8 LEGAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL CONSIDERATIONS IN 1972 8.1 General Introduction

8.1.1 The very first conclusion which the Widgery Report made was: “there would have been no deaths in Londonderry on the 30th of January if those who organised the illegal march had not thereby created a highly dangerous situation in which a clash between demonstrators and the security forces was almost inevitable”

8.1.2 In this section we challenge the assertion that the march on 30 January 1972 was illegal. In doing so, we examine (a) the basic constitutional framework and the respective responsibilities of the Westminster and Parliaments and (b) the relevant domestic and international legal framework within which the Order prohibiting the march was made.

8.2 Summary of Submissions

8.2.1 It is submitted that the Order of 9 August 1971, the consequent prohibition of the civil rights march in Derry on 30 January 1972 and the operation to enforce the prohibition violated Article 11 of the European Convention. 8.2.2 It is further submitted that the Order was an invalid and unlawful exercise of the statutory powers conferred by Section 2(2) of the Public Order Act (NI) 1951.

8.3 The Act 1920 8.3.1 Section 4(1) of the Government of Ireland Act 1920 (“the 1920 Act”) provided:

“Subject to the provisions of this Act … the Parliament of Northern Ireland shall … have power to make laws for the peace, order and good government … of Northern Ireland”.1

8.3.2 The 1920 Act established a bicameral Parliament and provided for reduced representation of the Northern Ireland electorate at Westminster. Section 4(1) transferred to the Northern Ireland Parliament (“Stormont”) the extensive power to make laws for “the peace, order and good government” of the Province. This grant of power was residual in that it was subject to certain limitations2. First, excepted matters, which dealt with matters of Imperial or national concern, remained within the exclusive competence of Westminster. Secondly, reserved matters, which included postal services, savings banks, certain major taxes and the Supreme Court, some of which had been intended for transfer to the all-Ireland Parliament had it come into existence, were, for as long as they remained reserved matters, equated with excepted matters and consequently they too stayed within Westminster’s exclusive competence. All other matters, other than the excepted and reserved matters, were transferred to Stormont. Consequently, the 1920 Act created three categories of legislative power – transferred matters (the responsibility of Stormont) and reserved and excepted matters (the responsibility of Westminster). 8.3.3 Section 75 of the Act guaranteed Westminster’s continued supremacy in Northern Ireland as in any other part of the United Kingdom – “Notwithstanding the establishment of the Parliament of Northern Ireland …or anything contained in this Act, the supreme authority of the Parliament of the United Kingdom shall remain unaffected and

1 As to whether Section 4(1) granted to the Northern Ireland Parliament plenary legislative powers or whether it thereby qualified the power to legislate by reference to the purpose or at least the effect of the legislation see Calvert, Constitutional Law in Northern Ireland (1968) at pp.162-72; see also Hadfield, The Constitution of Northern Ireland (1989) at pp.63-70 – As Hadfield points out: “That the phrase “peace, order and good government” – sometimes called the “pogg clause” – is capable of bearing a construction limiting legislative competence is clear. If the words are not to be used as a criterion for assessing the vires of a statute, they become superfluous, and change the power granted to the power to make laws simpliciter”. 2 The provisions of the Act limiting this grant of power were Sections 4(1)(1) – (14), 5, 6, 9, 21, 22, 47, 64, 65, 68 and 75.

undiminished over all persons, matters and things in [Northern] Ireland and every part thereof”3.

“Constitutional” Conventions 8.3.4 It is clear that Westminster not only possessed exclusive competence with relation to excepted and reserved matters, but also as a result of the doctrine of Parliamentary Sovereignty and through Sections 6, 12 (the Governor’s power to withhold the Royal Assent) and Section 75 of the Act specifically, shared with Stormont competence over transferred matters. 8.3.5 The circumstances or conditions under which Westminster would exercise its powers over transferred matters was ultimately a matter for the Westminster Parliament itself which was free to act as it saw fit. 8.3.6 The Convention, however, developed with regard to Stormont that Westminster would legislate over transferred matters only with the consent of the Northern Ireland Government. This apparently gave Stormont exclusive powers over transferred matters. It was a position reinforced by a ruling of the Speaker of the Westminster House of Commons in 1923, that no questions could be asked at Westminster on matters transferred to Stormont on the ground that there was no Minister responsible therefore at Westminster: “With regard to those subjects which have been delegated to the Government of Northern Ireland, questions must be asked of Ministers in Northern Ireland, and not in this House”4.

3 This general assertion of Westminster sovereignty was reinforced by the provisions of Section 6(2) which provided that: “where any Act of … the Parliament of Northern Ireland deals with any matter with respect to which that Parliament has power to make laws which is dealt with by any Act of the Parliament of the United Kingdom passed after the appointed day (3rd May 1921) and extending to the part of Ireland within its jurisdiction, the Act of … the Parliament of Northern Ireland shall be read subject to the Act of the Parliament of the United Kingdom, and so far as it is repugnant to that Act, but no further, shall be void”. Section 6(1) reserved to Westminster the power to repeal or alter the Act except where the Act itself permitted the Northern Ireland Parliament to amend certain of its provisions (eg Section 14(5) enabling it to legislate regarding Stormont elections). It also withheld from the Northern Ireland Parliament the power to repeal or alter any Act of the Westminster Parliament passed after the appointed day and extending Northern Ireland, even although that provision dealt with a transferred matter. 4 1923 HC Vol63, Col 1625; This policy was said to derive from the division of responsibilities and powers between Westminster and Stormont in the Government of Ireland Act “It has been held by successive governments in the UK, regardless of party, that the reserve powers in the Government of Ireland Act do not enable the UK Government to intervene in matters, which, under Section 4 are the sole responsibility of the Northern Ireland Parliament and Government” Conservative Home Secretary,

8.3.7 The convention created the impression that Stormont had been given an exclusive competence over matters transferred to it and it also served to reduce the expression of Northern Ireland opinion on excepted and reserved matters to whatever the Northern Ireland Members at Westminster could achieve or felt inclined to try to achieve. 8.3.8 Professor Wheare has stated: “There is nothing in law to prevent the parliament of the United Kingdom from passing laws for Northern Ireland not merely on the specified reserved subjects, but on any subject whatever. Moreover, the parliament of Northern Ireland received its powers from the Parliament of the United Kingdom, and the latter can reduce or increase or abolish these powers. Of these two governments in the United Kingdom, one only can be described as independent and that is the government at Westminster. The government at Stormont is a dependent government”.5

8.3.9 The fundamental constitutional reality that Stormont was the dependent government was graphically illustrated when Westminster used the full force of Section 75 and its own sovereignty to dissolve Stormont in 1972 and introduce direct rule.

8.4 Domestic Law on the Banning of Marches 8.4.1 Section 2(2) of the Public Order Act (Northern Ireland) 1951 (“the Act”) provides: “… If at any time the Minister of Home Affairs is of opinion in consequence of information furnished to him by a member of the Royal Ulster Constabulary not below the rank of superintendent or for any other reason that-

Henry Brooke House of Commons Debates, 5th ser., vol 698 cols 1097- 1152. 14 July 1964 A similar ruling was made by the Speaker of the Northern Ireland House of Commons ruling out questions and debate on matters outside its own competence: “Since … we have no power to make laws on any of these reserve matters, they are not prima facie proper subjects for discussion here” (HC Debs (NI) Vol 8, Col 490. 5 Wheare, Federal Government (4th Ed, 1963) pp 31-2

(a) the exercise of the powers conferred by the preceding sub-section will not be sufficient to prevent serious public disorder being occasioned by the holding of any public procession in any area; or (b) the holding in any area or place of any public procession or any open-air public meeting is likely to cause serious public disorder or to cause undue demands to be made upon the police of military forces; or (c) the holding in any area or place of any public procession or any open-air public meeting is likely to cause undue hardship to persons working or carrying on business in that area or place; the Minister may make an order- (i) prohibiting, for such period not exceeding twelve months as may be specified in the order, the holding in that area or place of all public processions or open-air public meetings or of such classes of public procession or open-air public meeting as may be so specified; (ii) …”

8.4.2 An Order was made under this Section of the Act on 12 November 1971 by the Minister of Home Affairs for Northern Ireland, Brian Faulkner, which so far as material, was in the following terms: “Whereas I, the Right Honourable Brian Faulkner, Minister of Home Affairs, am of the opinion in consequence of information furnished to me by the Chief Constable of the Royal Ulster Constabulary that by reason of the unrest and tension at present existing in Northern Ireland the holding of any public procession in any public highway, road, or street is likely to cause serious public disorder or to cause undue demands to be made upon the police or military forces.

Now, therefore, I, the Right Honourable Brian Faulkner, Minister of Home Affairs, in exercise of the powers conferred upon me by Section 2(2) of the Public Order Act (Northern Ireland) 1951 do hereby order that the holding of all public processions in any public highway, road or street in Northern Ireland is prohibited for the

period commencing on 12th November 1971 and ending on 8 February 1972.

This Order revokes the Order made by me on 9th August 1971”.

8.4.3 It is clear that the order banning marches was a quid pro quo for the introduction of internment LAW7.1. Faulkner and Shillington (Chief Constable) clearly did not consider that a blanket ban on all marches was necessary or justified (see Dalzell-Payne’s paper G82.512 to G82.521). The prohibition order is unsurprisingly framed to make it appear as an intra vires exercise of statutory power. However, the contemporary documents disclosed to this Tribunal reveal that the dominant reason for the prohibition order was not the reason stated in the order but rather the insistence of Westminster that such a ban was a pre-condition for Westminster’s agreement to the introduction of internment (which was only viable with the support of the armed forces). The exercise of the discretion conferred by the Act for the achievement of this collateral purpose was plainly unlawful. 8.4.4 A discretion exercised by a Minister as a consequence of a power conferred or a duty imposed by statute must be used “to promote the policy and objectives of the Act” – Lord Reid in Padfield v Minister of Agriculture [1968] AC 997, 1030B. It is well settled that a decision taken for a collateral purpose will be amenable to judicial review, see for instance In Re Cook’s Application [1986] NI 242 and In Re De Brun & McGuinness [2001] NI 442.

8.5 Article 11 of the Convention on the Banning of Marches 8.5.1 Article 11 of the European Convention provides: “1) Everyone has the right to freedom of assembly … 2) No restriction shall be placed on the exercise of these rights other than such as are prescribed by law and are necessary in a democratic society in the interests of national security or public safety, for the prevention of disorder or crime, for the protection of health or morals

or for the protection of the rights of others. This Article shall not prevent the imposition of lawful restrictions on the exercise of these rights by members of the armed forces, of the police or of the administration of the State”.

8.5.2 Article 11 confers a right to hold meetings, marches and demonstrations on the public highway. This was established in the early case of Rassemblement Jurassien and Unite Jurassienne v Switzerland [1979] 17 DR 93 where the Commission began its analysis of Article 11 with the following statement of principle: “The Commission wishes to state at the outset that the right of peaceful assembly stated in this Article is a fundamental right in a democratic society and, like the right to freedom of expression, is one of the foundations of such society … as such this right covers both private meetings and meetings in public thoroughfares …6

8.5.3 Under the convention, orders banning meetings and marches can be justified only in extreme circumstances. In Christians against Racism and Fascism v UK (1980) 21 DR 138 the applicant association had planned to hold a procession to promote its aims: in the love of God and opposition to racism and fascism. An order was made under the Public Order Act 19367 prohibiting all processions other than those of a religious, educational, festive or ceremonial character for a period of four weeks. The effect of this order was to prevent them from holding their planned procession. It complained that its rights under articles 10 and 11 of the Convention had been violated. 8.5.4 The Commission began by observing that: “Under Article 11(1) of the Convention, the right to freedom of peaceful assembly is secured to everyone who has the intention of organizing a peaceful demonstration. In the Commission’s opinion the possibility of violent counter-demonstrations, or the possibility of

6 [1979] 17 DR 93 at Para 119. This approach has been reinforced by subsequent decisions of the European Court, see, for example, Plattform Artze fur das Leben v Austria [1988] 13 EHRR 204, Ezelin v France [1992] 14 EHRR 362, Chorherr v Austria [1993] 17 EHRR 358 7 Now Public Order Act 1986

extremists with violent intentions, not members of the organising association, joining the demonstration cannot as such take away that right. Even if there is a real risk of a public procession resulting in disorder by developments outside the control of those organising it, such procession does not for this reason alone fall outside the scope of Article 11(1) of the Convention, but any restriction placed on such an assembly must be in conformity with the terms of paragraph 2 of that provision”.8

8.5.5 On the question of necessity, the Commission held: “A general ban on demonstrations can only be justified if there is a real danger of their resulting in disorder which cannot be prevented by other less stringent measures. In this connection, the authority must also take into account the effect of a ban on processions which do not by themselves constitute a danger for public order. Only if the disadvantage of such processions being caught by the ban is clearly outweighed by the security considerations justifying the issue of the ban, and if there is no possibility of avoiding such undesirable side effects of the ban by a narrow circumspection of its scope in terms of its territorial application and duration, can the ban be regarded as being necessary within the meaning of Article 11(2) of the Convention”.9

8.5.6 On the unchallenged facts the Commission found that the situation existing in London at the time was characterised by a tense atmosphere resulting in a series of riots and disturbances caused by public processions of the National Front and counter-demonstrators, particularly in the run up to a by-election in Lambeth. In view of this prevailing atmosphere of violence and the impending by-election and the fact that the applicant’s procession could have taken place two days later (when the ban ran out), the Commission found no violation of article 11.

8 Note 45 at para 4 9 Note 45 at para 5

8.5.7 In Rai and Others v UK (1995) 82-A DR 13410 the Commission had to consider government policy not to allow meetings in Trafalgar Square on issues related to Northern Ireland. Having reviewed the origin and scope of the policy, the Commission concluded that: “Having regard to the fact that the refusal of permission did not amount to a blanket prohibition on the holding of the applicant’s rally but only prevented the use of a high profile location (other venues being available in Central London) the Commission concludes that that restriction in the present case may be regarded as proportionate and justified as necessary in a democratic society …”

Had the policy been more broadly drawn, or alternative venues not available, the decision might have been different. 8.5.8 The breadth of the August ban (extending the previous ban) could not, on any showing, having regard to the contemporary documents and evidence, be regarded as proportionate and justified as necessary in a democratic society. Accordingly, in our submission the ban and the operation to enforce it violated Article 11 of the Convention.

Part II 8.6 General Introduction & Summary of Submissions

8.6.1 As a matter of practice allegations of the use of unlawful force against military personnel were not properly investigated because the police duty to investigate was unlawfully delegated to the Royal Military Police. Since the underlying objectives of a proper investigation are to underpin the right to life, it is apparent that the State operated and applied a policy which was incompatible with respect for the right to life itself. 8.6.2 In the run up to the Westminster Government and the Stormont regime countenanced and implemented measures which violated fundamental rights and freedoms including the non-derogable rights

10See also Pendragon v UK [1999] EHRLR 223

contained in Article 3 (prohibition of , inhuman and degrading treatment). 8.6.3 The armed forces were not authorised to arrest people under the Special Powers Act (“the SPA”) since the relevant provisions purporting to thus empower them were ultra vires the Government of Ireland Act 1920. 8.6.4 The arrest operation by the Army on Bloody Sunday under the SPA was on this account wholly unlawful. 8.6.5 Those who authorised the deployment of the army must have known or be deemed to have known that the use of the army to conduct an arrest operation under the auspices of the SPA was unlawful. 8.6.6 The decision that soldiers should exercise these powers was the ultimate responsibility of the Secretary of State and Her Majesty’s Government at Westminster. 8.7 Internment 8.7.1 Following mounting pressure from the unionist community the decision to introduce a policy of detention and internment was taken on 5 August 1971 by the Northern Ireland Government, following a meeting in London between the Northern Ireland and United Kingdom Governments G5.50 to G5.55. 8.7.2 The planned exercise was not aimed at any section of the unionist community but was used at this time exclusively against nationalists and republicans11 and often on the basis of inadequate or inaccurate information. 8.7.3 Starting at 4.00am on Monday, 9 August 1971, the army, with police officers occasionally acting as guides, mounted an operation to arrest the 452 persons whose names appeared on the final list. In the event, some 350 persons were arrested in accordance with the Special Powers Regulations. The arrested persons were taken to one of the three regional holding centres at Magilligan, Ballykinler or Girdwood that had been set up to receive the prisoners during 48 hours. All those arrested were

11 At 11.15am on 9 August 1971, the Prime Minister of Northern Ireland announced to the public the introduction of internment. He stated, inter alia: "The main target of the present operation is the ... They are the present threat; but we will not hesitate to take strong action against any other individuals or organisations who may present such a threat in the future."

subjected to interrogation by police officers of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC). 104 persons were released within 48 hours. Those who were to be detained were sent on to the prison ship "Maidstone" or to Crumlin Road Prison, both in Belfast.

8.7.4 The introduction of internment provoked a violent reaction within the Catholic community. Serious rioting broke out in Belfast and elsewhere, there was a considerable increase in shootings and bombings, and the security situation in general deteriorated rapidly. Within the minority community there occurred a further alienation from the authorities and the security forces. 8.7.5 The Special Powers Act empowered the Minister of Home Affairs for Northern Ireland to take all such steps and issue all such orders as might be necessary for preserving peace and maintaining order. It was an enabling Act whose substantive provisions were contained in Regulations made there under. The number and scope of the Regulations in force varied over the years; they could be brought into use without any legislative act or proclamation. Regulations 10, 11 and 12 were utilised to implement the policy of internment introduced on 9 August 1971.12 8.7.6 Twelve persons arrested on 9 August 1971 and two persons arrested in October 1971 were singled out and taken to one or more unidentified centres. There, between 11 to 17 August and 11 to 18 October respectively, they were submitted to a form of "interrogation in depth" which involved the combined application of five particular techniques.

It emerges from the Commission's establishment of the facts in Ireland v UK [1978] 2 EHRR 25 that the techniques consisted of:

(a) wall-standing: forcing the detainees to remain for periods of some hours in a "stress position", described by those who underwent it as being "spreadeagled against the wall, with their fingers put high

12 For a full analysis and explanation of the relevant powers see paras.83 and 84 of Ireland v UK [1978] 2 EHRR 25

above the head against the wall, the legs spread apart and the feet back, causing them to stand on their toes with the weight of the body mainly on the fingers";

(b) : putting a black or navy coloured bag over the detainees' heads and, at least initially, keeping it there all the time except during interrogation;

(c) subjection to noise: pending their interrogations, holding the detainees in a room where there was a continuous loud and hissing noise;

(d) deprivation of sleep: pending their interrogations, depriving the detainees of sleep;

(e) deprivation of food and drink: subjecting the detainees to a reduced diet during their stay at the centre and pending interrogations.

The Commission's findings as to the manner and effects of the application of these techniques on two particular case-witnesses are referred to at paragraph 104 of the Report [1978] 2 EHRR 25.

8.7.7 In Ireland v UK it was conceded by the British Government that the use of the five techniques was authorised at "high level". Although never committed to writing or authorised in any official document, the techniques had been orally taught to members of the RUC by the English Intelligence Centre at a seminar held in April 1971.

8.7.8 Reports alleging physical brutality and ill-treatment by the security forces were made public within a few days of internment. A committee of enquiry under the chairmanship of Sir Edmund Compton was appointed by the United Kingdom Government on 31 August 1971 to investigate such allegations. Among the 40 cases this Committee examined were 11 cases of persons subjected to the five techniques in August 1971; its findings

were that interrogation in depth by means of the techniques constituted physical ill-treatment. The Committee's report (Cmd 4823), adopted on 3 November 1971, was made public, as was a supplemental report of 14 November by Sir Edmund Compton in relation to 3 further cases occurring in September and October, one of which involved the techniques.

8.7.9 The Compton reports came under considerable criticism in the United Kingdom. On 16 November 1971, the British Home Secretary announced that a further Committee had been set up under the chairmanship of Lord Parker of Waddington to consider "whether, and if so in what respects, the procedures currently authorised for interrogation of persons suspected of terrorism and for their custody while subject to interrogation require amendment".

The Parker report (Cmd 4901), which was adopted on 31 January 1972, contained a majority and a minority opinion. The majority report concluded that the application of the techniques, subject to recommended safeguards against excessive use, need not be ruled out on moral grounds. On the other hand, the minority report by Lord Gardiner disagreed that such interrogation procedures were morally justifiable, even in emergency conditions. Both the majority and the minority considered the methods to be illegal under domestic law, although the majority confined their view to English law and to "some if not all the techniques".

8.7.10 The Parker report was published on 2 March 1972. On the same day, the United Kingdom Prime Minister stated in Parliament: "[The] Government, having reviewed the whole matter with great care and with reference to any future operations, have decided that the techniques ... will not be used in future as an aid to interrogation."

He further declared:

"The statement that I have made covers all future circumstances. If a Government did decide ... that additional techniques were required

for interrogation, then I think that ... they would probably have to come to the House and ask for the powers to do it."

As foreshadowed in the Prime Minister's statement, directives expressly prohibiting the use of the techniques, whether singly or in combination, were then issued to the security forces by the government.

8.7.11 At the hearing before the Court on 8 February 1977, the United Kingdom Attorney General made the following declaration: "The Government of the United Kingdom have considered the question of the use of the 'five techniques' with very great care and with particular regard to Article 3 (art. 3) of the Convention. They now give this unqualified undertaking, that the 'five techniques' will not in any circumstances be reintroduced as an aid to interrogation."

8.7.12 In its report, the Commission unanimously held that the combined use of the five techniques in the cases before it constituted a practice of inhuman and degrading treatment and of torture in breach of Article 3. It also concluded, again unanimously, that there had been at Palace Barracks, Holywood, in the Autumn of 1971, a practice in connection with the interrogation of prisoners by members of the RUC which was inhuman treatment in breach of Article 3 (art. 3) of the Convention. 8.7.13 The Court concluded that recourse to the five techniques amounted to a practice of inhuman and degrading treatment but not torture. The British Government did not contest before the Court, the finding of the Commission that the facts constituted a practice of inhuman and degrading treatment. 8.7.14 Accordingly, a short period of time before Bloody Sunday and in conjunction with internment, a practice of inhuman and degrading treatment in violation of both domestic and international law, had been in place – a practice which it was conceded by the British Government was authorised at a “high level”.

8.8 Role of the Army in support of the Civil Power

8.8.1 When called to the aid of the civil power soldiers in no way differ in the eyes of the law from other citizens, although, by reason of their organization and equipment, there is always a danger that their employment in aid of the civil power may in itself constitute more force than is necessary. LAW 12.2, 313 8.8.2 Indeed, in McCann, the European Court held that in determining whether the use of force was compatible with Article 2 that it is necessary to carefully scrutinize not only whether the force used was strictly proportionate but also whether the operation was planned and controlled by the authorities so as to minimise, to the greatest extent possible, recourse to lethal force (see para.194 of the Judgment). 8.8.3 The Law Officers at the time expressed their opinion thus: “… A soldier differs from the ordinary citizen in being armed and subject to discipline; but his rights and duties in dealing with crime

13 In R v Clegg [1995] 1 All ER 334 Lord Lloyd stated as follows:

“The special position of a soldier in Northern Ireland is reflected in Lord Diplock’s speech in the same case ([1976] 2 All ER 937 at 946, [1977] AC 105 at 136-137):

‘There is little authority in English law concerning the rights and duties of a member of the armed forces of the Crown when acting in aid of the civil power; and what little authority there is relates almost entirely to the duties of soldiers when troops are called on to assist in controlling a riotous assembly. Where used for such temporary purposes it may not be inaccurate to describe the legal rights and duties of a solider as being no more than those of an ordinary citizen in uniform. But such a description is in my view misleading in the circumstances in which the army is currently employed in aid of the civil power in Northern Ireland … In theory it may be the duty of every citizen when an arrestable offence is about to be committed in his presence to take whatever reasonable measures are available to him to prevent the commission of the crime; but the duty is one of imperfect obligation and does not place him under any obligation to do anything by which he would expose himself to risk of personal injury, nor is he under any duty to search for criminals or seek out crime. In contrast to this a soldier who is employed in aid of the civil power in Northern Ireland is under a duty, enforceable under military law, to search for criminals if so ordered by his superior officer and to risk his own life should this be necessary in preventing terrorist acts. For the performance of this duty he is armed with a firearm, a self-loading rifle, from which a bullet, if it hits the human body, is almost certain to cause serious injury if not death’.

I would particularly emphasise the last sentence in the above quotation. In most cases of a person acting in self-defence, or a police officer arresting an offender, there is a choice as to the degree of force to be used, even if it is a choice which has to be exercised on the spur of the moment, without time for measured reflection. But in the case of a soldier in Northern Ireland, in the circumstances in which Pte Clegg found himself, there is no scope for graduated force. The only choice lay between firing a high-velocity rifle which, if aimed accurately, was almost certain to kill or injury, and doing nothing at all”.

are precisely the same as those of the ordinary citizen. … they must act on their own responsibility … they must not use lethal weapons to prevent or suppress minor disorder or offences of a less serious character, and in no case should they do so if less extreme measures will suffice. Should it be necessary for them to use extreme measures they should, whenever possible, give sufficient warning of their intention. LAW 12.12 to 12.13

MINISTERIAL RESPONSIBILITY

8.8.4 As set out before, the Government of Ireland Act 1920 empowered the Northern Ireland Parliament to make laws for the peace, order and good government of Northern Ireland, but specifically excluded the power to legislate about the Armed Forces and defence matters generally. These remained the responsibility of Westminster. 8.8.5 A soldier acts under higher military authority up the chain of command as far as the Defence Council and ultimately Her Majesty. The Secretary of State is the Minister responsible to Her Majesty for everything connected with the performance of their military duties by the Armed Forces of the Crown. 8.8.6 The decision whether or not soldiers should exercise the powers under the SPA was the responsibility of higher authority in the chain of command up to the Defence Council and is thus the ultimate responsibility of the Secretary of State and Her Majesty’s Government at Westminster. LAW 13.1 to 13.4

8.9 Army’s power of Arrest and Detention 8.9.1 On 18 August 1971 John Hume MP, Ivan Cooper MP and others were arrested under the Civil Authorities (Special Powers) Act NI 1922 on the grounds that they had remained in an assembly of more than 3 persons after being ordered to disperse by an Army Officer. On 8 September 1971 they were convicted and fined £20. They challenged their conviction on the basis that Regulation 38 under which they were charged was outside

the powers of the Minister who made the regulation and that the Regulation was outside the powers of the Parliament of Northern Ireland. Their essential point was that the power of the NI Parliament under section 4(1) of the Government of Ireland Act 1920 to make laws for the peace, order and good government of Northern Ireland was subject to the limitation that they should not have power to make laws in respect of the “navy, the army, the air force, the territorial army, or any other naval. Military or air force matter” and any law made in contravention of that limitation was to be void. The contention was that the conferment of powers on officers of the Armed Forces contravened that limitation. Such a contention, if well founded, would mean that their conviction was invalid because they had been ordered to disperse by an Army Officer under a regulation purportedly made under the SPA. The case was heard in the High Court on 11 and 12 January 1972 and judgment was reserved. 8.9.2 The Attorney General argued the case and the government must have been aware as to the possibility or indeed probability that arrests by the army under the SPA would be invalidated. This being so, any arrest under the SPA made by the Army on Bloody Sunday would be similarly invalidated. 8.9.3 At a meeting on 22 February 1972 the Cabinet agreed to rush legislation through Parliament retrospectively validating action taken by the Armed Forces under the SPA in the light of an adverse judgment quashing the convictions which was then expected. 8.9.4 On the following day judgment was delivered by Lowry LCJ in which he quashed the conviction accepting the contention that the conferment of powers of arrest on the armed forces by the Parliament of Northern Ireland was ultra vires the Government of Ireland Act 1920. The case is to be found at 1972 NI 91LAW 11.1 to LAW 11.35. On the same day and the beginning of the next what became the Northern Ireland Act 1972 passed through all its stages in both Houses and received the Royal Assent. 8.9.5 Accordingly at the time when the Army made arrests on 30 January 1972 under the SPA (as they did) they were all unlawful and that the arrest operation, which involved arrest under that Act, would also have been unlawful.

8.9.6 As noted earlier, ultimate responsibility for the exercise of these powers rested with the Secretary of State and Her Majesty’s Government at Westminster.

8.10 Investigation of the Army in relation to offences against the ordinary criminal law

8.10.1 In R v Foxford [1974] NI 181 Lowry LCJ stated at p200

“The preliminary statements of many of the civilian witnesses were not the only ones taken by an unorthodox procedure. We learnt that from September 1970 until September 1973 an RUC Force Order was in operation whereby if an offence against the ordinary criminal law was alleged against military personnel in Northern Ireland the interviewing of military witnesses and of the alleged offender himself was conducted exclusively by military investigation. This practice has been discontinued, but we deprecate this curtailment of the functions of the police and hope that the practice will not be revived”14.

8.10.2 In the recent judicial review of In Re Mary Louise Thompson [Unreported – High Court – 28 February 2003] Kerr J (as he then was) accepted the Applicant’s argument that the Respondent had not conducted a proper investigation into the shooting of the deceased by military personnel in Derry in 1971. 8.10.3 Kerr J stated as follows:

14 See also Lynch v Ministry of Defence [1983] NI 216 at p224 Letter F – p225 Letter B where the Court referred to an entry in the Batallion Log of the relevant regiment which stated: “soldiers involved in incident not to be interviewed by RUC. RUC want to interview them, stall them – telephone me and I will dispatch Flying Lawyer”. Hutton J (as he then was) stated “the Court deprocates this message. It is the function of the police to investigate shootings, including shootings where it may ultimately become apparent that soldiers open fire lawfully, and the military authorities should assist the police to carry out such investigations. Moreover, the attitude of mind shown in such a message gives rise to the suspicion that there is something to conceal, a suspicion which on full subsequent investigation may be shown to be unfounded”. He then went on to apply to this message the words of Lord Lowry in Foxford quoted above.

“I need not rehearse all of the deficiencies adumbrated by the applicant in her skeleton argument to this court. I merely point to the circumstance that the soldier who effectively discharged the shot which caused the death of Mrs Thompson and those who were with him at the time were interviewed by a member of the Royal Military Police. I do not consider that this satisfied the duty imposed on the police at the time to properly investigate this fatal shooting. In my view it was not open to them to delegate that critical responsibility to another agency such as the Royal Military Police. Quite apart from that however, the fact that each of the interviews cannot have lasted any more than half an hour; the fact that clear discrepancies appear in the statements made, discrepancies which have not been the subject of further challenge or investigation, are sufficient to demonstrate the inadequacy of the investigation into the death of the deceased”.

8.10.4 Accordingly, the duty imposed upon the police to properly investigate this incident involving lethal force by the army, in Derry, was unlawfully delegated to the Royal Military Police. 8.10.5 The essential purpose of such investigation is to secure the effective implementation of the domestic laws which protect the right to life and to ensure their accountability for deaths at the hands of state agents. By this means the right to life itself is secured. 8.10.6 The underlying objectives of the obligation to properly investigate are also intended to maintain public confidence in adherence to the rule of law and in preventing any appearance of collusion in or tolerance of unlawful acts. 8.10.7 However, what one finds is that by the time of Bloody Sunday there had been operating, for well over a year, a state sanctioned practice of not carrying out the necessary investigations of where, inter alia, there were allegations of the use of unlawful force against military personnel. This is clearly incompatible with the duty on the state to secure the right to life itself and demonstrates that at the material time there was a prevailing culture in which no or inadequate weight was given to the right to life and that the use of unlawful lethal force was tolerated or condoned.

8.11 Relevant Domestic Law on Use of Force 8.11.1 The reasonableness of the use of force has to be decided on the basis of the facts which the user of the force honestly believed to exist: this involves the subjective test as to what the user believed and an objective test as to whether he had reasonable grounds for that belief. Given that honest and reasonable belief, it must then be determined whether it was reasonable to use the force in question in the prevention of crime or to effect an arrest.15 8.11.2 The test of whether the use of force is reasonable, whether in self defence or to prevent crime or effect an arrest, is a strict one. It was described in the following terms in the Report of the Royal Commission appointed to consider the law relating to indictable offences:16 “We take one great principle of the common law to be, that though it sanctions the defence of a man’s person, liberty and property against illegal violence, and permits the use of force to prevent crimes to preserve the public peace and to bring offenders to justice, yet all this is subject to the restriction that the force used is necessary; that is, that the mischief sought to be prevented could not be prevented by less violent means; and that the mischief done by or which might reasonably be anticipated from the force used is not disproportionate to the injury or mischief, which it is intended to prevent”.

8.11.3 Lord Justice McGonigal in Attornery General for Northern Ireland’s Reference17 stated his understanding of this approach as follows:18 “… it appears to me that, when one is considering whether force used in any particular circumstances was reasonable, the test of reasonableness should be determined in the manner set out in that paragraph. It raises two questions: (a) Could the mischief sought to be prevented have been prevented by less violent means?

15 See eg Lynch v Ministry of Defence [1983] NILR 216, R v Gladstone Williams [1983] 78 Cr App R 276 at p.81 and R v Thain [1985] NILR 457 at p.462 16 [1879] 36 House of Lords Papers 117 at p.167 17 [1976] NILR 169 (Court of Appeal) 18 At p.187

(b) Was the mischief done or which could reasonably be anticipated from the force used disproportionate to the injury or mischief which it was intended to prevent? These are questions to be determined objectively but based on the actions of reasonable men who act in the circumstances and in the light of the beliefs which the accused honestly believed existed and held. Force is not reasonable if: (a) greater than that necessary, or (b) if the injury it causes is disproportionately greater than the evil to be prevented”.

STATUS OF YELLOW CARD

8.11.4 Judicial dicta on the Yellow Card persistently stressed that breach of this document has no value in helping to ascertain the guilt of an offender charged with either murder or manslaughter. In 1975, at the murder trial, R v Jones [1975] 2 NIJB, following the death of Patrick McElhone Justice MacDermott stated: “For my part, I consider this card to be something which exists for some reason of policy and is intended to lay down guidelines to the forces, but in my view it does not define the legal rights of members of the security forces. No doubt it contains much sound advice but I can readily understand that to many soldiers and perhaps to others too, it is to say the lease of it a difficult document”.

8.11.5 Justice MacDermott confirmed that a failure to follow the instructions contained in the document would not imply that the soldier’s conduct had been unlawful. The views are echoed by Lord Chief Justice Lowry in the McNaughton case in the same year, [1975] NI 203. The soldier concerned was charged with attempted murder. The shooting had taken place after a bomb explosion in the vicinity of the soldier’s patrol unit, which encountered John Walsh coming from the direction of the blast. Walsh alleged that he had been ordered to climb over a nearby fence by the

accused and was subsequently shot on the basis that he was attempting to escape. In the course of his judgment, the judge reiterated that the Yellow Card was only a policy document remarking: “There was, of course, at the same time in existence what is called the yellow card, something the contents of which, it seems, are largely dictated by policy and are intended to lay down guidelines for the security forces but which do not define the legal rights and obligations of the forces under statute or common law”. (p206 Letter C).

8.11.6 Some judges have regarded breaches of the instructions as “irrelevant” per Gibson LJ Attorney General’s Reference [1976] NI 160 at 197. 8.11.7 Nevertheless it must be of importance that soldiers adhere to the standards that they have been set. McGonigal LJ in the Attorney General’s Reference stated at page 191 Letter B: “The ‘Yellow Card’ has not, however, the effect of a rule of law and does not purport to define the legal limits. It is, therefore, only a factor to be taken into account. The test is still an objective test and the instructions in the ‘Yellow Card’ material factors to be taken into account in applying that test”.

8.12 Article 2 of the European Convention 8.12.1 Article 2, which safeguards the right to life and sets out the circumstances when deprivation of life may be justified, ranks as one of the most fundamental provisions in the Convention, to which in peacetime no derogation is permitted under Article 15. Together with Article 3, it also enshrines one of the basic values of the democratic societies making up the Council of Europe. The circumstances in which deprivation of life may be justified must therefore be strictly construed. The object and purpose of the Convention as an instrument for the protection of individual human beings also requires that Article 2 be interpreted and applied so as to make its safeguards practical and effective.19

19 See McCann & Ors v UK [1996] 21 EHRR 97

8.12.2 In the light of the importance of the protection afforded by Article 2, the Court must subject deprivations of life to the most careful scrutiny, taking into consideration not only the actions of State agents but also all the surrounding circumstances. Indeed, the burden of proof may be regarded as resting on the authorities to provide a satisfactory and convincing explanation.20 8.12.3 The test of Article 2, read as a whole, demonstrates that it covers not only intentional killing but also the situations where it is permitted to “use force” which may result, as an unintended outcome, in the deprivation of life. The deliberate or intended use of lethal force is only one factor however to be taken into account in assessing its necessity. Any use of force must be no more than “absolutely necessary” for the achievement of one or more of the purposes sot out in sub-paragraphs (a) to (c). This term indicates that a stricter and more compelling test of necessity must be employed from that normally applicable when determining whether State action is “necessary in a democratic society” under paragraphs 2 of Articles 8 to 11 of the Convention. Consequently, the force used must be strictly proportionate to the achievement of the permitted aims21. 8.12.4 The training and instruction of agents of the state and the need for operational control are matters which raise issues under Article 2(2) concerning the proportionality of the state’s response. 8.12.5 In determining whether the use of force was compatible with Article 2 it is necessary to carefully scrutinise not only whether the force used by the soldiers was strictly proportionate but also whether the policing operation was planned and controlled by the authorities so as to minimise, to the greatest extent possible, recourse to lethal force.

20 See Salman v Turkey [GC] no 21986/93, ECHR 2000-VII, 100 and also Cakici v Turkey [GC] ECHR 1999-IV, 85, Ertak v Turkey no. 20764/92 [Section 1] ECHR 2000-V, 32, and Timurtas v Turkey No. 23531/94 [Section 1] ECHR 2000-VI, 82). 21 See McCann at paras. 148-149