TBE ASSASSINATION OP PRESIDENT LINGOLN At Ford's Theatre, Washington, on the night of Friday, Aprill4, 186a.

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-of the- Lincoln-Douglas Debates

Sara Gabbard

Sara Gabbard: In 1858, was there race for the U. S. Senate from Illinois. tem a few years earlier (1855), when, already a precedent for debates Keep in mind: this was a unique race after much shifting of legislative votes between competing candidates for for other reasons, too, and these he lost a Senate seat he was widely political office? factors made the debates possible, expected to secure, Lincoln told fel­ maybe even inevitable. There had low Republicans in 1858 that he would Harold Holzer: Not much of one, been no previous senatorial debates stand for Senate again only if desig­ really. Certainly the 1830 Webster­ for the simple reason that there had nated as the party's official candidate Hayne debates over the tariff had never before been senate candidates, at a real convention. His famous long been famous nationwide, but or even senate campaigns as we now "House Divided Speech" actually came these took place on the floor of the know them. In the 19th-century, sen­ at the meeting that so nominated him U. S. Senate in Washington, between ators were chosen not directly by vot­ as the party's "first and only choice" two public officials, and before a kind ers but by state legislatures, which for the Senate. Even so, Lincoln nev­ of captive audience: fellow senators. convened a few months after Election er faced Douglas on the ballot that As for Lincoln and Douglas, they had Day (technically the following calen­ year; their debates would be largely exchanged views face-to-face on the dar year) to choose senators when ceremonial and symbolic, because stump over the years, debating each vacancies existed. Political parties did the only popular vote that mattered other after a fashion, but the idea of not "nominate" Senate standard-bear­ in 1858 was the contest for legislative participating in a sustained, organized ers; aspirants simply got considered seats. Nevertheless, Lincoln took to series of "joint meetings" as a major when legislatures met. But having the competition eagerly, seizing every happening seems to me unique to the been burned by this maddening sys- opportunity he could find to confront time, place, and principals of the 1858

4 SUM M ER 2018 •

Douglas. Once the campaign got un­ describe it! Bias is much better. contained "mutilations" of Lincoln's derway, Lincoln even tried to sched­ Lincoln's friends and allies owned words designed "to mar the beauty ule himself around his opponent's the state's preeminent Republican of his most eloquent passages, and speaking tours, his goal being to reply papers, the Chicago Tribune and to make him talk like ... a half-witted to Douglas in public later the same Springfield's Illinois State journal. numbskull." These were the first po­ day, or the day after, Douglas's major Democrats controlled the Chicago litical encounters ever "recorded" by appearances. Lincoln's persistence­ Times and the Illinois State Register-in stenographers and reprinted in the which opponents ridicu)ed-is what, fact, Douglas was an inves------~~~~~~~~~~~-. in a way, launched the concept of for­ tor in the Chicago paper. It mal, face-to-face debates as a digni­ came as no surprise then, fied and convenient alternative. and should surprise no one now, that in the Republican SG: Who suggested the 1858 de­ coverage of the debates, bates? Were there negotiations as Lincoln always seemed to to time/place? win, always sounded fluid and HH: The editors of the pro-Republi­ prepared, while Douglas rant­ can Chicago Tribune actually came up ed and raved and came off with the idea-almost to preserve as vulgar and despotic. The their man Lincoln's dignity as he took Democratic press, however, increasing heat for pursuing the in­ reported Lincoln as hapless, cumbent around the state. Lincoln crude, and often dangerously then wrote a letter formally inviting radical. This divergence ex­ Douglas to a series of joint appear­ tended not only to the news ances. Douglas, better known, better and feature coverage (and funded, and better scheduled, had opinion-piece editorials, of nothing to gain and everything to lose course), but to the printed by giving Lincoln a bigger platform. transcripts of the debates But he could find no way to escape themselves. I devoted an the challenge without sacrificing his entire book to this theme 25 frontier machismo. It would be akin years ago, and more recently to declining a duel. Douglas had no Douglas Wilson and Rodney choice but to accept. Complicated ne­ Davis took it up in a book of gotiations did get underway between their own . That is to say, I the two camps. Lincoln wanted doz­ collected and published the ens of debates. Douglas consented to long-ignored "reverse" tran­ only nine-one in each of the state's scripts of the debates: that congressional districts. And then is, Democratic transcripts of he subtracted two districts because Republican Lincoln's speech- .______...., _____11111P o.st•ca•r-.d-.ill!'"us·tr·a-.tio•n•, z"!"!P~C~-21111193~ Lincoln had already, annoyingly as far es, and Republican transcripts as Douglas was concerned, respond­ of Democrat Douglas's. It's not a per­ press-and the results did revolu­ ed to "The Little Giant's" orations in fect science, but I calculate that these tionize both newspaper coverage of opposition transcripts bring us clos­ both Chicago and Springfield. So in politics and politics itself. But the cov­ the end, the "net" to which Douglas est to the unrehearsed words these erage, and even the transcripts, must agreed amounted to just seven new two titans unleashed on the debate be taken with a grain of salt because joint meetings. It was a far cry from trail than the versions reviewed, pol­ the press was an owned-and-operat­ what Lincoln had wanted, but far bet­ ished, and reprinted in sanitized form ed part of the political machine and ter than nothing. by friendly editors. So much so that the pro-Douglas Chicago Times com­ they not only reported unreliably on SG: Was there much discrepancy plained that the rival Tribune tran­ the events, they unreliably reprinted between newspaper reports of the scriptions contained "whole para­ the transcripts! In their own time, the events? Did coverage display polit­ graphs of which Lincoln's tongue debate over which debate records to ical bias? was innocent;" in turn, the Tribune bel ieve became almost as engrossing HH: Discrepancy is a mild word to charged that the Times transcriptions as the debates themselves.

LIN CO LN LOR E . NUMBE R 19 18 5 I I

SG: Does it appear to you that each legislative accomplishment: popular ter, the responsibility of citizens (and candidate planned to present dif­ sovereignty as enshrined in the 1854 legislators) to support a nation en­ ferent concepts, depending upon Kansas-Nebraska Act. It gave white gaged in unpopular wars (in this case the location of the event? Did they voters in these new territories the the late war with Mexico}, and other make "adjustments" from one de­ right to hold referenda on whether corollary issues. They attacked each or not to welcome slavery within their bate to the next? other personally. They exchanged borders. Sure, the emphases and "gotchas." They had a lot of time HH: I may be in the minority here tone changed as the debaters moved to expound on any manner of sub­ among historians, but I've always from the overwhelmingly Republican, themes. Remember, their presenta­ thought that this notion has been anti-slavery northern part of Illinois to tions were nothing like the ridiculous, somewhat exaggerated. Lincoln was the pro-status quo southern region one-minute-per-answer debates in never really inconsistent about his known as "Egypt." But as I calculate vogue today. Each opening speaker views on the principal issue of the de- it, only around the edges. Besides, had 60 minutes to talk; the rebuttal the candidates could not took 90 minutes, and then the first have effectively varied speaker returned for a final half-hour. their messages accord­ These extraordinarily talented orators ing to geography even may have rambled once in a while (to if they really wanted to. fill time}, but they invariably circled After all, both Lincoln back to the big issues of freedom, cit­ and Douglas knew that izenship, human rights, the Founders, their arguments were the definition of American opportuni­ being taken down by ty, and the possibility (or impossibili­ those stenographers, ty) of racial equality. But all of these partisan or not. Thus themes radiated in a sense from the they were debating, not overarching problem of slavery-from only for local crowds, but all the evils the institution generated, for readers throughout and all the evils that those opposed to the state. Had they been abolition feared its dissolution would reckless enough to vary ignite. their views from town to SG : Did reactions to the Debates in town, they would quickly part provide some of the interest have been exposed as in Abraham Lincoln which would inconsistent frauds­ eventually lead to his Address at and, believe it or not, Cooper Union? consistency counted for a lot in the political HH: Absolutely so. Transcripts of, culture of the 1850s. and reports on, the Illinois debates As Lincoln said at the appeared in newspapers all the way Freeport debate: "[If] I to the East Coast, New York included. should never be elect­ One typical story reported that excite­ ed to any office, I trust ment in the West ran so deep that "the I may go down with no prairies are on fire." The notion of stain of falsehood upon these titans confronting each other in bates, and of the era : the issue of slav­ my reputation." I believe him; he lost public, no holds barred, captured the ery. Wherever he spoke, he said he the election with honor intact. public imagination nationwide. The word-for-word reprints (as edited, of did not see a way to end slavery where SG: Did certain subjects appear in course) engaged the country in an ev­ it already existed, but adamantly op­ all or most of the debates? er-more urgent discussion of slavery. posed extending it westward into new HH: It was slavery, stupid (of course New York Republicans certainly knew American territories, eventually to be I'm paraphrasing Bill Clinton here, not about Lincoln's debate success, and new states. Douglas in turn, no mat­ impugning my friend, the editor of that is precisely what motivated his ter where he was appearing, argued Lincoln Lore, heaven forbid). Yes, the hosts to invite him to speak in the city. proudly for his great, if controversial, debaters also battled about charac- james Briggs, the New Yorker who sent

6 SUMMER 2018 Lincoln the actual invitation, while a SG: Did Lincoln and/or Douglas get the best idea of his views. Salmon Chase supporter, had earlier mention their Debates in speeches SG: Is there any evidence that told Lincoln: "There is a deep interest and/or letters which followed? Abraham Lincoln realized how im­ felt here in the Illinois contest." And portant the Debates would be, both when the poet and newspaper edi­ HH: Oh, yes . First of all, it's import­ ant to note that while we still debate to his own career and to students of tor William Cullen Bryant introduced the debates, and who won them, the history in the future? Lincoln on the stage of the Cooper results were somewhat confusing Union's Great Hall on February 27, HH: I think the evidence is in the care at the time. The only Republican on 1860, he proved this point by remind­ he took to create that scrapbook and the statewide ballot in Illinois that ing the crowd that Lincoln was "a gal­ dispatch a trusted aide, john Nicolay, year got more votes than the only lant soldier of the political campaign to carry them to a publisher and get Democrat. But the Democrats won them into print again in more perma­ of 1858," and a "great champion of the enough legislative contests to ensure nent form. I think the proof is in his Republican cause in Illinois." These that Douglas would get chosen for a frequent references to the debates, and were direct references to the debates, third term when the legislature met in to the stories of his giving out books as and a reminder of how successfully the winter. So Douglas beat Lincoln. gifts to visitors who arrived in Springfield they had introduced the previously But crushed as he was, Lincoln contin­ during the 1860 campaign, as well as little-known Lincoln to voters outside ued the battle-that is, to control the the 1860-1861 interregnum, determined his home state. Cooper Union was history and memory of the debates. to find out Lincoln's views. He insisted the speech that made Lincoln presi­ It was Lincoln who decided to collect he would say nothing new; that his po­ dent, as I've argued, but the Lincoln­ newspaper clippings of the transcripts sitions were on record in the debates, Douglas debates were the events that and make them available for publica­ and that they stood the test of time (for made Lincoln a prime choice to speak tion as a book. Of course he chose the next two years, anyway). His ideas at Cooper Union. the Republican­ matured over time, of course. His most edited versions of regrettable debate performance, at his own remarks. Charleston, in which he reiterated what Douglas howled amount to white supremacist views (to that he was given be sure not uncommon among main­ no chance to re-ex­ stream politicians of the day), morphed amine the tran­ into something much subtler and more scripts for accura­ humane during the Civil War. Yes, the cy, while Lincoln Lincoln-Douglas debates launched made a few further, Abraham Lincoln into the national spot­ handwritten edi­ light, and identified him as a first-class torial changes that political performer worthy of consider­ survive in the orig­ ation for even greater things than the U. S. Senate. And while Lincoln himself inal scrapbook now was wise enough to take advantage of in the Library of their popularity, he was even wiser to Congress. Lincoln move past them as conditions changed, continued to re­ new opportunities appeared, and his fer to the debates capacity for political and moral growth well into the 1860 took hold. The debates may have rep­ campaign against resented Lincoln's apogee as a tough Douglas (and oth­ campaigner and frontier orator, but they ers) for the pres­ represented only a passing glimpse into idency, for when his always growing beliefs and ideals. routinely refusing invitations to rallies Harold Holzer is jonathan F. Fanton and new speaking Director of Roosevelt House Public Policy engagements, he Institute at Hunter College. His next book is urged his hosts to Monument Man, a biography of the Lincoln read the debates to Memorial Sculptor Daniel Chester French. Abraham Lincoln, 1858 OC-1509

LINCO LN LOR E . NUMBER 1918 7 An Interview with Ronald C. White, Author ofAmerican Ulysses: A Life of-Ulysses S. Grant · RONALD C. WHITE

Sara Gabbard: Did you find your ographies, to my mind, spent too little RW: I do worry about the new reality of extensive background in the study time with Grant at West Point. I spent historians working mainly online from of Abraham Lincoln a help in your one week at West Point attempting to their offices at a university instead of research on Grant, or was it a dis­ understand his time there. Grant fin­ traveling to archives and to where their traction? ished 21st out of 39 in his 1843 gradu­ subjects lived, worked, and fought. ating class. This rank has contributed Ron White: At one level, writing three to the characterization that he was an SG: I have always been fascinat­ books on Lincoln helped. I came to intellectual light weight. In his Per­ ed by the eventual friendship believe Lincoln and Grant formed a sonal Memoirs Grant apologized: "I between Grant and Mark Twain. mutual admiration society. At anoth­ spent most of my time reading nov­ Please comment. er level, it did not help. Because Grant els." He tells us what novels he read. was an important figure in my Lincoln So, I spent considerable time reading RW: Twain called himself "Grant in­ biography, I started out believing I what Grant read. Novels in Grant's toxicated." Grant did not intend to knew the man. It was not long before day were often quite didactic: "Young write his memoirs. He believed mem­ I had to make a personal confession: I reader, you should ... " I came to be­ oirs-including William Tecumseh did not know Grant. Yes, I knew what lieve that the authors of these novels Sherman's Memoirs-were self-serv­ he did-command the Union armies became tutors for the shy boy from ing and used to settle scores. Only that won the Civil War-but I did not Ohio who was not much interested know who he was. And I was sure most in some of the traditional science and when he was diagnosed with cancer, Americans also did not know the man. engineering classes at West Point. and wished to provide for julia af­ ter his death, did he agree to do so . SG: How would you He almost signed a contract with describe, for better or for the Century Magazine when Twain PER SONA L MEMO IRS worse, the time he spent called on Grant and persuaded him in California? to let Twain's new company publish them. Twain saw Grant's promise as U. S. GRANT. RW: Posted to Oregon, a writer when others did not. Twain and then California, forced did not write Grant's memoirs as to leave julia behind, he some have charged. Twain published fell into loneliness and de­ the memoirs after Grant's death pression and drinking. On and they earned $450,000 for julia. the day he was raised to the rank of Captain, the Secretary of War, Jeffer­ son Davis, received Grant's /. /,,_,' letter of resignation. He .,!.}. /- , ·.t •"'...t.'/ wanted to return to julia and to his two sons, one of whom he had never seen. Personal Memoirs of U.S. Grant, 712009008406360

SG: Please give a description and SG: Did you find influences in provenance for the Grant Collec­ Grant's childhood that might have tion at Mississippi State. contributed to his eventual suc­ cesses? RW: I had the benefit of using the complete Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, RW: Some of my first readers warned only completed in 2017. But these 32 me about spending too much time volumes comprise only 20% of what on the young Grant. Biographies are is at the Ulysses S. Grant Presidential popular today, but many move quick­ Library. I made five trips to the library ly over the early life of their subject. and benefitted from the counsel and I took my cue from Grant himself guidance of Executive Director john who wrote: "I read but few lives of Marszalek and his marvelous staff. great men because biographies do not, as a rule, tell enough about the SG: You and I once shared a mu­ formative period of life. What I want tual sadness that the option of to know is what a man did as a boy." using only electronic resources for historical research is not the same SG: What was his experience at as actually "holding the papers in West Point? one's hand." Please speak to this issue. RW: In a similar fashion, previous bi-

LINCOLN LORE . NUMBER 1918 9 AN INTERVIEW WITH RONALD C . WHITE

was strongly anti-slavery, Ulysses did mine in my attempt to understand SG: Please describe Grant's not involve himself in this issue un­ the inner character of the man. post-presidential-financial-woes. til his empathy was aroused by Af­ rican-Americans coming into Union RW: There were no presidential pen­ lines when Grant campaigned in the SG: As a military man, what were sions in Grant's day. Grant's second deep South. As a Civil War general Grant's greatest strengths? son, Buck, became a partner with Fer­ Grant was deferential to civilian au­ dinand War, a young Wal l Street whiz. thority and non-political. His politi­ RW: Before the Civil War, the largest The new firm appeared to be doing cal education began after the end of American army, just 14,000 men, had well and Grant put all his money with the war when he lived in Washing- been commanded by Winfield Scott in the Mexican-American War. Grant had a least two great strengths. First, he had the ability to command large armies. After Lincoln gave Grant com­ mand of all the Union armies in 1864, Ulysses coordinated five armies. Sec­ ond, Grant's determination, what Lin­ coln called Grant's "pertinacity." Usu ­ ally Civil War armies would fight for several days and then pause to refit. Grant, with a larger army, determined to keep up his unrelenting attack on Robert E. Lee. Because of this book I have entered a friendship with Gener­ al David Petraeus. We have done three events together. General Petraeus tells audiences that Grant is America's greatest general. He read Grant in preparing to lead the "Surge" in Iraq. He commends Grant's determination.

SG: What kind of reputation did he have with his troops? With his officers?

RW: Grant was a soldier's general. He generally wore a private's uni­ form. In the Mexican-American War he watched closely the two leading American generals: Winfield Scott, old "fuss and feathers," and Zachary Tay­ lor. He much preferred Taylor for his approachability to the common sol­ dier. Taylor became his model. He worked well with officers because he listened and never micro-managed. In the battle for Chattanooga Grant had responsibility for the whole of ton and served both as General of East Tennessee. Ambrose Burnside, the Army, and briefly as Secretary of who had suffered a humiliating de ­ War. He strongly supported these feat at Fredericksburg, and was now three Reconstruction amendments. mocked by newspapers as "Burnside the Incapable," was tasked with de­ SG: In your research for this book, fending Knoxville. I was impressed Grant and Ward. Ward turned out to what new material most surprised with how Grant approached Burnside be a crook involved in a Ponzi scheme. you? without prejudgment which heart­ Grant lost all his money on one terri­ ened both Burnside and his staff. ble day in 1884. Ward went to jail. RW: I came to be lieve that Grant was an introvert-a term not in use in SG: What were his comments SG: What was Grant's attitude his day-who usually did not reveal about Robert E. Lee? About the about the 13th, 14th, and 15th his feelings in letters or speeches. Treaty of Appomattox? Amendments? Except to julia. She kept all his let­ ters. These letters became a gold- RW: Grant is respectful towards Lee, RW: Although Grant's father, jesse,

10 SUMMER 2018 RONALD C . WHITE

but his Memoirs offers greater praise with no prejudgments, but aware of SG: From what I have read, it for Confederate General "Old joe" the popular characterization: Grant appears that julia Grant was an johnston. The character of Grant is was a great general and a poor pres­ exceptional woman. Please com­ revealed at Appomattox. First, he for­ ident. I came to believe the scandals ment. bade his soldiers from doing anything in Grant's second term had obscured to demean the defeated Confederate all that Grant accomplished in both RW: I quickly came to believe that ju­ terms. Here let me suggest just three lia had been minimalized and margin­ of his accomplishments. He was first alized in the Grant story. With more American president to attempt to deal education than was typically offered with the immorality of our policies to­ to girls in her time, she entered into ward the American Indian. Second, a remarkable marriage and partner­ with a high volume of anti-British feel­ ship. If Grant was an introvert, she ing in the air, he put in place a treaty was an extrovert who, after the scars with Great Britain negotiated through left by Mary Lincoln's enemies list, international arbitration that became welcomed people to a hospitable the foundation of our relationship White House. with our closest international partner. Third, and most importantly, just as SG: Please describe your position his Republican party stepped back, at the Huntington Library. What is your next scholarly project?

RW: I am a Fellow at the Hunting­ ton Library. I am privileged to work in this remarkable library with its huge Civil War collection. My next project is a biography of Joshua Law­ rence Chamberlain. Rediscovered through the novel Killer Angels, the .._.,...,V, &atift, Ken Burns Civil War Documentary, and the movie Gettysburg, Chamber­ President Grant, LN-067 3 lain is well known to Civil War buffs soldiers. "The war is over: the rebels and unknown in the public. If he has are our countrymen again." Second, been returned to heroic stature, Little he offered a magnanimous peace Round Top now being the most visited treaty which allowed the defeated place at Gettysburg, the temptation soldiers to keep their horses that has been to miss the ambiguities and they might take them to their homes contradictions in his remarkable life. for spring planting. julia Dent Grant, OC-0672 he stepped forward to use the pow­ Ronald C. White is a Fellow at the Hun­ SG: Probably not a fair question, er of the federal government to pro­ tington Library and a Senior Fellow of but please give a brief description tect the rights of African-Americans, the Trinity Forum in Washington, D.C. of Grant's presidency. especially the right to vote, against the terrorist attacks of the Ku Klux RW: I approached Grant's presidency Klan and the other white leagues.

LINCO LN LOR E . NUMBER "1918 11 Documenting the Events

The shock of Abraham Lincoln's assassination is hard to feel from this re­ move. Coming just a few days after the fall of Richmond and Lee's surren­ der at Appomattox, the unprecedented murder of the President created waves of grief and uncertainty. As people absorbed the information, speculating on what it might mean for the future, they acutely felt their part in history.

The Lincoln Financial Foundation Collection is a rich resource for exploring Lincoln's death and the nation's co llective mourning. Prints, photographs and the illustrated weeklies that started shortly before the Civil War accus­ tomed the public to seeing major events depicted even as the telegraph shortened time and distance. Ribbons, medallions, postcards, cartes-de­ visite, sheet music and a multitude of other materials were produced and preserved in remarkable numbers. Many showed Lincoln as a martyr, having given his life to save the nation. Others made reference to his fare­ well address at Springfield, the Emancipation Proclamation, or the Second Inaugural delivered just weeks earlier, especially the words "with malice toward none, with charity for all". Items with a direct association to the President's death or the individual's participation in its commemoration were treasured, such as the banner from Ford's Theatre handed down from the family of Lincoln's secretary, john Nicolay.

Even as the President's funeral train headed west toward home, the Civil War's final battles and negotiations continued. His assassin was pursued and killed, preparations for the conspirators' trials began. Few items connect events as elegantly as the hand-painted memorial fan, with its account of the assassination on one side and Lincoln's apotheosis on the other, with military portraits arranged below. One of the rarest items is a drawing by artist and businessman Pierre Morand, who had sketched the Lincolns around Washington. Despite Secretary of War Edwin Stanton's prohibition against images of the President's body, in New York a photog­ rapher was allowed access, as was Morand (under what circumstances is not clear.) Stanton had the photographs confiscated but Morand's Currier and lves, The Bady of Martyr President, Abraham drawings were unknown until they were found, posthumously, among his Lying in State at City Hall, New York, Apr// 24th and 25th, 1865, papers. lithograph War Oeparlmenl Washinl! ·i12Q 1865.

$100,000 Reward: The Murderer . . . is Still at Large, broadside Issued $100.000 ft[W Aft[ ~~ by the War Department, April 20, 1865 MIB~tBI THt p,- ~ ident. Of our bte beloved Ahraha ... Lince · IS STILL AT LARfil. S50,000 REWARD ~""""""---~~~~~~~~!Lt~~~uall--::~ .:~t:' •• ~";.u:~ • II• •aa~to,.ud ..... Uir"'~;,:=;;~~~ 125,000 REWARD ~-.a .. .,...a .._~fi/(.IOIIJfH•ollll .ll•.- .fB.Julh'•._r 125,000 REWARD .....u t d,.... Llo •i-1 .• ·- " r.J • U&r... w.-.. .,. 1Jo,. .. ,.,..,._ I.IRF.II U. Rt;n t.Kn-. "HI IN- pM id lOr lut) lnfUrundlou l lult..S.~tll ,....ducr IO Ill•· ltl"n"Oo l orrUhl"r •flllr aho\ -.Kmr4('rl•fn•lt.. orlbf'lr lift'\~~~:.::; .. h•rboria ~:. or "hrTIIru:, thr .,.hi IH',_.,. or rht1rr .r -=:;::;:~~~ thr o.., •r a ldf•a: or a .... l ... laa tbtlt f'OIIIrta lmrnl or ~pr, w ill M lrTal• hi ... --pllr1 • lu Ilk- amrd •(tbr PrNdrt~ t •ud lbr atlcmpl.-.1 ·~==== laahon •f tbt" ~ n"rfar} .. r 1'\fafr, nad ...... u hr .. u ..jrrt to lrlal ....,.lb"' u 'lllllllr.• ( 'owml .... loa •ad thr puaW.tur•l ef 1n: t.'J'Il• ...... lkr ..Uht O( iiiUVCf"U I hl.-1 bt- rt'UI Ol t•d r'ron1 th1• land b) thr .. ,...... , , •ad punl..ttauntl uflh t' mtwdrrr,.... ---~' t.U coetl r lllu-o .. ar.· ,.,h orl"" to uJd publlr J •-Urr 110 lht. IH'B•IML EHrJ uuto .... ovid rUbaldt"r hlo. oHn roftloC'Il"nrr ttr.arr;N Hhb thlo. *"nw II•IJ,•ud ,_. arltbrr aldll •or UJ ~ta t!III IH- art"'GGIpl l ~ltd. llal" L,.. .,, ,.... .'-.'fTO~, Hn'ITCArJ ar War. .1\ Jll\1101 ;':; } UJ\itT ','!"-<; 5TRVt"' ~Pmt. \·j \ ~6~-

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Memoria/flags, Albany Female Academy, AlbanYJ New¥ork, 1861 and 1865

Participating in History

"The house in which President Lincoln breathed his last has been visited by thousands this morning [April16], and if they do not tear down the house by inches I shall be very much surprised."

Albert Daggett, a young clerk in the Department of State, wrote his mother a pained, detailed letter immediately after the assassination. He was in Ford's Theatre that night and helped carry Lincoln to the Petersen House. After attesting to the hunger for any object connected to the President's ...___ death, he lists the ones he secured.

Daggett's letters are at the Allen County Public Library and pillowcase and towel fragments that he and his descendants saved are now at the Indiana State Museum, part of the Lincoln Financial Foundation Collection's large number of relics- mourning crape, tassels and braid from the bier and funeral train, wallpaper, slivers of wood, strands of rope used to hang a conspirator, dried flowers, emblems worn to the funeral observances, passes and tickets- the fragile evidence of shared participation in tragedy and the making of history. That so many families cherished relics of their own lost loved ones added to the sorrow.

People saved mass-produced items and those that they carefully made themselves. A mourning ribbon in the form of a railroad timetable was si­ multaneously sentimental and practical. A pair of silk flags was annotated in an unknown hand from the Albany Female Academy in New York, one •--- worn to greet Lincoln's train on the way to inauguration and the other to mourn as the funeral train returned him to Springfield.

This impulse to mark events-to show they were there- affected the powerful as well. Governor Oliver P. Morton's bowtie, worn to the funeral, is in the collection as are a variety of prints showing notables assembled around Lincoln's death bed . The people crammed into the tiny room swell to amazing numbers, depending on the print, sometimes helpfully annotated for the viewer.

What could be considered the very first object in the collection is a relic. The mother of Arthur Hall, a founder of Lincoln National Life Insurance, treasured the white rosebud she was permitted to take from Lincoln's cas­ ket at Indianapolis. This she gave to her son, who had named the company and would, in 1928, establish the Lincoln Historical Research Foundation. The Long Twisting Road: Abraham Lincoln's Evolving. World with t e Foreign Born .--.:r----

I

Jason H. Silverman Abraham Llnca ln, 1864, LN-0235

Immigration? Abraham Lincoln? Ab­ longest journeys of his life; his first ex­ Like so many in the mid-nineteenth cen­ solutely. Lincoln lived in an era when periences in a major city; his only visits tury, Lincoln's philosophy about immi­ immigration was as much a contro­ to the Deep South; his sole exposure grants was far more complicated than versial matter as it is today. Between to the region's brand of slavery and merely that which pertained to the free 1840 and 1860 four and a half million slave trading; his only time in the sub­ labor economy. Abraham Lincoln was newcomers arrived, most of them tropics; and the closest he ever came to a product of his times and his environ­ from Ireland, the German states, and immersing himself in a foreign culture. ment. And despite whatever economic Scandinavian countries. Many more advantages an immigrant might rep­ crossed back and forth across the bor­ Lincoln's flatboat journeys exposed him, resent, many men of his era saw every der with Mexico, newly drawn in 1848. for weeks on end, to the vastness of the ethnic group, every immigrant, whether From an early age, Lincoln developed American landscape. No subsequent Irish, jewish, German, or Swedish, as awareness and a tolerance for differ­ travels would ever match the length of monolithic. Yet Lincoln tended to per­ ent peoples and their cultures. While those journeys. They immersed him in ceive each individual and each group as no doubt a product of his time, Lincoln the relationship between transporta­ distinctive in its own right. Whether it nevertheless refused to let his envi­ tion and economic development in the was the Germans or Jews who politically ronment blind him to the strengths of West. He understood and preached supported him, or the Irish who did not, diversity, and throughout his legal and that a better transportation system his relationship with individuals of dif­ political career he retained an affini­ would improve the economic life of Il­ ferent ethnicities, as well as their groups, ty for immigrants, especially the Ger­ linois, raise living standards for all and was as inconsistent as the man himself. mans, Irish, Jews, and Scandinavians. enhance property values. Lincoln's riv­ Indeed, immigrants and their plight er journeys also illustrated to him that In 1858, in Bloomington, Illinois, Lincoln were never far from his thoughts or by controlling the unsettled domains in made one of his few remarks about the plans. His travels at a young age down Illinois, the state could accelerate immi­ peoples of Asia, the nonwhite group the Mississippi River to the port of New gration. Residing in a sparsely populated with whom he had the least acquain­ Orleans exposed Lincoln to the sights, region, it is understandable that wealth tance and the least opportunity to think sounds, and tastes of a world hither­ and population were practically synony­ about. For one who had never been to to he could only have dreamed about. mous for him. Immigrants would bring Asia, or arguably for that matter, barely More importantly, however, it estab­ economic growth and all that it implied. out of the United States, Lincoln preju­ lished a foundation and sympathy for Indeed, seeing America firsthand from dicially claimed that intellectual curiosity the rest of his life when it came to the a flatboat at a young age transfixed on and scientific progress was the exclusive foreign-born, as well as to the enslaved. Lincoln the core Whig social and eco­ domain of the Western world. He recog­ nomic philosophies such as free labor, nized Asia as the birthplace of "the hu­ Lincoln's two flatboat voyages to New transportation modernization, inter­ man family," and concluded that Asians Orleans were exceptionally important nal improvements, and most assured­ and Latin Americans, like African Ameri­ in his development. They formed the ly, the need to attract immigration. cans, were indeed human beings, but he

14 SUMMER 2018 JASON H. SILVERMAN

believed that Asia was an ancient, crum­ end of 1863, Lincoln decided to do more de ring Polk's declaration of war uncon­ bling civilization whose time had long and directly asked Congress for assis­ stitutional and contrary to international since passed and Latin America was an tance. His Annual Message to Congress law. Lincoln apparently had high hopes inferiorlandwhosetime had never come. that year requested that they devise a for this speech, but was soon disap­ system for encouraging immigration. It pointed when the Democrats ignored While neither respecting nor appreciat­ spoke of the flow of immigrants from his remarks and his fellow Whigs gave ing the cultures of Asia or of Latin Ameri­ the Old World as a "source of nation­ him only weak support. Lincoln's oppo­ ca, Lincoln, like many nineteenth century al wealth," and it pointed to the labor sition rested upon the contention that nationalists, pandered to his audiences shortage in both agriculture and indus­ Polk's handling of the crisis that pre­ by emphasizing the attributes and vir­ try and to the "tens of thousands of per­ cipitated the war represented a usur­ tues of the United States. At the expense sons, destitute of remunerative occupa­ pation of war-making powers that the of degrading other peoples, it was his tion" who desired to come to America Constitution left exclusively to Congress. intention to convince his fellow country­ but needed assistance to do so. The con­ men that their nation would be next on clusion showed that in spite of slavery Nevertheless, like most westerners, Lin­ "the great stage of history," a most suc­ and the war, Lincoln could still be a per­ coln had a low opinion of Latin American cessful strategy to flatter voters during ceptive observer of the American need civilization and his references to Latinos his ascent into national prominence. for immigrant labor. Congress respond­ were never flattering. In his debate with ed favorably to the presidential request Stephen Douglas at Galesburg, Illinois, When the Republican Party was formed by passing the first, last, and only law in Lincoln attacked the concept of popular in 1854, the newly created anti-immi­ American history to encourage immigra­ sovereignty-Douglas' notion that the grant Know Nothings drifted into the tion, appropriately dated July 4, 1864. people of a territory should decide the new party and wanted Republicans to slavery issue for themselves-by asking adopt an anti-immigrant stand. Lincoln With the exception of a brief trip to Ni­ a hypothetical question as to whether refused. When he ran for president, agara Falls, Abraham Lincoln never left Douglas would apply the doctrine in an he opposed any change in the natu­ the United States. And yet no one would acquisition like Mexico where the in­ ralization laws or any state legislation deny that today he is a global figure, habitants were "nonwhite." "When we by which the rights of citizenship that arguably larger than life both within and shall get Mexico," Lincoln asserted, "I had previously been accorded to im­ without the United States, especially don't know whether the Judge [Douglas] migrants from foreign lands would including the many countries of Latin will be in favor of the Mexican people be abridged or impaired. He advocat­ America. During his lifetime, however, that we get with it settling that ques­ ed that a full and efficient protection he met very few Mexicans, a nonwhite tion for themselves and all others; be­ of the rights of all classes of citizens, group with whom he had little acquain­ cause we know the Judge has a great whether native or naturalized, both tance but about whom he had many horror for mongrels, and I understand at home and abroad, be guaranteed. opportunities to think. His relationship that the people of Mexico are most with Mexicans began quite inauspi­ decidedly a race of mongrels." Lincoln Lincoln possessed sympathy for "the ciously, if not downright unpleasantly, continued by claiming that "I under­ many poor" as he called them since before he altered his opinions and be­ stand that there is not more than one he, himself, had long been one. One fore his legacy became time honored. person there out of eight who is pure such manifestation of his broad view of white, and I suppose from the Judge's how best to serve the interests of "the During his one term as a Congressman, previous declaration that when we get many poor" was his attitude toward im­ Lincoln's public opposition to the United Mexico or any considerable portion migrants. He never shared the nativist States-Mexican War represented one of of it, that he will be in favor of these leanings of the old Whigs. Certainly his the few times he publicly took on the gov­ mongrels settling the question, which attitude had a political ingredient to it, ernment's policies toward Hispanics and would bring him somewhat into colli­ but it was also made up much more of Latin America. As a Whig member of the sion with his horror of an inferior race." future hopes than contemporary reali­ Illinois delegation to the House of Rep­ ties. Much more crucial were his central resentatives, he introduced in Decem­ Even if allowance is made for the fact that economic beliefs. On the one hand he ber 1847 a series of resolutions, known these comments by Lincoln occurred in bade "God speed" to the immigrants if as the "Spot Resolutions," denouncing an intense debate where serious race they could improve their lot by leaving President James K. Polk's handling of baiting was occurring, he still used de­ their homes and coming to America; on the war. In his resolutions, freshman rogatory comments about Hispanics in the other hand he identified, correctly Congressman Lincoln analyzed Polk's speeches where there was no apparent for his time and place, the growth of pop­ messages seeking war with Mexico that motive. In describing the Cubans, Lin­ ulation, native and foreign-born, with claimed American blood had been shed coln pulled no punches. 'Their butchery economic development. Lincoln saw im­ on American soil. The House of Repre­ was, as it seemed to me," Lincoln said migrants as important, the most import­ sentatives, Lincoln declared, was "de­ in 1852, "most unnecessary and inhu­ ant, of any country's "natural resources." sirous to obtain a full knowledge of all man. They were fighting against one the facts which go to establish whether of the worst governments in the world The Civil War not only diverted thou­ the particular spot on which the blood [the Spanish]; but their fault was, that sands of Americans from civilian to of our citizens was so shed or was not the real people of Cuba had not asked military pursuits, it also drastically re­ at that time our own soil." Soon into the for their assistance; were neither desir­ duced immigration. At first the Lincoln new year of 1848, Lincoln delivered a ous of, nor fit for, civil liberty." Later in a administration tried to meet the difficul­ meticulously argued speech in Congress patriotic speech extolling the innovation ty through unofficial State Department exposing what he saw as the vagueness and brilliance of "Young America" with efforts, and by aiding the work of state of jurisdiction along the Texas-Mexico the "Old Fogy" countries, crediting Amer­ agents, with the president taking an ac­ border. Both countries, he felt, had a icans' technological success to their in­ tive interest in the matter. But, by the legitimate claim to ownership, thus ren- tellectual powers of observation and

LINCOLN LORE . NUMBER 1918 15 THE LONG TWISTING ROAD

experiment, Lincoln chided, "But for the Romero began his visit by providing Lin­ tional government desires to maintain difference in habit of observation, why coln with a thorough briefing on the sit­ the most intimate and friendly relations did Yankees, almost instantly, discover uation that existed in Mexico. The new with the United States, to whose citi­ gold in California, which had been trod­ Mexican president, Benito Juarez, had zens it proposes to dispense complete den upon, and over-looked by Indians assumed leadership of a country that protection and to concede every form and Mexican greasers, for centuries?" was not only devastated by civil strife, of facilities toward developing commer­ Lincoln, generally speaking, was pessi­ but one whose treasury was seriously cial and other interests of both repub­ mistic about the possibility of white peo­ depleted by the depredations of Santa lics. Mexico wants to adopt the same ple accepting nonw[:lites as equals. Of­ Anna and the Reform War. It was be­ principles of liberty and progress fol­ ten he spoke in flattering praise of white lieved by both Romero and Mexican lowed here," Romero continued, "[and Americans' technological and moral su­ leaders that Lincoln was predisposed Lincoln's] administration with regard to periority while denigrating peoples of toward friendship, as his Congressional Mexico is expected to be truly fraternal color, peoples with whom he had little record was well known and his politi­ and not guided by the egotistic and anti­ actual contact. But Lincoln was a private cal embarrassment caused by oppos­ humanitarian principles which the Dem­ person by nature and a political person ing the Polk administration's desire for ocratic administrations had pursued in by appearance. Thus, how much of this war with Mexico was well documented. respect to Mexico, principles that result­ represents the inner heart and mind ed in pillaging the Mexican Republic of of Lincoln may be a different matter. Romero's visit to Lincoln was an espe­ its territory in order to extend slavery." cially significant and unique visit. By Assuming, however, that his public re­ many accounts, this was the first time cord reflects his private sentiments, Lin­ Lincoln conversed directly with a per­ coln believed the nations of Latin Ameri­ son of Mexican descent. Furthermore, ca to be backward. Perhaps his residence though he was about to assume re­ played a part in his closed-mindedness sponsibility for American foreign pol­ toward Hispanics. His Springfield neigh­ icy, Lincoln had received not a single borhood, while diverse with many Ger­ caller from the capitals of Europe be­ man, Irish, Portuguese, Scottish, and tween his election and inauguration. French immigrants, included virtually no Lincoln's personal secretary, John Hay, Mexicans. Indeed, his lack of first-hand was understandably gratified to observe knowledge of Mexicans would remain Romero's display of "deep respect and that way until a fateful day in January consideration" for the president-elect. 1861 as President-elect Lincoln pre­ Indeed, Lincoln was taken with the pared to embark on his journey to be­ young diplomat from the outset. come the nation's sixteenth president. In contrast to the turbulent relationship Benito juarez, LC-USZ62-7875 "It is the wish of the President that you between the United States and Mexico proceed to the place of residence of Pres- in the first half of the nineteenth centu­ Ever the lawyer, Lincoln questioned his ry, Mexico genuinely looked forward to visitor very closely on the conditions in ~_...... ident-elect Lincoln and in a Lincoln presidency. In fact, Romero, his country and was especially interest­ the name of in his voluminous notes, diary, and cor­ ed in the status of the peons, a group this govern­ respondence was the first to note the which Lincoln feared, lived in a state ment, make similarities in personality, demeanor, in­ worse than that of the slaves on south­ clear to him telligence and background between Lin­ ern plantations. He pressed Romero on in an open coln and Mexican leader Benito Juarez. whether the abuses of the Indians work­ manner, if the Indeed, shortly after Lincoln's election, ing in the hacienda systems were "gen­ opportunity Mexico had emerged from its own civil eral and widespread in the Republic and offers, the de­ war. Mexico's new leadership wanted [were] authorized by law." Lincoln was sire which an­ nothing more than economic cooper­ also concerned whether the conditions imates Pres­ ation with the United States and to be of the hacienda system were exaggerat­ ident Juarez, treated as a respected southern neigh­ ed by the press in the United States as he of entering in bor; something that would not have had read some very troubling descrip­ to the most even been considered with Lincoln's tions of mistreatment there. "I explained cordial re- pro-southern Democratic predecessors in detail how such abuses were commit­ lations with who were bent on the annexation of ted," Romero wrote, "[and] he expressed that govern- significant portions of the Mexican na­ great satisfaction in learning that such ...__ _. ment." With tion. Now, with the election of Lincoln's practices were contrary to the laws of those words, Republicans on a platform of free-soil the Republic and that, when Mexico twenty-four and free-labor, Mexico's new leadership has a solidly established government, year old Matias Romero, in charge of counted on the Lincoln administration it will attempt to correct these abuses." the Mexican Legation in Washington, to respect Mexican territorial borders. set out for Springfield, Illinois, on jan­ As he had done with his two young sec­ uary 7, 1861, to meet, congratulate, Sensing Lincoln was not well-informed retaries, John Hay and John G. Nicolay, and cajole the newly elected Abra­ about the situation in Mexico, Romero Lincoln took almost a fatherly posture ham Lincoln. Romero's visit would be­ explained fully the objects of the par­ with Romero. Lincoln found Rome­ gin an unlikely friendship with Lincoln ty of reform. "I told President Lincoln," ro to be intense, yet quite polished in that would enhance both their lives. Romero wrote in his report to the Min­ manners and charming in demeanor. ister of the Exterior, "that the constitu- While it is likely that Romero did not

16 SUMMER 2018 -

JASON H. Sll\'ERJ\IAN

understand all of Lincoln's downhome more significant, however, the Lincoln approved the terms of a loan to Mexi­ stories and yarns, the young diplomat family befriended Romero. Mary Todd co that Corwin recommended, the first was apparently amused by Lincoln's fre­ Lincoln, the difficult and mercurial soon­ ever proposed to a foreign nation, but quent laughing at his own stories. When to-be First Lady felt the same way about one that Congress eventually rejected. their initial visit ended, with old-worldly Romero as her husband. What particu­ courtesy, Romero vowed "to return to larly endeared Romero to the President Union loyalists feared that the French see Lincoln again to take leave of him". was gratitude; Romero, with good-na­ operation might be a prelude to full­ tured grace, frequently escorted Mrs. sca le intervention in the Civil War. The Romero was true to his word. Two days Lincoln on her many shopping trips to Lincoln administration indirectly in­ later he returned to Lincoln's home to the Washington fashion stores. Doubt­ voked the Monroe Doctrine whenever bid him farewell. Thi s time it was a less less it was a duty which Lincoln was ex­ they could to prevent French maneu­ intimate setting because there were tremely happy to relinquish. But Mrs. vering in Mexico from becoming "a a number of other visitors there and Lincoln also had many conversations pretext for getting into the American Lincoln was very preoccupied. Never­ with Romero during which she shared waters a large force, ready to act in lib­ theless, Lincoln made it a point when erating cotton when the time comes." he was able to introduce Romero to the others there as his new friend from Romero reinforced Lincoln's views on Mexico, a gesture most appreciated by hemispheric independence. Visiting Romero. In Romero's opinion, the two Lincoln in the White House, Romero vi sits with Lincoln had been rewarding declared that the principles of the Mon­ and would prove crucial in advancing roe Doctrine "seem to be written for the the interests of Mexico. Even though present occasion." As consumed as Lin­ Romero had concluded that Lincoln was coln was with the Civil War, because of not particularly well informed about the his affection for Romero, and much to situation in Mexico, he was impressed the chagrin of the long line waiting to see that the president-elect was a receptive him, he took the time to sit down and lis­ li stener who asked probing and signifi­ ten to the young man. Lincoln listened cant questions. Romero was confident "with marked attention and without in­ that Lincoln's administration would be terrupting" Romero. When he did speak friendly, as the sentiments which Lin­ Lincoln told his friend that he and his coln had expressed came from a man Cabinet were "deeply aware of the im­ whom he judged to be a "sensible, hon­ portance and significance of the matter. orable man, and his words carried the ...They had dedicated their fullest at­ stamp of sincerity and not of pompous tention to this .. . occupying themselves phrases, empty of meaning, which, with it in preference to all other import­ when used by the people educated in ant problems." Lincoln made clear that the school of false politics, have the his purpose "was to try to prevent the habit of offering much and giving little." his anxiety over France having an army armed intervention of France and En­ in Mexico and the danger of it allying gland in Mexico, or failing in that, to defer Soon both Lincoln and Romero were with the Confederacy. Based on their it as long as possible." But with the war in the nation's capital and their friend­ mutual concerns, she frequently urged going poorly for the North, Lincoln was ship was renewed among the darken­ President Lincoln to support Mexico. able to offer no practical proposal for ing clouds of war in the United States. Then, too, when Romero had the funds accomplishing that. An American inva­ Lincoln once again found Romero to be he hosted dinner parties and other so­ sion of Mexico was out of the question. particularly gracious and personable. cial events at the Mexican embassy and As he had quickly done in Springfield, frequently invited the Lincoln's oldest In the coming months Romero visited Lincoln treated Romero as "one of his so n, Robert Todd Lincoln. After accept­ Lincoln more often, both personally and boys," a truly remarkable development ing one such invitation Robert jokingly in his position as Mexican Charge d'Af­ given that Lincoln, as a westerner, had wrote to Romero, "I hope I may be able faires. No visit was more poignant than once spoken so disparagingly about to come off unscathed by your dou­ after Lincoln lost his eleven year old the Mexican people. Perhaps even ble attractions-ladies and the table." so n Willie to typhoid fever in February Romero had indeed become almost 1862. Both parents were devastated. a part of the extended Lincoln family. When the president resumed his regular schedule, he again met with Romero, but By early February, the president-elect had little good news to share with him. informed Romero that he was deeply The war remained perilous for the North troubled about reports of a French-led and each defeat made Lincoln, who was operation in Mexico. Lincoln told Rome­ already emotionally weakened from ro that he would treat Mexico "with sen­ mourning his son, more disconsolate. timents of the highest consideration and of true sympathy," and he kept In Mexico, meanwhile, Napoleon's forc­ his word. As President, Lincoln made es were finally making their own prog­ the immediate appointment of former ress. In june 1863, French troops broke United States Senator Thomas Corwin, through the remaining Mexican defens­ the renowned orator and vocal oppo­ es and poured into Mexico City. For Lin­ nent of the Mexican-American War, as coln, the French occupation of Mexico ambassador to Mexico. Lincoln also City could not have come at a worse

LIN COLN LORE . NUMBER 1918 17 Mary Todd Lincoln, LFA-0078 THE LONG TWISTING ROAD 1 I I

superiors that "[Lincoln's and Sumner's] William T. Sherman, easily secured a fear of France makes [them] as conde­ second term. Sadly, Romero did not scending with that nation as Seward." have the time or opportunity to make amends with his old friend. Within five Romero's friendship with Lincoln would months of his reelection, and less than be put to the test during the late sum­ a week after Lee surrendered to Grant mer of 1864. With many observers, in­ at Appomattox, Lincoln was dead. cluding Lincoln himself, believing that he had little chance of reelection, his Only after Lincoln's death, did Romero erstwhile friends and admirers began see that despite being consumed by to turn against him. Romero, out of Civil War,. Lincoln had not completely frustration with Lincoln's inactivity on neglected his friend's requests. Speak­ the Mexican crisis, met with james Mc­ ing with Ulysses Grant during one of Dougall who had been aggressively ad­ the memorial services, Romero learned vocating all summer in the Senate for a from the general that, as one of his last harder line on Mexico. McDougall told acts, Lincoln signed "an exequatur rec­ Romero that the president's reelection ognizing jose A. Gody as Mexican Con­ would be a "calamity" for Mexico and it sul in San Francisco." Indeed, with the was "necessary to avoid this very deplor­ war finally winding down the president able prospect at any price." Once friends appeared to be moving in the direc­ with the president, McDougall now com­ tion that Romero had desired all along. plained to Romero about Lincoln's "very Grant told him that although he and Lin­ objectionable conduct of United States coln were "tired of war, his major desire foreign affairs, most especially in regard is to fight in Mexico against the French, Thomas Corwin, OC-0508 to Mexico." Romero, torn between his that the Monroe Doctrine has to be de­ time. Lee's Confederate forces were warm friendship with Lincoln and his fended at any price, and that the French inching closer to the Federal capital determination to rid his homeland of its ought to leave Mexico before the United and Lincoln was growing more despon­ invaders, found himself now eager for a States demands it imperatively." Grant dent daily according to most around new American administration that might believed that Lincoln was moving toward him, looking "exhausted, care-worn, forcefully challenge Maximilian's regime. that opinion and planned on acting in spiritless, and extinct." Romero visited In a moment of haste he would regret, this regard before his life was cut short the White House during this time and Romero agreed to help McDougall com­ by an assassin's bullet at Ford's Theatre. agreed with that description. Lincoln pile opposition research in a dossier that had "drooping eyelids, looking almost would enable McDougall and the Con­ Lincoln's inability to intervene openly in swollen; dark bags beneath his eyes; gressional Mexico hawks to "vigorously favor of the juarez government did not deep marks about the large and expres­ attack the government on the subject. prevent him, however, from ignoring the sive mouth; and flaccid muscles of his ... [and] prevent Lincoln's reelection abundance of arms smuggled across jaws." Indeed, even with his own home­ [by] directing all their effort to this task." the Mexican border. After Lincoln's land in civil turmoil, Romero feared death, some 3,000 Americans, mostly for Lincoln's health and well-being. Union veterans, joined the effort of Mex­ icans who were trying to overthrow the Nevertheless, Lincoln's reluctance to in­ French-imposed empire. One group of tervene in Mexico while he was fighting volunteers for juarez, called the Amer­ a Civil War at home began to frustrate ican Legion of Honor, was organized Romero, who by 1864 grew increasingly as an elite military company. Its more impatient with his friend of four years. than 100 officers were commissioned The president and his Secretary of State, by President juarez, and legionnaires William Seward, held a firm line against fought in the final battles leading to the the war hawks in Congress, the State downfall of Maximilian and his empire. Department, and elsewhere. They were supported by prominent Massachusetts Romero would live forty-three years Senator Charles Sumner who wrote after his friend's death and would con­ hawkish California Senator james A. Mc­ tinue to lobby for Mexico with several of Dougall, "Sir, have we not war enough Lincoln's successors. However, he would already on our hands, without need­ never again form the almost father-son lessly and wantonly provoking another?" relationship that he had developed with Sumner managed to kill McDougall's res­ Lincoln. In some letters to superiors in olution calling for Napoleon's expulsion Mexico Romero described Lincoln as "im­ from Mexico, "and that failing this, . . . 'it mortal," and, as Romero aged and the will become the duty of the Congress of world became an even more complicat­ the United States of America to declare james McDougall, LN-0844 ed place, he fondly reminisced about be­ war against the government of France,"' ing treated so kindly by Abraham Lincoln, complaining that there was "madness a man as complicated as he was kind. in the proposition." With it becoming Stories of Lincoln's electoral demise painfully apparent to Romero that Lin­ were premature, however, and the jason Silverman is Ellison Ca­ coln was not going to take on Napoleon, president, aided by significant and pers Palmer, jr. Professor of Histo­ the Mexican envoy complained to his timely military victories by General ry Emeritus at Winthrop University.

18 SUMMER 2018 Abraham Lincoln's mature style as a writ­ the new president - and no one doubted him in the spring of 1865 whether he er and speaker was always terse, with on August 23rd that the soon-to-assem­ had "at any time" doubted "the final little wastage of words. He loathed blow­ ble Democratic national party convention success of the cause," Lincoln's "prompt hards, and remarked to a legal protege would nominate George B. McClellan as and emphatic" reply was Never for a in Illinois that one Chicago merchant who its candidate would have been elected moment, and he "leaned forward in his had turned politician "can compress the on a peace platform that would, once camp-chair and enforced his words by most words in the fewest ideas of any he actually became president, make it a vigorous gesture of his right hand."6 man I ever knew."1 Sometimes, however, impossible (or at least unlikely) that the the terseness could border on the cryptic, war would be continued, much less won. But Lincoln always had a realistic respect and no document of Lincoln's is quite so for contingency. There was, Lincoln told cryptic, or quite so impenetrable, as the This was not a terribly optimistic assess­ Grant, "a limit to the sinews of war, and sixty words which comprise what Mark ment of Lincoln's political fortunes, espe­ a time might be reached when the spir­ Neely, in his Abraham Lincoln Encyclope­ cially coming from a president who had its and resources of the people would dia, simply described as the "blind mem­ frequently expressed hi s determination become exhausted."7 And then there orandum" of August 23, 1864. 2 It reads: to carry the war forward to a successful was always the nagging metaphysical reconstruction of the Union, and without question of whether the Union cause Executive Mansion legalized slavery. Leonard Swett, who was also God's cause . Even in 1861, when Washington, Aug. 23, 7864. carried out a number of private missions Orville Hickman Browning (an old Lincoln This morning, as for some for Lincoln during the war, remembered friend who had been appointed to fill the days past, it seems exceedingly that Lincoln "kept a kind of account book U.S. Senate seat vacated by the death probable that this Administra- of how things were progressing for three, or of Stephen A. Douglas) told Lincoln that tion will not be re-elected. Then it four months, and whenever I would get ner­ "we can't hope for the blessing of God will be my duty to so cooperate with vous and think things were going wrong, he on the efforts of our armies, until we the GoverNment President-elect, would get out his estimates and show how strike a decisive blow at the institution as to save the Union between the elec­ everything on the great scale of action the of slavery," Lincoln countered with the tion and the inauguration; as he resolutions of Legislatures, the instructions possibility of God having a different view will have secured his election of delegates, and things of that charac­ of things. "Browning," Lincoln replied, on such ground that he can not ter, was going exactly -- as he expected." 3 "suppose God is against us in our view possibly save it afterwards. on the subject of slavery in this country, Only a year before, in a public letter and our method of dealing with it?" 8 On at least one level, the "blind memoran­ he wrote for a state-wide Republican dum" seems to be quite stra ight-forward: "mass-meeting" in Springfield, Illinois, In the most immediate political sense, the Lincoln had seized on the recent twin "blind memorandum" also reflects an ele­ -First, Lincoln has come to the con­ victories of Gettysburg and Vicksburg ment of realism in Lincoln's assessment of clusion that he will not be re-elect­ as evidence that "the signs look better" what had happened- and not happened ed to the presidency in the No­ and that "peace does not appear so dis­ -over the spring and summer of 1864, vember, 1864, national election tant as it did."4 And only days before the when most of the contingencies looked August 23rd memorandum, Lincoln had like they had gone disastrously awry. -Second, he will plan to use the three appeared to Wisconsin Governor Alex­ months between the lost election and ander Randall and Judge Joseph T. Mills -Grant's Overland Campaign, which had the inauguration of the new president to be "a man of deep convictions & an jumped-off with high expectations that it (on March 4, 1865) to put on as much unutterable yearning for the success of would finish the war in 1864, had in stead steam as possible to win the war; and the Union cause," and convinced that he turned into a series of costly head-to-head "should be damned in time & in eterni­ battles across northern Virginia, ending -Third, this window of opportunity would ty" if he backslid from the emancipation in nothing more decisive than a siege only exist until March 4, 1865, because cause. 5 When Ulysses Grant quizzed of the Confederate capital at Richmond.

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bidding picture to contemplate."12 of the paper enclosed, had no explanation -The co-ordinated campaigns Grant had No wonder, after such a cascade of bad to make, but that he had a purpose, and at entrusted to William T. Sherman (in Geor- news, that Lincoln irritably informed some future day I should be informed of it, gia), Franz Sigel (in the Shenandoah Val- New York politician Schuyler Hamilton and be present when the seal was broken. 15 ley), Ben Butler (on the james River) and that "You think I don't know I am going Nathaniel Banks (against Mobile, Ala- to be beaten, but I do, and unless some Sure enough, the reverse of the bama) had produced even less: Sherman great change takes place, badly beat­ "blind memorandum" contains the had tick-tacked across northern Georgia en .... The people promised themselves signatures of al l seven cabinet sec­ and was now locked in another appar- when General Grant started out that retaries, Welles fourth in order af­ ently-pointless siege, of Atlanta; Sigel's he would take Richmond in June. He ter Seward, Fessenden and Stanton, campaign in didn't take it, and they blame me ... .''13 and dated in Lincoln's hand again . the Shenan- doah Valley Ultimately, however, the "blind memo- Lincoln was as good as his word. On had been randum" also represents a darker as- November 11, 1864 - three days af­ blunted and pect of Lincoln's psyche: his weakness ter what turned out to be a trium­ then reversed for depression, not unmixed with self­ phant re-election - Lincoln again be­ as a Confed- pity, and his expectation, under stress, gan a cabinet meeting with the "blind erate raid that the likeliest results were usually memorandum" in hand, and this time under Jubal the worst ones. "I have hours of depres- with John Hay's diary as a witness: Early stormed sion," Lincoln admitted to Iowa con­ down the Val- gressman josiah B. Grinnell, "You flax­ At the meeting of the Cabinet today, the ley, crossed en men with broad faces are born with President took out a paper from his desk into Maryland, cheer and don't know a cloud from a and said, "Gentlemen do you remember and in july star. I am of another temperament."14 last summer I asked you all to sign your even threat- names on the back of a paper of which I ened the out- These factors seem to suggest that the did not show you the inside? This is it. Now, skirts of Wash- "blind memorandum" shou ld be read Mr Hay, see if you can get this open without ington; Ben simply as a confession of despair, from a tearing it!": He had pasted it up in so sin­ Butler landed man with plenty of reason to feel despair­ gular [a] style that it required some cutting his Army of ing. But immediately behind them crowd to get it open. He then read as follows ... 16 the James a series of questions which render the at Bermuda memorandum even more curious. Begin From that moment, the "blind memoran­ Hundred and with the audience for which he intended dum" suddenly became a novelty, and Gideon Welles, LN-1745 proceeded to this little piece of political drama: his cabi- as Hay recounted to Nicolay in a letter threaten Richmond, only to be driven net, which on August 23rd was composed in 1878 (after the publication of Gideon back into the Bermuda Hundred penin- of William Henry Seward (State), Edwin Welles' article in the Galaxy), members of sula "like a bottle tightly corked;" and Na- M. Stanton (War), William Pitt Fessenden the Cabinet began camoring for copies, thaniel Banks took his own counsel and (Treasury, having just replaced Salmon starting with Edward Bates, followed by launched a botched operation up Lou- Chase the month before), Gideon Welles Welles, "then everybody." Hay told Nico­ isiana's Red River from which his com- (Navy), Edward Bates (Attorney-General, lay that he "cussed si lently" at these re­ mand escaped by the skin of its teeth. although only until the end of the year), quests, but in fact Hay made a copy for Montgomery Blair (Postmaster-Gener­ himself and even had the Cabinet secre­ - The federal conscription law, signed by al), and John Palmer Usher (Interior). taries endorse it as they had the originaiY Lincoln in March 1863, had triggered a wave of urban riots in the North (which We know that the "blind memorandum" But far from answering any questions frequently turned into racial pogroms), was intended as an item of cabinet about the meaning of the "blind memo­ and three new draft calls in February, business on August 23rd, although that randum," the peculiar mode of its two­ March and july of 1864 stimulated so knowledge comes surprisingly long after stage presentation to the cabinet only much flight to Canada that a Toronto the fact. Of the two great diary-keep­ deepens the mystery. Why, in the first newspaper reported that "our towns ers in the Cabinet, Edward Bates has place, did Lincoln think in August that and villages, not only on the frontier, no entry at all for August 23rd and the a memorandum about his prospective but inland, are crowded with motley published edition of Gideon Welles' di­ defeat in the upcoming election should groups of fugitives from the draft.''9 ary for that day has only a lengthy rant be presented to the cabinet, and why, about official Washington's lack of rec­ when he presented it, did he then refuse -Even within Lincoln's own Republican ognition for the accomplishments of the to let them see the contents (hence, the Party, Radicals who were unhappy with Navy and of David Farragut in particular. "blind" part of the memorandum)? It has the leniency of the Reconstruction plan No mention of the "blind memorandum" been suggested that Lincoln feared the he had announced in December were appears in the diary or correspondence document might be leaked; but in that challenging him, first with a rival plan of Lincoln's secretarial staffers, john case, why should he have written it at all? which he pocket-vetoed in July, and then Hay and john G. Nicolay, and in fact no Nor does any of this explain why (in the with a 'dump-Lincoln' insurgency which first-person description of the "blind second place) he wanted the cabinet to called its own convention in Cleveland memorandum" appeared at all until1877, endorse it, as though they were witness­ and nominated a rival presidential candi- when Gideon Welles, in an article written ing his last will and testament. If witness­ date, John Charles Fremont.10 At the same for the Galaxy, described how Lincoln, es were all he wanted, Nicolay and Hay time, a 'conservative unionist' faction at "borne down with the anxiety and labor would surely have done as well as anyone. the other end of the Republican party of recruiting, reinforcing, and supplying also considered mounting a challenge the army," met him as he arrived for the The waters grow considerably muddier to Lincoln, claiming that he had changed regular Tuesday cabinet meeting on Au­ when we turn to asking what the "blind "the character of the war from the sin- gust 23rd with "a sea led envelope," and memorandum" actually proposed as gle object of upholding the Government Lincoln's course of action in the event to that of a direct interference with the a request that I would write my name of his defeat. The memorandum states domestic institutions of the States.''11 across the back of it. One or two mem- simply that he would "so co-operate with bers of the Cabinet had already done so. the President-elect, as to save the Union "We have," wrote Noah Brooks with In handing it to me he remarked that he between the election and the inaugura­ considerable understatement, "a for- would not then inform me of the contents tion." Yet, the explanation Lincoln offered

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to his cabinet on November 11th makes Presidency." And, in fact, Lincoln expect­ But wooing McClellan into some form it clear that this is exactly what he did ed to be ignored again, because on No­ of temporary interregnum between not expect would happen. "I resolved," vember 11th, Secretary of State Seward November and March might succeed he explained (according to Hay's diary), interrupted Lincoln to protest that even in achieving a second goal, as well, and if Lincoln humbled himself sufficiently that would be splitting McClellan from In the case of the election of General Me- to invite McClellan to co-manage what the larger web of his Democratic Party Clellan, being certain that he would be the would have been left of Lincoln's term in backers. After all, Lincoln's Republicans Candidate, that I would see him and talk office, McClellan would find some way to had renamed themselves in 1864 as the matters over with him. I would say, "Gen- dither out of Lincoln's grasp: "The General National Union Party with precisely the era/, the election has demonstrated that would answer you, 'Yes, Yes'; and the next aim of wooing War Democrats to their you are stronger, have more influence day when you saw him again & pressed banner, and Lincoln had even accept­ with the American people than I. Now let these views upon him he would say'Yes­ ed as his vice-president exactly such a us together, you with your influence and yes' & so on forever and would have Democrat in Andrew Johnson. Co-opting I with all the executive power of the Gov- done nothing at all." Lincoln's response McClellan would not depart very far from ernment, try to save the country. You raise was short and dismissive. "At least," he that strategy. It has been almost routine, as many troops as you possibly can for replied, "I should have done my duty reflecting on the conflict between Lincoln this final trial, and I will devote all my en- and have stood clear be- and McClel­ ergies to assisting and finishing the war." fore my own conscience .'-20 lan in 1862, to imagine Given the rocky road that Lincoln and But this only begs the that these McClellan had traveled in 1862, the idea question of why Lincoln's two were for­ of co-operation between them seems conscience should have ever irrecon­ almost risible. But McClellan remained needed McClellan, of all cilable, and enormously popular with the Army of people, as its salve. Why that they rep­ the Potomac (less than a year before, should Lincoln not simply resented two Secretary of War Stanton had had to have said that (as president polar ends of squelch a movement among the Army of the United States) he the political of the Potomac's senior officers to ere- remained president until spectrum . ate a "memorial" to McClellan), and the March 4, 1865, and would likelihood of his nomination to oppose prosecute the war with But McClel­ Lincoln had been a virtual given since renewed zeal, entirely on lan, whatev­ the fall of 1863, when McClellan had his own, without involving er his other publicly endorsed George Woodward, McClellan (from whom he faults, wa s the Democratic candidate in the cru- expected no co-operation a Unionist - cial governor's election in Pennsylvania . anyway)? For that matter, which is to why did he even need to say that he In the spring of 1864, Lincoln had sug- say that much, since no understood gested out-flanking McClellan's political one would have been in "the original ambitions by re-calling him to a major the least surprised if Lin­ object of the command -"a military place in which he coin had kept the machin­ war" to be could be most useful," as Montgomery ery of war in full force until ...;~~~;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;:;:;;~;;;;;;;;.--1 "the preser- Blair described it- and Lincoln used Fran- his last hour in the White L . vation of cis Preston Blair as an emissary to Me- House? And why should he need the wit­ ClementVallandlgham, LN-1997 the Union, Clellan in New York. What exactly wa s of- ness of seven cabinet members to show its Constitution & its laws," and was fered is unknown: perhaps appointment that he had thought that way in August? "convinced that the Union of the States as a glorified chief-of-staff under Grant as should never be abandoned." Much as general-in-chief, perhaps even displacing The fundamental clue to unraveling Lin­ he criticized "a course which unnecessar­ George Meade at the head of the Army of coin's skein of thinking occurs in the last ily embitters the inimical feeling between the Potomac. 18 And in a secret high-lev- sentence of the "blind memorandum": the two sections," he told Francis Pres­ el meeting at Fortress Monroe, the sub- You raise as many troops as you possibly ton Blair that he also would "deprecate a ject of McClellan again came up between can for this final trial, and I will devote all policy which far from tending to that end my energies to assisting and tends in the contrary direction," and still finishing the war. McClellan, ends up in disunion. McClellan was also, in other words, was needed in the end, a War Democrat. He round­ as a magnet for recruitment ly condemned Ohio Democrat George and, especially in the summer Wa shington Morgan's call on August 4th of 1864, re-enlistment of the for "an armistice," spluttering that "these three-year Volunteers whose fools will ruin the country.''22 And when he terms of service were end­ finally was nominated by the Democratic ing; and indeed, if Lincoln had national convention in Chicago on Au­ gone down to defeat at the gust 31st, he labored through six drafts polls on November 8th, the of an acceptance letter which eventually task of both recruitment and declared that he "cannot realize that the conscription would probably existence of more than one Government have been rendered difficult, over the region which once owned our if not impossible, and with Flag is compatible with the peace, the it any hope of a successful power & the happiness of the people." 23 Lincoln-johnson card by Prang, LN-2701 conclusion to the war. An an- nouncement of McClellan's This contrasted, with embarrassing Lincoln and Grant yet again in July.19 willingness to co-operate in some inter- sharpness, with the prevailing temper of im co-presidency would sustain enlist­ McClellan's party. The Chicago conven­ McClellan, however, ignored these sug- ment, keep up conscription, and most tion turned into a bacchanalia of anti-war gestions: he understood all too well that important, ensure that the veterans of fervor. The principal voices belonged to this ploy was intended to prevent "my the Army would renew their terms of the Copperheads- the Peace Democrats, name to be used as a candidate for the service when asked to by Little Mac. 21 Clement Vallandigham, Alexander Long

LINCOLN LORE . NUMBER 1918 21 -- . - . .

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and Benjamin Gwinn Harris-- while Sam­ have to include Peace Democrats, and he uel S. Cox, the Democratic minority lead­ would be compelled to conform to the er in the House, was heckled with shouts dictates of a party which will have secured of "Get down, you War Democrat!" and his election on such ground that he can not 'Va llandigham! Vallandigham!" The party possibly save it [the Union] afterwards. platform included a specific repudiation (written by Vallandigham) of the war Given the stakes, it was certainly worth and a call for an immediate armistice: Lincoln's time to think about a strategy for unmooring McClellan from the Cop­ after four years offailure to restore the Union perheads long enough to finish the war; by the experiment of war, during which, un­ but it was not worth thinking about it in McC/el/on-Pend/eton card by Prong, LN-2702 der the pretense of a military necessity, or public where the idea would disheart­ war power higher than the Constitution, the en his own party faithful. Still, it would likelihood of McClellan grasping a co-op- Constitution itself has been disregarded in demonstrate the sincerity of the offer if erative hand to finish-up the war as re- every part, ... the public welfare demands it could be shown that Lincoln had been mote, although this was not because that immediate efforts be made for a cessa­ contemplating this offer for a consid­ McClellan (as Seward complained) was tion of hostilities with a view to an ultimate erable period of time before the elec­ an inveterate ditherer. Lincoln offered convention of the States, or other peaceable tion, and not merely as a last-second McClellan a partnership, but not the means to the end that at the earliest prac­ ploy to hamstring McClellan's victory. sacrifice of principle Lincoln had been ticable moment peace may be restored on Hence, the resort to a memorandum, asked to make in 1860. The "blind mem­ the basis of the Federal union of the States. describing the offer; hence also, the orandum" presented McClellan and the desire not to reveal its contents, but to Democratic Party with no pay-off - no The chair of the convention, New York's have the cabinet, as the senior officials willingness to consider an armistice if Horatio Seymour, had come to Chicago of the administration and the people Lincoln's little entente with McClellan precisely to prevent the Peace Democrats who would have to participate in this failed to keep the armies in the field; no from running the show, but in the face of experiment, endorse the "blind mem­ offers of compromise on tariffs, banks, the Peace Democrats' vehemence, Sey­ orandum" as proof of its genuineness. railroads and other issues so dear to the mour studiously avoided criticizing them. Democratic heart; and, above all else, no Not even McClellan was exempt from cat­ This would certainly have been some­ step backwards on emancipation. Much calls: Alexander Long attacked McClellan thing of a constitutional anomaly, or at as McClellan was willing to "resort to the as "this weak least a departure from anything that dread arbitrament of war ... for the resto- tool of Lin­ looked like conventional practice in pres­ ration of the Union," he was as silent as coln's," and idential transitions. The Constitution the Sphinx on the survival and extension Benjamin dictated only that "Congress may deter­ of slavery, the status of the Emancipa- Harris lu stily mine the ... Day" on which presidential tion Proclamation, and the rendition of asked, "Will voting should occur (not until January, contrabands and fugitives which Lin- you vote for 1845, did Congress even stipulate that coln had declared he would be "damned such a man? "the first Tuesday after the first Monday in time & eternity" if he would allow.28 I never will!"24 in November" would be the uniform day for presidential elections) and the 12th We cannot see the "blind memorandum" Could a pres­ Amendment laid down March 4th as more mistakenly than if we take it, as iden t-e l ect the conclusion of a presidential term.26 Gideon Welles did in 1877, as a statement McClellan of Lincoln's despair, or as merely another be peeled Apart from that, nothing was said about example of Lincoln's penchant for bury­ away from what relationship, if any, the outgoing ing layers of meaning under short, Del­ the loons of president and president-elect should phic phrases. The "blind memorandum" his own par­ have, and in the most notorious cases was actually a document of determina­ ty, especially -John Adams, sitting up til midnight on tion that, even in the worst case, Lincoln when invited March 3rd, signing judicial commissions, intended to move forward toward vic­ by Lincoln and John Quincy Adams leaving town so tory, even if it took an unconventional to take up a as to avoid the spectacle of Andrew Jack­ route. It wa s also a canny determination, military man's son's inauguration- the less said between pointed toward exploiting the rift within hand and join the two was often the better. On the oth­ George McClellan's own party. And, one in saving the er hand, Martin Van Buren had graciously might say, it was also a humble deter­ George McC/ellon, OC-0802 Union, and es- offered to move out of the White House mination, since in the "blind memoran­ pecially over two weeks before William Henry Harri­ dum" Lincoln announced a willingness, the four months when he would not son's inauguration in order to accom­ as he had once said, "to hold McClellan's have Peace Democrats hounding him modate the old Whig general, and James horse if he will only bring us success." 29 from cabinet seats or from newly-won Knox Polk yielded the presidency to Zach­ seats in Congress? The Peace Democrats ary Taylor in 1849 riding "beside Gener­ De spite McClellan's outrageous behav­ were noisy, but not as numerous as their al Taylor in the carriage that conveyed ior toward Lincoln, passing the bound­ noise suggested. Lincoln, in the same them to the capitol" and "rejoicing, mean­ aries of insubordination and bordering situation in 1860, had been begged by while, that he was himself relieved from in 1862 on treason, Lincoln "always felt frantic Democrats and Unionist Whigs the cares and an xieties of public life.'m kindly toward McClellan, and desired to to issue some statement qualifying the befriend him as far as political necessi­ Republican platform in order to head off But there was no precedent for the kind ties permitted," and in this dire circum­ secession, even to the point of abandon­ of co-operative interim Lincoln described stance was even willing to share the ing his opposition to popular sovereignty in the "blind memorandum" - for meet­ laurels of a prospective victory. At the in the territories.25 Why not McClellan, ing with McClellan or "assisting" him same time, that humility had its limits: too? After March 4th, McClellan's op­ -- thus no incentive on McClellan's part the "blind memorandum" envisions Lin­ tions would shrink, since he would be to join it. In the end, as he admitted on coln staying in the presidential race and surrounded by a cabinet which would November 11th, Lincoln regarded the losing, but not Lincoln stepping aside

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11 in the face of certain defeat to allow a William C. Harris, "Conservative Unionists and the liam Roscoe Thayer, The Life and Letters ofjohn Hay different candidate to run in his place. Presidential Election of 1864," Civil War History 38 (New York: Houghton & Miff in, 1915), 2:22. 18 Surprisingly, for a man who often de­ (December 1992), 310. This included old Lincoln allies McClellan to Blair Uuly 22, 1864), in The Civil War john Todd Stuart and Orville Hickman Browning; see scribed himself as "an old Henry Clay Papers of George B. McClellan: Selected Correspon­ Whig," Lincoln was willing to explore a john Hay to john G. Nicolay (August 25, 1864), in At dence, 1860-1865, ed. Stephen W. Sears (New York: constitutional and political ambiguity Lincoln's Side: Civil War Correspondence and Select­ Ticknor & Fields, 1989), 583; see also Montgomery which might well have had enormous ed Writings (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University consequences for presidential transi­ Press, 2000), 93. Blair's comment, op cit, 575; Paul D. Escott, Lincoln's tions in the future. But, as Lincoln had 12 "A Military Failure" (August 1, 1864), in Lincoln Dilemma: Blair, Sumner, and the Republican Struggle half-feared and half-expected, the "blind Observed: Civil War Dispatches of Noah Brooks, ed. over Racism and Equality in the Civil War Era (Charlot­ 'I memorandum" and its proposal came Michael Burlingame (Baltimore: johns Hopkins Uni­ tesville: University of Virginia Press, 2014), 179. 19 to naught, not so much by McClellan's versity Press, 1998), 129. "From Fortress Monroe- Interview between the response as because of the news of 13 Hamilton (August 11, 1864), in Fehrenbacher, President and Gen. Grant," New York Times Uuly victories at Mobile Bay and elsewhere, Recollected Words, 196-197. 31 , 1864); ''To julia Dent Grant' Uuly 30, 1864), in and even more momentous victories 14 Grinnell, Men and Events of Forty Years: Autobi­ The Papers of Ulysses s. Grant, ed. john Y. Simon shortly to be won in September and Oc­ ographical Reminiscences of an Active Career from 78SO tober by William T. Sherman and Philip to 1890 (Boston: D. Lothrop, 1891 ), 171. (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, Sheridan, and then followed by Lincoln's 15 Welles, ''The Administration of Abraham Lincoln, 1984), 11 :356; ''To Ulysses S. Grant," Uuly 29, 1864), re-election on November 8th. And in V" in Lincoln's Administration: Selected Essays by Gideon in CW 7:470; john Y. Simon, "Grant, Lincoln and Un­ any event, he would be secure in the Welles, ed. Albert Mordell (New York: Twayne, 1960), conditional Surrender," in The Union Forever: Lincoln, knowledge that he had "done my duty Grant, and the Civil War, ed. Glenn W. LaFantasie and have stood clear before my own (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2012), 218. conscience" - something which, for any 20 Hay, diary entry for November 11 , 1864, in Inside politician, is no small accomplishment. -, Lincoln's White House: The Complete Civil War Diary of " 'l'hc end is 110 1 far

LINCOLN LOR E . N UMBER 1918 23 Sara Gabbard: How far back in histo­ policy. Similarly, religion as a basis for of natural law, rather than religious law. ry can you trace the concept of just limitations on war fighting also reced­ War? ed in importance, and instead scholars Conduct in war, in turn, was justified identified a "natural law" basis for the when it wa s necessary for success in a Frank Williams: In the first millenni­ applicable rules of international law. Just War. The paradox, however, was um, Christians in the Roman Empire, Among the leading scholars in this area that there could only be one just side who originally rejected any form of war­ wa s Hugo Grotius (1583-1645), whose in a war. The violent acts of the un­ fare in accordance with their beliefs, ul­ work, on the LawofWarand Peace, is con­ justified side were unlawful. Rather timately adopted a "Just War" rationale sidered a landmark in the development than legitimate acts of war, there were to the use of force against nations to of the modern Law of Armed Conflict. illegal acts of violence - assault and reconcile their beliefs with the needs Grotius, "the father of international law," murder, trespass, and theft. For the of the Empire. This rationale identi­ articulated many of the same principles armies of the righteous, by contrast, fied circumstances in which individuals that applied under the Just War tradi­ necessity authorized terrible acts of vi­ could resort to force based on a state's tion, but based them on his perceptions olence. In Just Wars, armies could law­ justness of the cause and the purity of fully take the goods of the enemy and motives in employing force. While this en slave them. The actions of a just Just War tradition focu sed on regulat­ Warrior were constrained only by the ing the reasons to go to war, it also had requirements and necessities of victo­ effects for the conduct of hostilities, at ry as limited by one's definition of En­ least when the opposing forces were lightenment principles, i.e., the victor also Christians. When a war was con­ could not try to exterminate its enemy. ducted against non-Christians, these effects disappeared. Thi s conflict would When opposing armies were equal­ result in an increase, rather than de­ ly convinced of their righteousness, crease, in brutality. The conduct during however, the medieval theory of just the Crusades is an example of this. War ri sked taking warfare into the realm of out-of-control destruction. As modern Western European na­ tion-s tates emerged in the Si xteenth SG: Saint Thomas Aquinas mentions and Seventeenth Centuries and war was four requirements for a war to be fought between nations rather than be­ considered "just." Please comment tween leaders, the just War tradition re­ on each in the context of the Ameri­ ceded in importance in favor of the use can Civil War. of war alone as an instrument of State

?4 <;IIMMF'R ?01R Hugo Grotius, LC-USZ62-125664 FW: The first issue is to determine good, or the avoidance of evil." There that the reasons for war were just, should only be a correction of wrongs thus, in Latin, "Jus Ad Bellum," or "just on the opponent - not punishment. to war." Four criteria govern a Just The Union prevails over the Confed­ War: (1) authority, (2) cause, (3) in­ eracy for this element of Just War be­ tention, and (4) no other alternative. cause freedom from bondage became a war aim of the U.S. along with reunion.

1. Authority 4. No other alternative Did the powers starting hostilities have War has to be the final action and last the authority? In Summa Theologica, St. alternative for the war to be just. Even Thomas Aquinas insists that "in order for St. Augustine believes that the nation a war to be just" there has to be a "sov­ that goes to war is doing so because "it ereign" with valid authority "by whose is the wrongdoing of the opposing par­ command the war is to be waged" be­ ty which compels the wise man to wage cause "it is not the business of a private just wars." Looking at the Civil War, it person to declare war" nor "the business is clear that it was the U.S. that was re­ of a private person to summon together quired to go to war by force of neces­ the people, which has to be done in war­ sity. All efforts at compromise failed, time." The government of the United St. Augustine of Hippo, 'The life and labours there was no chance of mediation, and States meets this criterion while the gov­ of St. Augustine. A historical sketch" by Philip the turbulent 1850s, with: the end of ernment of the Confederacy did not. It is Schaff the Missouri Compromise of 1820 by argued that the government of the Con­ What were the reasons to initiate hos­ passing the Kansas-Nebraska Act per­ federacy had authority from the states tilities and what were the opponents' mitting the extension of slavery; the that had seceded from the U.S. and reasons for engaging in war? There Ored Scott case in the Supreme Court elected to join the Confederate States were two for the Civil War: (1) slavery that indicated that the black man has of America, and, as such, were valid and (2) the U.S. government's interfer­ no right to be honored by whites; john governing bodies. However, the Consti­ ence with a state's self-government. Brown's raid on Harpers Ferry in 1859; tution of the United States, to which all and failure of the 1860 Peace Confer­ of the states of the Confederacy agreed, The South believed the cause of the ence - all made a "just" war inevitable. gives the right "to raise and support Civil War was the interference on a Armies" only to the U.S. government. state's right to self-government. It, 5. Summary to them, is a contest by the Confed­ The U.S . had the "right to war" in the As president-elect, Abraham Lincoln eracy against the tyranny of the Unit­ Civil War and the Confederate States of argued that the Constitution does ed States government, as with the America did not. The Northern govern­ not provide the means nor does it an­ colonies against Great Britain during ment was the lawful sovereign and the ticipate that any state or states will the War of American Independence. Confederate states were in rebellion. leave the Union. Abraham Lincoln, in That is how Lincoln treated them, as did his First Inaugural Address delivered The North, on the other hand, believed his administration. As for just cause, the on 4 March 1861, makes this point: the war to be "a struggle to preserve U.S. wanted to preserve the Union and It is safe to assert that no government the Union." Yet, by 1862, it recognized end the injustices of slavery. The C.S.A.'s proper ever had a provision in its organ­ that the only way to preserve the Union insistence on continued slavery, founded ic law for its own termination. Continue was to solve the slavery issue and that on its economic base, was unjust for war. to execute all the express provisions of it would be necessary to "reconstruct our National Constitution, and the Union the Union without slavery." Clearly, SG: The Lincoln administration will endure forever, it being impossible the Civil War was a war about slavery. undertook to codify the laws of war to destroy it except by some action not consistent with the principles of a provided for in the instrument itself. So which side had a just cause for the just War. Please discuss. initiation of hostilities? Saint Augustine, 2.Cause discussed this as " .. . one that avenges FW: During the American Civil War, There must be wrongs, when a nation or state has to be Professor Francis Lieber of Columbia a just cause for punished, for refusing to make amends College wrote a detailed code of the starting a war. for the wrongs inflicted by its subjects, rules to be followed by Union forces or to restore what it has seized unjust­ during the conflict with the Confedera­ cy at the urging of Chief of Staff Henry Tllmi.\E .\1 !I 'IN.\TIS ly." Therefore, if slavery is "wrong," its sponsor should be punished. The W. Halleck and with Lincoln's support. Confederacy "unjustly" seceded from The rules were intended to secure hu­ the Union to, in part, uphold the insti­ mane treatment of the population in SUMMA THEOLOGICA tution of slavery. The U.S. then met occupied areas and prevent the al­ the criteria of jus Ad Bellum and the ready bloody conflict from devolving Confederate States of America did not. into unrestrained brutality. Commonly referred to as the "Lieber Code," Lieb­ 3. Intention er's Instructions for the Government of Did hostile powers have the correct Armies of the United States in the Field intentions in commencing war? St. were promulgated by President Lincoln Thomas Aquinas believes that the as General Order 100 in 1863, and were P:OWAI followed by the U.S. Army well into the " ln•~ '"lJ ~ H•J•ltf powers "intend the advancement of

Llf\ICOLN LOR E . NUMBER 19 18 25 Thomas Aquinas, "Summa Theologica" by Thomae Aquintis Twentieth Century. As the following ex­ the level of violence of a "just War." The cerpt shows, the Lieber Code articulates 22. Nevertheless, as civilization has ad­ indiscriminate attacks by the British on key principles of the law of war, such vanced during the last centuries, so has the towns of New London and Groton, as necessity and distinction and are re­ likewise stead ily advanced, especially in and in the South, made Madison bemoan flective of customary international law. war on land, the distinction between the the "barbarity with which the enemy has The Lieber Code included the following: private individual belonging to a hostile conducted the war ... The British had country and the hostile country itself, acted "like desperate bands of robbers" 14. Military necessity, as understood by with its men in arms. The principle has instead of like a nation at war. The Brit­ modern civilized nations, consists in the been more and more acknowledged ish burned private property and seized necessity of those m.easures which are that the unarmed citizen is to be spared slaves, horses, and tobacco. They had, indispensable for securing the ends of in person, property, and honor as much according to Madison, committed "every the war, and which are lawful accord ing outrage which humanity could suffer." to the modern law and usages of war. In the War of Independence, the con­ 15. Military necessity admits of all direct sequences of departing from the En­ destruction of life or limb of armed en­ lightenment principles could have been emies, and of other persons whose de­ horrific. Indeed if Madison's retaliation struction is incidentally unavoidable in policy had been adopted, the draconi­ the armed contest of the war; it allows an measures that would have followed of the capturing of every armed enemy, could only be imagined. Witte cites the and every enemy of importance to the suppression by George II thirty years hostile government, or of peculiar dan­ before the American Revolution against ger to the captor; it allows of all destruc­ a rebellion in Scotland led by Charles tion of property, and obstruction of the Stuart, heir to the deposed Stuart line ways and channels of traffic, trave l, or of Monarchs. The violence of 1745 was communication, and of all withholding far more draconian than those of the of sustenance or means of life from the British in South Carolina. Rebels caught enemy; of the appropriation of whatev­ with arms would be shot upon capture er an enemy's country affords necessary and many executions were accompa­ for the subsistence and safety of the nied by disemboweling the victims. army, and of such deception as does not involve the breaking of good faith either But the boxing-in of General Charles positively pledged, regarding agree­ Cornwallis, with a British army of over ments entered into during the war, or 7,000 so ldiers in Virginia, the dynam­ supposed by the modern law of war to ic in 1781 changed at a time when the exist. Men who take up arms against American Revolution seemed to be one another in public war do not cease ending in the colonists' defeat. General on this account to be moral beings, re­ George Washington rushed to Virginia sponsible to one another and to God . as the exigencies of war will admit. when the French navy under Admiral de Grasse arrived in the Chesapeake 16. Military necessity does not admit of 23. Private citizens are no longer mur­ with 3,000 men. Cornwallis was then cruelty- that is, the infliction of suffering dered, enslaved, or carried off to distant trapped between the Continental Army for the sake of suffering or for revenge, parts, and the inoffensive individual and the French fleet. Washington had nor of maiming or wounding except in is as little disturbed in his private re­ pulled the American War of Indepen­ fight, nor of torture to extort confessions. lations as the commander of the hos­ dence back from the jaws of destruction. It does not admit of the use of poison in tile troops can afford to grant in the any way, nor of the wanton devastation overruling demands of a vigorous war. But what of the requirement that the of a district. It admits of deception, but belligerent - the American colonies - disclaims acts of perfidy; and, in gener­ Although the Lieber Code was intended be a recognized entity, rather than a al, military necessity does not include only for the U.S . Army, it inspired Germa­ band of guerillas with no organized any act of hostility which makes the ny to adopt it in 1870, and it influenced government? This changed when Great return to peace unnecessarily difficult. the Hague Conventions of1899and 1907. Britain authorized Continental Army prisoners to be treated as prisoners of 20. Public war is a state of armed hostili­ SG: An interesting thought arises war - an indicia of a belligerent nation. ty between sovereign nations or govern­ from each of these requirements. ments. It is a law and requisite of civi­ Who decides such concepts as legiti­ SG: Can there still be heroes if a war lized existence that men live in political, macy of the sovereign, "just cause," is considered to be unjust? continuous societies, forming organized and "rightful intention?" units, called states or nations, whose con­ FW: I answer this with a qualified "yes." stituents bear, enjoy, suffer, advance and FW: It appears that the Monarch or oth­ Take those perceived heroes - at least retrograde together, in peace and war. er leaders of a belligerent nation decide for the South and the Confederacy the question of "just cause" and "right­ and one, despite the contemporary 21. The citizen or native of a hos­ ful intention." John Witte in his Lincoln's controversy over Confederate monu­ tile country is thus an enemy, as one Code gives as example the rising level of ments, finds strong feelings for Robert of the constituents of the hostile violence by 1781 in the American Rev­ E. Lee, Thomas J. ("Stonewall") jackson, state or nation, and as such is sub­ olution. This caused james Madison to partisan ranger Colonel john Mosby, jected to the hardships of the war. agree with Thomas Jefferson to increase Generals james Longstreet, joseph

26 SUMMER 2 01 8 Johnston and others. These are he­ "Both may be, and one must be wrong," can-Americans to contribute to the war roes from seceded states, which func­ Lincoln wrote to himself, because "God effort by enlisting in the armed forces. tioned as the Confederate States of cannot be for, and against the same SG: For readers who are interested in America conducting an unjust war. thing at the same time." The great this topic, can you recommend a few problem, he concluded, was that peo­ books? The fact is, anyone is a hero who has ple could never know for sure wheth­ been widely, persistently over long pe­ er God had chosen their side or the FW: Upon the Altar of the Nation: A Mor­ riods, and enthusiastically regarded as other. In just a few words, Lincoln had al History of the Civil War (Harry Stout); heroic by a reasonable person, or even articulated the concept underlying the The Civil War as a Theological Crisis (Mark an unreasonable one. . There is also Enlightenment rules for civilized war­ Noll); This Republic of Suffering (Drew Gil­ an element of idiosyncrasy as a legiti­ fare. Human beings could never know pin Faust); Lincoln's Code: The Laws of War mate part of hero worship as we have for sure that they comprehended God's in American History Uohn Fabian Witt); seen in the myth of the "lost cause." justice. The concept of legal limits on war was an indication that both sides and Lincoln on Trial: Southern Civilians Hero movements can be fre­ believed they were in the right. Did and the Law of War (Burrus Carnahan). quent, continuous, and full of peaks not war itself require certainty about and valleys. British Prime Minis- the justice? Lincoln continued, "I am al­ Epilogue ter, Stanley Baldwin, remarked: most ready to say this is probably true "If there is one thing ... that will not vary, - that God wills this contest." By now if there is one firm rock on which we can Contemporary judgments were illu­ Lincoln had decided on emancipation. rely, it is that to make our way through sory; look at Lincoln's case, how in his the next crisis will require delibera­ lifetime he was thought to be a clum­ In his decision on emancipation, Lin­ tions on the nature of just Wars: delib­ sy lumbering countryman, blundering coln had chosen a just side of the con­ erations like those Lincoln engaged in along without knowing where he was test. In language that was Lincoln's during the summer and fall of 1862 as going. Since his death his significance own, his proclamation announced he prepared for Emancipation and set has grown steadily. [Woodrow] Wil­ that on january 1, 1863, all people son, on the other hand, was for a short the stage for the code that followed. held as slaves within a state in rebel­ spell looked up to like a god, and his The laws of war require commitment lion against the United States would fame will gradually shrink. Lincoln is to act on our best notions of justice in be "forever free." The armed forces Wisdom, and Wilson is Knowledge. a world beset by violence and danger. of the United States, the president re­ Sometimes that commitment will re­ solved, would thenceforward "recog­ Heroes in an unjust conflict still evoke quire the use of force, not withstanding nize and maintain the freedom" of the wonder or admiration or respect or all war's perils. But when we do use former slaves and would "do no act or in some cases sympathy. I think the force, we will have to balance our ideas acts to repress" the freed people "in nub of the issue here is to judge by ex­ of justice with humility about our ends. ample and not so much by definition. any efforts that may make for their ac­ tual freedom." He also invited free Afri- ... Lincoln ... in his Second Inaugural Ad­ The South found a hero in Robert E. .------., dress ... promised to win the war but Lee. He was a noble and virtuous man, confessed the sins of the North none­ like Abraham Lincoln. But the con­ theless. Lincoln's General Orders No. trast in their motivations was signifi­ G&rM , of 1\'hkh ll.ajor General L: A. Un <1 1· (I(I('X i p ~ l ,\ eo l, butng lon u llo t'fl•O\-ed by tho p,,,..hJ··nt of llalf Un ilt-tl imperatives: resolve and humility. All ing the Army of Northern Virginia, a t' t , b•) CYilll llU.Odl tlo:\ l th"J boo t•llblitlu.•tl tor Ib e ln fvrma tlon Of herculean effort for an unjust bellig­ all oo oc.: m~ . too often Americans have failed to live Dr OIWEII 07nl.ll S~X:U.T AI!' Or W ~: erent. He insisted on making possi­ c. o. row ~sr. ~m. up to the example Lincoln set. How ble for others the freedom of thought A JI.Lutl .'l dJ•' ·•Iil G'trtm~ l . could we not? But what is equally and action he sought for himself. striking - what is remarkable and en­ lNS'ITIUCTIONS Fr)R 'Tilt:: 0 Vt:flSlH: ~'1' 01-' ARm 0 1' TII C U!\ITED ~f ,\T E-: L~ TDC fU:LU. during - is that men and women have SG: Please use the above mentioned S F. CT I O:-t I. , worked ever since to preserve the concepts to argue that the Civil War Jl!lrlilll t.- JIJW.ty } ID'i"'lrdia-t - » J~~~ny 1M1M< . y- R tt, li. t ~ . I. A rlace, dl trlet, or oou utry Ot"Cupltol.l ,by au t ncmy iot.uJ•lr, In framework he helped to establish." was "just" or "unjust," from the c,:onor:rQI l.um tio r• ,\ldllrlog lhutinl l..aw, vr auy puLIIo n mlng tu tla c inl"u l•ltanl!-, h ;&~: bi-en I ued or rtol. - icon History Uohn Fabian Witt) p. 373.) federate points of view. llart iA I lAw l the Juum:J I Its and dlr .xt "ffu.t aad oo n~eq ueu ce ui OCCU Jla livn or cuoque t. 'Jl , ~ (l n"0-· 1 ~ t~f n. hotlile IUID f proclaim-' it. llortlal Law. Frank). Williams is the founding Chair of FW: Without exactly articulating it, Abra­ 2. 1 ,-rb. IIAw 1! 11 vt Cdao: tltuiug tb u lu)ll\l e O..o. up:1U on, cXv"pl 11y Fili"C:Ld pr«ll.m:. tlun, ordui!J by th o oo m m <~.ode r. \ n .c l ,\d; (lr by The Lincoln Forum and the retired Chief ham Lincoln had come to his decision ~ I l l IU I" UI !Pn In the t ty oi )-.c-e cund udiog thl' .-.,r, when tb l! UCCUJ ti.. n Q( a pl ~ nr h:n\V.. 1v C(l utl nu n~ ~)VIll i tht• ~•11durl on of justice of the Rhode Island Supreme Court. for emancipation by comprehending r•ce • 111 ou• af th e CIJn( the crlw\(111 ) and C'h if bw, liUd of Just War. "The will of God prevails." "In th~ \Jow u;tk admlnl lt\ltl vu awl ,1:(>\\:t·nw• nt In tb;o o«UJ•l n l J•lu:'ll or and serves as a mediator and arbitra­ t..:rrll•"f, ano-lln the 1ul... titutlon uf mll lluy rlll o• IUJ(I rvrcu fvr th" tor. In 2003, he was appointed a judge a great contest," Lincoln wrote in one of mro, &~~ wd l lil \nih·· Jl• t.J.Iivu <.J! gewn l I I'l l , at (,r • mill! ry his "Fragments"- later to be included in o •::.o ily r~ 1 ul r" tMt lUI!""'ru.iQu, tul• tltutlon, or \llct. ~ tl u n. of the U.S. Court of Military Commissions his Second Inaugural Address - "each to hear appeals from enemy combatants party claims to act in accordance with detained at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. the will of God." But of course the con­ tending sides could not both be right. "Instructions for the government of armies of the Umted States in the field," 71200908410175

LINCO LN LOR E . NUMBER 1918 27