dɔ́ ̨ːmêː well:intj then down:in then 3e›3s=haul+make.appear:pfv–evid White:inv 3i=be:evid here:prs 3s=be:evid ‘So, then they brought it out in a cart. The White people there.’ 2:34 Ám àn āˍugáufī́ ˍ́ dāˍumêdè́ hègáu dṓˍgà á bā̀udèhèl.
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ám àn ɔ̀ː ɔ́ ̨ːgɔ́pí ̨ː 0= dɔ́ ̨ːmêː= d(è) (h)ègɔ́ dó ̨ːgʸà á= bɔ́ːdé– hêl anaph hab uh buffalo 3s=be:evid=bas then down:in 3e›3s=make.appear:pfv–evid ‘They brought that buffalo that was there down into the show area.’ 2:44 Gàu jṓˍnê, “Āˍ̀ kô,” hègáu ém jḗlê. gɔ̀ 0= tó ̨ːnêː à ̨ːkʰôː hègɔ́ ém 0= téːlêː and:ss 3s=say:ipfv:evid well:intj then about.it 3s=tell:ipfv:evid ‘and he said “All right,” then he was telling them about it.’ 2:48 “Gàu ḗˍdè qāˍhîˍhègáú éˍàtjàu gìgáu éˍhòtjàu.” gɔ̀ é ̨ː– dè k’ʸá ̨ːhî ̨ː hègɔ́ é ̨∗= áttɔ̀ gìgɔ́ é ̨∗= hóttɔ̀ and:ss this–bas man then 3d›3s=chase:ipfv and.then:ss 3d›3s=kill:ipfv ‘“So, these two men are going to chase it and kill it.’ 2:53 Zêbà áuihyàudètjò éˍhòtjàu gìgáu, zêːbà én/ ɔ́yhɔ̀– dè– tò é ̨∗= hóttɔ̀ gìgɔ́/ arrow that:def–bas–with 3d›3s=kill:ipfv ‘They are going to kill it with those arrows’ 2:57 Nàu bét sáumbṑˍ nɔ̀ bét= sɔ́m∗+ bó ̨ː and:ds 2p›3i=watch+look.at:imp ‘So watch them’2 2:59 nàu háyá hègáu éˍhòljā̀u. nɔ̀ háyá hègɔ́ é ̨∗= hól– tɔ́ː and:ds sometime then 3d›3s=kill:pfv–mod:vt ‘and they will kill it somehow.’ 3:01 Gìgáu cáp éˍkùihyā̀fèjā̀u gìgáu éˍfènjā̀u.” gìgɔ́ kʸáp én ɔ̀ːzón/ é ̨∗= kʰúy+hâːpè– tɔ́ː gìgɔ́ é ̨∗= pén– tɔ́ː and.then:ss beyond 3d›3s=drag+pick.up:pfv–mod:vt and.then:ss 3d›3s=butcher:pfv–mod:vt ‘And then they will drag it on from there and butcher it.”’
3:07 Hègáu chólhā̀u èˍhā́féhèl. hègɔ́ tsólhɔ̀ː è ̨= háːpé∗– hêl then thus:def 3d=start.up:pfv–evid ‘So this is how they attacked.’ 3:12 Nàu yīgàṕ éˍnî àihyèl, nɔ̀ yíːgʸàp/ yíːgʸàp é ̨nîː∗= ây– hêl and:ds both.sides 3d›3s›3p=start.off:pfv–evid ‘They started out on both sides [of it],’ 3:15 gìgáu câudè dāˍumêdè́ gìgɔ́ kɔ̂ː– dè 0= dɔ́ ̨ːmêː∗=dé and.then:ss other–bas 3s=be:evid= bas ‘and one of those who were there’ 3:20 hègáu, “Āˍ̀ kô, à kótàutjè,” jṓˍnê. hègɔ́ à ̨ːkʰôː à= kʰó∗+ tʰɔ́tté 0= tó ̨ːnêː then well:intj 2s›3s=right.now+shoot.at:imp 3s=say:ipfv:evid ‘said, “All right, shoot it now.” 3:22 Áugàu câudè àn á cāˍumàù Skinny dāˍumêdè́ hègáu táutjéhèl. ɔ́gɔ̀ kɔ̂ː– d(è) àn á∗= kɔ̂ ̨ːmɔ̀ Skinny 0= dɔ́ ̨ːmêː= d(è) (h)ègɔ́ 0= tʰɔ́tté∗– hêl sub other.one–bas hab 3e›3s=indicate:ipfv Engl. 3s=be:evid=bas then 3s›3s=shoot.at:pfv–evid ‘It was the other one called Skinny who took a shot.’
2Could also be 1in, ‘let’s watch them’
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3:26 Fā́gàudò táutjéhèl. páːgɔ̀–dò 0= tʰɔ́tté∗– hêl one– times 3s›3s=shoot.at:pfv–evid ‘He only took one shot.’ 3:31 Gìgáu táui hégáu ám àn bá jṓˍgà déchò, hègáu táui câikòidèhèl, gìgɔ́ tʰɔ́y/ hégɔ́ ám àn bá=tó ̨ːgʸà dé– ts(ò) (h)ègɔ́ tʰɔ́y 0= kʸây∗+ kʰóydé– hêl and.then:ss just anaph hab ns=say:ipfv bas–like then beyond 3s=enemy+turn.back:pfv–evid ‘And then, just as they say in war, he circled around the ‘enemy’, 3:35 gìgáu èm cháthā́dèhèl. gìgɔ́ (è)m∗=tsát+ háːdè∗– hêl and.then:ss 3s›r= war.cry+shout:pfv–evid ‘and let out a war whoop.’ 3:38 Āˍ́ ugáufīˍ́ cáp gà âihyèl gàu kòdêdè chḗgáihyèl ɔ́ ̨ːgɔ́pí ̨ː kʸáp gʸà= ây∗– hêl gɔ̀ kʰòdêːdè 0= tséːgʸáy∗– hêl buffalo beyond 3s›3p=start.off:pfv–evid and:ss suddenly 3s=stop.abruptly:pfv–evid ‘The buffalo went off the other way and suddenly stopped abruptly’ 3:44 gàu sā́uòm áu dḗgàihyèl gìgáu áuihyā̀u xóidéhèl. gɔ̀ sɔ́ː∗+ ôm ɔ́= déːgʸày∗– hêl gìgɔ́ ɔ́yhɔ̀ː 0= ts’óydé∗– hêl and:ss mouth+blood:inv ›3s›3i=spill.out:detr:pfv–evid and.then:ss there:def 3s=land:np:pfv–evid ‘and blood was flowing from its mouth and it fell there.’ 3:50 Áuihyā̀u xóidéhèl ɔ́yhɔ̀ː 0= ts’óydé∗– hêl there:def 3s=land:np:pfv–evid ‘It fell there.’ 3:52 nègáu á kùihyā̀fèhèl. nègɔ́ á∗= kʰúy+hâːpè– hêl and.then:ds ›3e›3s=drag+pick.up:pfv–evid ‘And they [the Kiowas] dragged it off.’ 3:55 Gìgáu úi fā́gā́ hègáu á fḕˍnḕ. gìgɔ́ úy páːgʸáː hègɔ́ á∗= pê ̨ːnèː and.then:ss yon prairie:in then 3e›3s=butcher:ipfv:evid ‘Out there in the open they butchered it.’ 3:57 Gìgáu áuihyā̀u ém fīˍsā́ ́uhèl gìgɔ́ ɔ́yhɔ̀ː ém= pí ̨ː+ sɔ́ː∗– hêl and.then:ss there:def 3e›r=eat+sit.down:pfv–evid ‘and they sat down there to eat’ 4:01 gàu tháutjàu ét fā́ulê gɔ̀ t’ɔ́ttɔ̀ ét= pɔ́ːlêː and:ss kidney:inv 3i›3i=eat:ipfv:evid ‘they were eating kidneys,’ 4:03 gàu tháulèl gàu thāˍudé́ dāˍumế déḕˍém jâˍmḕ. gɔ̀ t’ɔ́lèl gɔ̀ t’ɔ́ ̨ːdé 0= dɔ́ ̨ːmêː dé– è ̨ː ém= tâ ̨ːmèː and:ss liver and bile 3s=be:evid bas–where 3e›r=dab.in:ipfv:evid ‘and the liver and dipping it in the bile.’ 4:09 Tháukâui è sáumchànhèl t’ɔ́kʰɔ̂y è= sɔ́m∗+ tsán– hêl White:inv 3i=watch+arrive:pfv–evid ‘The Whites came to watch’ 4:10 nègáu bót ét fā̀ulḕ ḗˍgàu thāˍú nègɔ́ bót ét∗= pɔ́ːlêː é ̨ːgɔ̀ t’ɔ́ ̨ː and.then:ds entrails 3i›3p=eat:ipfv:evid now:prs bile
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and they [Kiowas] were eating the guts and bile, 4:13 gìgáu jḗ á ômdāˍumḕ̀ gìg(ɔ́) á/ téː á= ôm∗+ dɔ́ ̨ːmêː and.then:ds all 3e›=blood+be:evid ‘and they had blood all over’ 4:15 àut hègáu ét mā̀usânhèl ɔ̀t hègɔ́ ét= mɔ̀ːsân– hêl yet:ds then 3i›r=turn.up.nose.at:pfv–evid ‘Still, they [Whites] wrinkled up their noses;.’ 4:17 qàut gá càuétā̀ihyèl. k’ɔ̀t gʸá∗= kɔ̀ét+ áːy- hêl yet:ss 3e›3p=in.fear+start.off:pfv-evid ‘they were running away from us scared.’
4:19 Nàu ḗˍgàu āˍugàú bót chólhā̀ujè fīˍgá́ gát dā́u. nɔ̀ é ̨ːgɔ̀ ɔ́ ̨ːgɔ̀ bót tsólhɔ̀ː∗– té pí ̨ːgʸá gʸát= dɔ́ː and:ds this self entrails thus:def–adv food ›1p›3p=be ‘As you see now, bót is our own kind of food.’ 4:24 Gìgáu āˍugàú gát ṓˍ gìgɔ́ ém/ ɔ́ ̨ːgɔ̀ gʸát= ó ̨ː and.then:ss own ›1p›3p=be.good ‘And it’s good for us’ 4:27 áuphàudè háundé sóncā̀ugàu bát fàutjàudè; ɔ́phɔ̀∗– dé hɔ́ndé són– kɔ̀ːgɔ̀ bát∗= pɔ́ttɔ̀= dè on.from.that:def–bas something grass–accompanying 1in›3p=eat:ipfv=bas ‘to eat it with the grass (in the intestines) and that other stuff;’ 4:30 áuihyàudè qácômdà dā́udè; ɔ́yhɔ̀ː– dè k’ʸákômdà 0= dɔ́ː=dè that:def–bas life 3s=be= bas ‘(it’s good) that that is life(-giving);’ 4:34 qāˍhîˍáugàú éˍhòldè àn ét thàumáuncāˍumàudè̀ èˍdā́udè. k’ʸá ̨ːhî ̨ː ɔ́gɔ̀ é ̨∗= hól= dè àn ét= t’ɔ̀mɔ́n∗+ kɔ̂ ̨ːmɔ̀= d(è) è ̨= dɔ́ː=dè man sub 3d›3s=kill:pfv=bas hab 3e›3d=measure+designate:ipfv=bas 3d=be= bas ‘that the two men who killed it were the ones who were heralded for their deed.’
131 Backmatter
141 Appendix A
Grammatical Abbreviations
1 first person intj interjection 2 second person inv inverse number (nominal form) 3 third person ipfv imperfective anaph anaphoric irr irrealis adv adverb loc locative bas basic number mod modal char characteristic mir mirative cntrfct counterfactual name kin term used as name coming progressive (motion) towards neg negative d dual nmlz nominalizer def definite np nonplural detr detransitive nv nonverbal distr distributive ns nonsingular ds different subject p plural e empathetic (argument indexing) pfv perfective ex exclusive 1st-person nonsingular poss possessive evid hearsay evidential prs presentative (drawing attention) expr expressive q question false.belief speaker’s false belief r reflexive (argument indexing) going progressive (motion) away ref referential kin term hab habitual s singular holding durative self reflexive (pronoun) hort hortative sprd spread across location i inverse number (argument indexing) ss same subject imp imperative sub subordinate in inclusive 1st-person nonsingular surm surmise indef indefinite vblz verbalizer infer inferential vi intransitive verb intens intensifier vt transitive verb
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