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i*n *" WIP Editorial The theses of victory and defeat dominate this issue of Work In Progress, Despite the state of emergency, there have been some Important recent popular victories. Popular pressure and massive resistance blocked proposed 'independence1 for the KwaNdebele bantustan. The efforts needed to dissuade KwaNdebele Chief Minister Simon Skosana and his followers from accepting Pretoria-style independence were enormous. So were the costs: vigilante violence and torture, death and destruction, necklaces and burnings. Nonetheless, the blocking of KwaNdebele independence is a popular victory. Never before has pressure from below halted bantustan independence - not in the Transkei or Ciskei, Venda or Bophuthatswana. The massive wave of rent boycotts which began in the Vaal during 1984 have also involved some notable popular victories. In many townships the organisation necessary to sustain prolonged withdrawal of rent payments has strengthened and developed the structures of popular mobilisation. And the boycotts have totally destroyed the financial base of the discredited and rejected black local authorities, be they in the for* of conmunity or town councils. On the trade union front, aany of the established industrial unions have shown remarkable strength under pressure. With leadership detained or in hiding, some unions have been able to carry on their task of organising the working class in a disciplined and democratic manner. But there have been defeats too. Undisciplined comrades, often acting with no organisational basis or mandate, have divided communities, setting workers against the unemployed, children against parents, trade unions against ccmmunlty groups. Some of the rent boycotts have been enforced with a high degree of anti-democratic authoritarianism. The youth has often acted without the necessary support from other townships groups, without the organisational structures necessary for democratic decision-making, and without adequate mandate or consultation. Recourse.to 'discipline1, - necklacings, beatings and other punishments - has come too easily to a group which often lacks a mandate to act on behalf of any major constituency. To claim success is a neccessary part of any broad progressive movement working to change society. But to afrit defeat is as important- For it is the sign of a maturing politics which can learn from mistakes, and come back stronger from every failure. Defeat is as much part of political struggle as victory. Those who claim every activity, every campaign, every initiative as a victory do the progressive cause no good. Realistic assessments of strength and weakness, analysis and debate on failure, are part of the very process of building any powerful mass movement. WORK IN PROGRESS 44 - SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 1986 Photographs by permission of City Press and Afrapix.

The nature of work In Progress, which is to stimulate debate and present views on a wide range of issues, ensures that the views expressed do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the editorial collective. Work In Progress, a publication of the Southern African Research Service, is published by an editorial collective, 37 Jorissen Street, Braamfontein, Johannesburg. Postal address: PO Box 32716, Braamfontein, 2017. 2 WIP

Unusual Alliance Blocks KwaNdebele Independence

An uooaual alliance between a traditional royal family, white farmers and comrades successfully blocked •homeland Independence* for KwaMdebale. But although the Independence issue has bean resolved, KwaNdebele'S royal family remains committed to bantuetan policy, If not independence. 1MGRID OBERY looks at the struggle over independence, and suggests that the alliance which halted it la unlikely to survive**

KwaNdebele, created by the purchase of include a new capital city, KwaMhlanga; 19 Central Transvaal white farms, is the creating an industrial infrastructure; first bantustan where residents have building a new prison and a number of forced an outright rejection of schools; and acquiring more land. 'homeland independence1. There are therefore questions about Opposition to independence has the alliance between royalty, who must involved a curious alliance of groups - remain committed to bantustan policy if residents of KwaNdebele, including young not independence, and the KwaNdebele 'comrades' at the forefront of the population and comrades who oppose both struggle against vigilantes and the independence and South Africa's bantustan government; the Ndzundza royal bantustan policies. family; and white farmers. The unusual position adopted by a The Ndzundza royal family, pushed by conservative royal family, and the popular pressure into rejecting extraordinary decision by the KwaNdebele independence, remains committed to the government to reject independence, after 46 projects of independence. These strongly supporting it three months previously, is the direct result of * This article is based on documents popular pressure. The depth and breadth produced by the Transv 1 Rural Action of this resistance was due in large part Committee (TRAC). to excesses of the government-sanctioned WIP vigilante group, Mbokodo. in Bophuthatswana, Africans forced from With the blackout on newa under the urban areas* state of emergency, and the suppression There la no infrastructure in the of Information in KwaNdebele, Mbokodo area, water is scarce and must be has remained relatively unnoticed trucked in because of failed boreholes, outaide its area of operation. Mbokodo and workers live up to five hours away activity Initially sparked individual from any employment. resistance. This soon spread to general KwaNdebele's rulers were hopelessly discontent as KwaNdebele residents Ill-equipped to deal with or improve recognised that the issues were broader conditions in their 'country'. In 1981, than isolated acts of violence and for example, pensions and disability intimidation. The fight against Mbokodo grants were not included in the national was transformed into a battle against budget. In 1982, over half the budget bantustan Independence. for social services, education and Youthful 'comrades' have often been a agriculture was spent on an impulsive driving force In the struggle against purchase of construction equipment. independence. Groups of fairly Skosana, who has a standard four unpoliticised youths, they banded education, his family and close together in their villages to protect colleagues, control state structures, local residents from Mbokodo attacks. and use this to grant favours - usually Active resistance against independence taxi or trading licences. In 1982, began at a mass-meeting in the Royal- Interior Minister Piet Ntull, vice- Kraal on 12 May 1986. Three months president and de facto leader of the later, on 12 August, the KwaNdebele notorious Mbokodo, denied that cabinet government rejected independence ministers used their position to secure proposals. During these months over 100 trading licences. At the time he owned a died, the Mbokodo vigilante group was supermarket and a restaurant and waa decimated, the civil service went on awaiting approval of a liquor licence. strike, over 300 people were detained, Ntull was in charge of the ministry and most shops in the area were burned. which approved such applications. There were also mass stayaways, The KwaNdebele government ruled by demonstrations and school boycotts. fear and repression. It consistently denied outsiders access to the territory - except officials of the South African government. SA Council of Churches, 'Q01HC FOR TMMPgimmrg'l Black Saah and SA Institute of Race Relations officials were detained and questioned when seeking permits to be In It waa in 1982 that Chief Minister Simon the area. Journalists have found it Skosana said: 'Oh, it is only yesterday difficult to enter KwaNdebele, and that the bantustan was established. We atteapte by outsiders to set up or got our territorial authority In 1977, support self-help projects have been legislative assembly in 1979, self-rule squashed. In 1980 and now we are going for In November 1984, KwaNdebele held an independence'• election - the only one to date. Until In February 1981, he had denied any then all 46 members of the legislative Intention of taking Independence. assembly were nominated by the tribal But during May 1982, South African and authorities. Women were barred from KwaNdebele government representatives voting and only 600 out of 50 000 met and decided the territory would opt eligible votera participated in the for independence in 1984 when it had a election. Women, Skosana said, should be capital, an industrial infrastructure taught how to vote by their husbands. and more land. This date was postponed to 1986 by then Co-operation and Development Minister, Piet Koornhof. Official population statistics indicate that half of KwaNdebele's 400 000 population is not of Ndebele origin. Most moved to the area over the Prince James Mahlangu took over past ten years, the victims of some form leadership of the Ndxundza Tribal of forced removal - evicted farm Authority at the end of 1983. He acts as workers, non-TBwanaa fleeing persecution spokesperson for the royal family, and 4 WIP is likely to head any new cabinet formed vigilantes, and saw a badly-mutilated if Skosana and his group are ousted. The Jacob Skosana at Kwaggafonteln. He heard family was angry at not being consulted Mbokodo members say Jacob Skosana should regarding the Independence question, be killed and shortly afterwards 'heard claiming that they were excluded because a noise like a gunshot'. Skosana's body the South African government feared was dumped at his home the following their opposition to independence. morning. Outraged, his community filed a Prince James opposed independence from murder charge against 20 Mbokodo the outset. So did other family members, members. But most were soon released on including some, like Makhosana Klaas bail and later it was rumoured the case Mahlangu, who sat in the KwaNdebele docket had disappeared. legislature. Mahlangu was constantly Thousands disregarded the limitation harassed by Mbokodo, particularly after of 50 mourners, and attended Skosana's he resigned from the legislative funeral. Police arrived, said it was an assembly and demanded the cabinet step illegal gathering and ordered mourners down. to disperse. Then they opened fire. A Crown Prince Cornelius - dubbed by young girl was killed after falling many as an opportunist - was Initially under a bus filled with teargas. in favour of independence. Angered, the crowd attacked Under pressure from his shops owned by members of subjects he 'became aware of parliament and Mbokodo. the people's will' and By 14 May, the day of the turned about, pushing planned report back, the strongly against situation was tense. Word independence. This was a spread about attacks on blow for his political Mbokodo property, people mentor, Skosana. Cornelius stayed away from work, and is, however, still Minister thousands made their way to f •:he royal kraal at Ndundza. of Health in Skosana s due unknown to many, the cabinet. meeting had been banned by Urged to take a stand the local magistrate. against independence and the activities of Mbokodo, the South African and family called a meeting of KwaNdebele security forces all chiefs at the royal soon moved in. They threw kraal on 12 May 1986. The teargas from a helicopter entire cabinet was Invited into the crowd and into but only two members showed buses. Many were trampled and injured when police up. More than 20 000 others opened fire with rubber attended. bullets, blrdshot and A number of demands were Chief Minister Skosana buckshot. Neither KwaNdebele formulated at the meeting: * that Mbokodo be disbanded; nor South African authorities would * no independence; accept responsibility for this security * that the legislative assembly and force behaviour. cabinet should resign because they claimed falsely to have a mandate from the people of KwaNdebele to proceed with independence plans. A report back was scheduled for 14 May But on 13 May, at the funeral of Jacob Skosana, troops fired teargas, rubber The number of clashes between youths, bullets and blrdshot at mourners. Mbokodo and security forces increased. Skosana had been assaulted and shot According to official figures, seven after an April clash between students at died in the next two days, and damage of Mandlethu High School and Mbokodo. While R4-m was inflicted on 41 businesses, looking for his daughter, he had voiced nine houses and ten vehicles. Residents opposition to Mbokodo. As a result, claim many more deaths occurred, and in members of the vigilante group abducted almost all KwaNdebele villages people him. were arrested, shot or went missing. A student leader, the son of Chief The KwaNdebele cabinet seemed unsure Minister Skosana, was also abducted by how to deal with this overwhelming W1P opposition. Skosaaa agreed that the status as a national cultural Independence issue could be discussed In organisation. Skosana defined It as a the legislative assembly. But by the non-political peace-keeping force. cabinet meeting of 19 May, the rulers The core power group in Mbokodo - felt in control once again- Ntuli denied prominent MPs, businessmen and taxi- that Nbokodo would be disbanded: 'With owners - had access to weapons, halls the riots, their work has just begun. and schools where they held prisoners. The Mbokodo are being used against the Ntuli, Minister of Interior until comrades'* his car-bomb death on 29 July 1986, was By the end of May the situation was the driving force, initiating attacks on chaotic. Most schools were out on Moutse and other residents. One of the boycott and a vicious war raged between most notorious members of the KwaNdebele youth and Mbokodo. Lootings, shootings, Cabinet, he was charged with the murder necklacings and arrests were the order of Andrles Mahlangu, a Lebowa MP, in the of the day. For a long while South mid-1970s. But the case was withdrawn on African police and security forces a legal technicality. ignored charges laid against Mbokodo Mbokodo members In the field were members, but then showed greater often high-school students forced to willingness to act. join. Those who refused an approach from Mbokodo members started riding with the local Mbokodo king-pin faced security forces, pointing out comrades | attack themselves. Common weapons used rather than initiating attacks ! by the vigilantes were sjamboks and themselves. Many residents saw the SADF knobkierrles, although the leadership and Mbokodo as close allies, and primary certainly had guns, and there were school pupils were only prepared to reports of panga attacks. return to school in odd-July, when the withdrawal of troops began. ttmmmVMMl ATTACK 1 _ „ . •[•iiniiili mi. 1 -«£ki7^ *&£?*'*-JH- - • • . • - > •• • * Like black scholars all over South Africa, those in KwaNdebele were In a Mbokodo means 'millstone1, of the kind militant mood, and opposed to bantustan used to grind corn. The vigilante group independence. Mbokodo regarded them as was formally launched in early 1986 but 'troublemakers'• operated for a considerable time before In December 1985, Mbokodo vigilantes that. Skosaaa claims it was established attacked and held prisoner a group of in 1976. It was outlawed on 12 August Maaelodl youths out on a Christmas Day 1986 when independence was rejected, and picnic in KwaNdebele. After a dispute Mbokodo members have been urged to with a taxi-driver over a broken window, return to their villages. But for some, police arrested three youths, but later whose atrocities are well-known, return released them. As the picnickers left to face the wrath of their ex-victims is for home they were abducted and taken to not a pleasant prospect. a place their captors called 'Mbogodo o The activities of Mbokodo, under the Bovu'• Here they were assaulted and accused of being COSAS members. Ntuli presidency of Chief Minister Skosana, later admitted that Mbokodo vlgilantea generated widespread hatred and fear of had been involved. the KwaNdebele ruling group. About half the KwaNdebele cabinet were known Clashes between Mbokodo and students members. At its launch, Mbokodo was occurred throughout 1986: given powers to: * During February, the principal of * protect community Interests; Mmashadi High in Siyabuswa called in * act against those enforcing police and Mbokodo to 'discipline* boycotts; students who had held a meeting to * deal with problems of family life; discuss forming a Students * discipline arrested 'trouble­ Representative Council without his makers'. Skosana explained that consent. Students and teachers were Mbokodo would 'fetch such a person arrested, some were sjambokked, and from the police and hit him'. vigilantes forced teachers to resume Mbokodo was probably intended to be an lessons with beaten and injured Ndebele version of Inkatha, claiming students. 6 WIP * In aid-April a boycott began at prison camp had moved from Vaalbank to Benglnhlandhla High, in Slyabuswa. Verena and warned the comrades of a Mbokodo was called in and students fled. joint Mbokodo/military attack. Those caught were held prisoner for two Some trusted the defectors but others days, assaulted with sjamboks and were suspicious. One was caught and set electrically shocked. alight. The comrades' leader put out the * Mbokodo consistently attacked flames and sent the victim to hospital. students studying at night at Mandlethu Bland reports of deaths, shootings and High. Pupils complained that Mbokodo necklacings in KwaNdebele can never would not allow women students to wear reflect the complexity and tragedy of track-suits, and that their parents were such situations. beaten by Mbokodo on their way from work. On 18 April students visited local chief Samuel Mahlangu. They requested THE WAR RAGES ON that two Mbokodo leaders be present to hear their grievances. On 28 April, student members of Mbokodo told other On 3 and 4 June most workers in students the only reply to KwaNdebele, including 2 000 their grievances would be a civil servants, heeded an beating. Armed vigilantes anonymous stayaway call. surrounded the school as Infuriated, Minister Ntuli students attempted to leave, ordered civil servants to and police arrived firing explain their absence from teargas and rubber bullets. work, warning that those who Police eventually ordered gave 'unacceptable' answers Mbokodo to leave, but that would be fired. night vigilantes continued their rampage in the nearby In mid-July, in response Vlaklaagte village, beating to a pamphlet calling on people and looting. 'outsiders' working for the government to return home until people's demands had been met, the entire civil service went on strike, PRI3Q* CAMPS effectively paralysing the KwaNdebele administration. Civil servants, especially In late May 1986, rumours in bantustans, are an that Mbokodo ran prison unlikely group for a strike. camps were confirmed, Their dependence on although Skosana denied Ntuli - Mbokondo leader bantustan structures forces these allegations saying them into a passive role. Mbokodo 'was suspended*. (Activities of But many civil servants in KwaNdebele, the vigilante group were halted by the Including teachers, who also stopped government for three weeks at this time, work, are non-Ndebele. Ongoing violence although this was never officially and uncontrolled behaviour by KwaNdebele rulers confirmed that the situation was announced). untenable. A 26-year old youth, Johannes Ramahlale, escaped from a camp near Widespread conflict intensified during Vaalbank police station and went to the June and July: police. He told of 54 prisoners who * 2 June: eighteen year-old Stanley endured extreme tortures: vigilantes Nhlapo was kidnapped by security forces trampled on prisoners' stomachs, they at a funeral and his body found at the were forced to stand bare-foot on Bronkhorstsprult mortuary on 10 June; burning coals, and most went without * 11 June: a group in Slyabuswa food for six days. Police stormed the who proposed a march to the royal kraal camp and freed the prisoners. were teargassed; Not all those forced to join Mbokodo * 11 June: six were massacred at agreed with the vigilantes. Five young Tweefonteln. Thomas Mnyakeni, who members tried to defect and join a group witnessed the incident, was subsequently of youths guarding Vlaklaagte No 1 shot and disappeared. All attempts to village. The defectors said the Mbokodo find him have proved futile; 7 WIP * 13 June: three security guards at when a car-bomb killed him on 29 July. Vlaklaagte No 1 were killed after Ntuli' s death was a turning point in clashes with comrades. Two youths were the Independence struggle. He was killed and several others injured. widely regarded as the master-mind Special emergency regulations covering behind both Mbokodo and independence KwaNdebele were introduced on 26 June. plans. KwaNdebele residents believed his They included an entry ban on all except death meant the end of a bitter those living or working in KwaNdebele; a struggle. The news of his death spread, 9 pa - 5 am curfew; a ban on possessing people danced in the streets, tyres or petrol unless used for slaughtered cattle and sheep, and vehicles; and severe restrictions on celebrated for several days. press coverage. It is unclear who killed Ntuli. Some During July killings and assaults say he was killed by those opposed to continued - comrades killed by Mbokodo, Mbokodo and the independence programme. Mbokodo members killed by comrades, Others suggest he was assassinated 'by thugs masquerading as comrades. The those within the system'. The fatal car death toll reached more than one bomb was extremely sophisticated, beyond hundred. access of the opposition in KwaNdebele. Many Mbokodo members fled to Ekangala His car had been parked in the heavily- township or their camp at Verena, and guarded parliament buildings shortly KwaNdebele cabinet members and MPs took before the explosion, and this fuelled refuge in a guarded compound at rumours of an 'Inside Job'. Slyabuswa. Still others believe Ntuli was killed Detentions increased, and many were by 'agents of Pretoria'. There were charged with murder, public violence and growing signs of tension between Ntuli arson. and central government officials in the two weeks prior to his death, and rumours of his possible removal from power. THE TURNING POINT Whoever killed Ntuli, he was a convenient scapegoat for the problems besetting the independence programme. If the anti-independence alliance of With his death, the way seemed comrades and royalty was initially clear for those not as tainted by strange, it was to become more so. White Mbokodo violence to go ahead with farmers from Rust der Winter, some independence. But Ntuli'a death Herstigte Nasionale Party supporters, strengthened and members of the Elands River Farmers opposition to Association, also opposed KwaNdebele independence. Many of their farms were marked for incorporation and they claimed independence would destroy any hope of peace in the area. Violence threatened their property and families and they could no longer be certain of a secure a-political workforce. So they threw in their lot with the Ndzundza royal family. Both the farmers and the royal family made representations to the police and the KwaNdebele commissioner-general. ThJ South African government consistently ignored representations from farmers, saying conflict in the area was due to 'tension between the government of the region and royalty1, and the activities of 'radicals' and 'comrades'. Finally police indicated a willingness to act. Piet Ntuli, Mbokodo chief and Minister of the Interior, was arrested and faced possible charges of car theft WIP independence, and signalled the end of Mbokodo, which has now Ekangala and Moutse effectively been disbanded. Thousands flocked to the Reject Incorporation legislative assembly on 12 August to hear the special With independence plans When, in February 1985, debate on independence. scrapped, the fates of Minister of Co-operation Their presence and Ekangala township on the and Development Gerrit interjections were a East Rand, scheduled for Viljoen announced Ekangala direct reminder of incorporation, and Moutse, would be incorporated into unmistakable popular already unwillingly KwaNdebele, township demands. With overwhelming incorporated into residents rejected the consensus the independence KwaNdebele, are still to proposal. A protest on programme was rejected and be decided. 23 March 1985 was broken Mbokodo outlawed. up by police using Leadership in KwaNdebele Because of a desperate housing shortage, East teargas, and a boy shot has fallen to the Ndzundza dead. royal family. But they Rand residents moved in 1983 to Ekangala, a A memorandum submitted remain within bantustan 1 structures where poverty, 'model township built as to the government by the lack of land, and part of central Action Committee, signed unemployment are not going government's policy of by over a thousand to disappear. The youth creating decentralised householders, explained are bound to react now growth points. But life why they objected to that the immediate problem there is prohibitively incorporation: of Mbokodo has expensive - rents between * As 'location' people, disappeared. When this R100 and R200 per month, they did not wish to happens, the strange high electricity bills, return to tribal systems alliance between royal and transport costs of up of justice in the to R10 per day. The family and comrades is bantus tans. unlikely to survive. Ekangala Action Committee was formed to deal with * They feared ethnic these problems. discrimination and persecution against non- Ndebeles. * They feared persecution of those opposed to the bantustan system. * They rejected the arbitrary and violent actions of the KwaNdebele government and its supporters, and feared this would increase if Ekangala was incorporated. Ekangala residents had already tasted vigilante violence. In March 1985 supporters of the Action Committee were attacked.

Jubilant KwaNdebele residents celebrate government's rejection of independence '.-

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Moutee residents at a meeting to discuss Incorporation

One man, assaulted and On 27 July 1985, Kose Kose. Charges were dropped taken in the boot of a car was again assaulted by the after legal intervention. to the veld, was told: same people. He was swung Many residents, 'Ekangala is a place for by his feet, his head including Action Committee Ndebeles, not a place for hitting the ground, and members, finally decided dogs from the East Rand'. then taken in the boot of to leave Ekangala, Action Committee chairman a car to FK Mahlangu's preferring conditions in Peter Kose's house was house where he was East Rand townships under attacked, and his daughter tortured. The police South African expelled from school. He intervened, putting Kose administration to those In was also abducted twice into a cell. He remained Ekangala under KwaNdebele and severely beaten on there, without medical dominance. both occasions. Police attention. His assailants While the fate of failed to intervene and were not arrested and Ekangala remains to be only agreed to accept his police accepted assault determined, Moutse was statement under pressure. charges they laid against incorporated into ^^-^— 10 WIP KwaNdebele at the end of negotiations with Moutse loaded onto trucks and December 1985. With a leadership, saying that taken to the community fairly d eveloped matters would hare to be hall in Slyabuawa, the infrastructure, a hospital reeolved "between the present capital of and many businesses, Lebowa and KwaNdebele KwaNdebele. There they Houtae was a prize Skoaana governments. were beaten, tortured and desperately wanted, and In In 1985, South Africa humiliated for 36 hours. all Independence persuaded Lebowa*a chief At leaat one man died aa a negotiations demanded its minister, Cedric Phatudi, result of injuries Incorporation. to give Houtae to sustained. The mainly Pedi-speaking KwaNdebele in exchange for Treatment Included the population constantly the Zebediela orange infamous 'water torture' voiced opposition to estates, a new railway where water and soap Incorporation. They feared line, some land at powder were thrown on a losing South African Mokerong and the floor. Prisoners were citizenship, they feared Sallealoot and Xaaerpen beaten, often slipping in subjugation to alien and resettlement camps where the water injuring violent rule under those who refused to themselves further. Skoaana, they feared accept KwaNdebele rule Victims claim senior ethnic discrimination, would be resettled. KwaNdebele government that their property rights Houtae residents were members, Including Skoaana would not be respected end informed of the decision and Ntuli, were present that they would loae in late 1985. An area during the torture. access to pensions and which had not before known Although charges were work contracts. The unrest became used to laid, there waa no police Bantoane tribe caaeplra, teargas, arrests response. specifically feared that and banned meetings. Houtae reaalna a burning money from mineral rights 1 to their land would go to Rumours circulated that issue, with residents Skoaana rather than the Ndebele groups would opposed to both tribe. attack Houtae residents, Incorporation and the and on 31 December bantuatan system itself. In 1980 Houtae was vigilantes assaulted Many Moutse residents and excised from Lebowa and villagers frow. Kgobokoane cowxadea express total put under central and Moteti. Police opposition to all government control In received advanced warning bantuatan structures. And, preparation for of the attack but were if incorporation into Incorporation. Constant reluctant to intervene. KwaNdebele is reversed, resistance to The vigilantes looted they will oppose re- incorporation led houses and took over 300 Incorporation into Lebowa. government to cease awn prisoner. They were

11 WIP Dispute in Alexandra Township 'We must ensure houses for all'

PASCAL DAMDTI live» tn Alexandra township, wtiere * racent dispute botwoa* two fasti lias oadod up la the hand* of coen-adaa trying to rooolwo too problem. Ho OTfOQ that too iaaua» Involved la this conflict ar« bigger than potty rivalries mod rofloct deeply-rooted ooelol injuaticea.

Our yard is not yet organised into a that the wall was not an issue we should street committee, and the residents are trouble ourselves with, as new not involved in any political arrangements could be made between the organisations. There are people of families* I felt we should be grappling different social positions, including with the underlying forces which had led clerks, intellectuals and labourers. the family to build the wall in the As a yard within a ghetto slum, it is first place. little different from the rest of The comrades left the meeting with Alexandra. People live in what are some uncertainty about the next step, called 'bonds', where a straight line of but promised to come back In the future. rooms is shared by many families. Three families share our 'bond' and my family room is in the middle. In late February, one family decided TBI CIVIC AW) THE ACTIO* COWUTTEE to build a wall between us. We were not consulted about the decision. This really affects us, as we are left with The Alexandra Action Committee and the only a narrow passage to our rooms. We Alexandra Civic Association became protested, but in vain. involved in the dispute. Our mother, who does not live with us, I asked a comrade to describe the decided to consult the neighbours, but Action Committee: 'It was started by was told that they have a right to do as concerned residents who formed the Alex they wish. She then decided to refer the Crisis Committee with activists. They matter to the comrades from the then decided to co-ordinate daily events Alexandra Action Committee. which directly affected the people. She went to them because they had held According to activists, the call for a street meeting where she lives, and ungovernability of the township was because she knew that people's courts coming to the fore with policemen had been established, and are said to wiped out of the township and the solve residents' problems. community council rendered defunct. Street committees were established to A meeting was set up where the family co-ordinate the struggle properly'• that had built the wall was to explain their action. This family, which was I then asked what sort of Issues Alex supported by the Alexandra Civic people could organise around? Association, reiterated their stand, 'Basically1, answered the comrade, saying they wanted privacy. The Action 'housing is a priority. People need Committee comrades decided that the better houses and the abolition of night family was being unreasonable and soil (bucket) systems, and rents they provocative. They had organised other can afford, because Alex is yards into street and block committees predominantly working class. and would like to see that happening in 'Also, the infrastructure of the re­ our yard. They wanted peace, with development plan Is bad. You find that residents united as blacks. houses are demolished with no proper I was very troubled with the way the alternative housing provided. People meeting was conducted. My standpoint was should go to the local authorities1 12 WIP offices to demand the sort of houses questions. I persuaded them to discuss that will suit them'. the issue, rather than merely finding And what, I asked, do the street out if I was the one who wanted the wall committees do? demolished. I was nervous, it was like a 'They are there to sort out problems 'legotla court' (traditional court). in the yards. These issues are discussed The only way to explain the problem by yard representatives who sit on the was to make the connection between the street committees, which then have immediate issue and broader, socially delegates to the block coamlttee. A oppressive problems. The wall reflected decision from there will go back to the conditions created for the working class yards and that is how decisions on mass by the oppressors. I said we had to actions should take place. examine the question in the context of 'Beatings by comrades should be the housing problem, taking Alex as our stopped by the street committees, and starting point. But Alex is, of course, the forced consumption of powder soaps no different in essence from other black and oil during consumer boycotts must townships established under group areas, also be prevented. where black workers are physically •All this is the task of the Action segregated. Committee, which has become a steering Alex is a ghetto with more than 80 000 committee to establish a general people living in single rooms, shacks, representative body for the whole of and even buses. The majority are working Alex'. class, and this is confirmed by the Alex The Civic Association has existed for Town Council which found that most a long time in Alex, but was controlled breadwinners earn less than R150 per by elderly people. It had priests and month. the aged but did not have support The family with which we have a throughout Alex. It has recently gained conflict are members of the working support from some of the younger class. The mother and father are factory generation, perhaps because of the workers. They also want security, general political climate. comfort and better housing. This is why they decided to extend their house. Unfortunately, Alex is a congested place. The wall-builders may have solved what seems to be their private problem, but it Is in fact a social problem which could be solved socially through Comrades from the Civic Association came collective struggle. to our yard the day after the meeting The comrades from the civic were now with the Alexandra Action Committee split. Some thought the Issues I raised comrades. They were aggressive, and in a were important. They now addressed me as bloody mood, a 'target' mood - they were a comrade. Others still felt determined to deal with the problem 'discipline' was the answer. They immediately. They were carrying sjamboks decided to report the matter to the and travelling in a combl and private civic. car. Both groups adopted superficial and They appeared to know what the problem subjective viewpoints. They could only was, and had already formulated see part of the problem, but not the solutions. They inspected the place and whole. Both groups tended to take sides shouted for the family who was demanding with their respective complainants. They that the wall be demolished. I showed were concerned about recognition, and myself, but was scared. They were very wanted to appear accountable to their threatening and looked like people ready clients who had come to them with a to pounce on a prey. I asked whether problem. they understood the problem. They But organisation of yard, block and responded sharply, asking me if we were street committees Is not just to attain the ones who wanted the wall demolished. peace. It is also to struggle I refused to answer. I insisted we democratically against eviction and have a meeting to explain the problem. demolition without alternative housing. Some agreed, but others brandishing The family who built the wall, like sjamboks sat reluctantly, wanting rather any other family, wants basic civic to solve the matter with 'discipline'. rights and liberties which include I refused to answer their aggressive proper housing and affordable rent. 13 WIP

Housing is not only a right, but a political resistance, and a new township necessity, like water and air. It Is not administrator, Steve Burger, has been something which can be done without* appointed by the government. Housing should not be treated like a He has said that 'the first sales of commodity offered for sale at 'market' freehold titles are just months away', prices. Rents should be based on a and 'about 60X of existing dwellings principle of affordability which means will probably be retained'. This means the rent a family pays depends on what present residents will have to buy the It earns. A rough guide is 10% of family dilapidated houses and parts of houses Income: higher earners pay more rent and they now live in. And it is not yet low earners less rent. So a family with clear how the 'bond' houses will be R150 per month income s*hould pay R15 divided up for sale. rent. This means each family will have This is a new state policy aimed at enough income for food, clothing, rent, retaining the ghetto system. Is this and transport. But this does not happen. what people are striving for - to buy worn-out houses within a ghetto? The new administrator may think so, but the THE U-IOVILQnOQCT PRQOAIME people of Alex do not. We need a vision of our ultimate goal, which lies in the hands of the people. Alex Is now being 're-developed1. But But it is important to recognise and who is this development for? admit the limits and difficulties There are two re-development schemes Involved. For it is bad politics to taking place. One is under the auspices romanticise our struggle or to lie about of the council, which caters for a its degree of success. middle-class standard of living: And it is more important to show that expensive houses, swimming pools, nice the future of areas like Alex are parks, hotels. The other is being inseparable from politics as a whole; carried out by the majority of Ales that they cannot be liberated or self- residents, who build more shacks and governing until the entire country extend their one-roomed homes. shakes off its chains. So who are the new homes meant for? It is also necessary to show what With rents so high in the new houses these chains are. For even if workers In built by Goldstein, Shachat, and the Alex were free of the military and town council, Alex is to be turned into police prsence, they would still not be a 'five-star lokasie'. The master plan free as long as they are wage slaves in does not include the majority of people the factories, kitchens and commercial In Alex, but is meant for the town sites that surround the township. clerks, cops and teachers. The project Fellow activists do not seem to see alms to create a population of active, these problem. We should move ahead on employed and skilled people, afraid of the basis of realistic and democratic losing their expensive houses, tamed, principles. In this way we can ensure and effectively controlled. that there will be houses for all and But there has recently been a change that the interests of the working class In the re-development scheme. The will be advanced in the townships as council has been rendered defunct by well as the factories.

14 WIP Rent Boycotts Local Authorities on their knees

Since September 1984, there have been at least 49 cant boycott* In South Africa*a black townships. These have coat local authorities more than R250- million, and lad to the collapse of black local government. KAREN JOCHKLSOH co-ordinated an investigation into the origins and nature of these boycotts.

•An eviction to one la an eviction to higher rents. all' la the new township slogan as In 1978 the Vaal Triangle Community residents' refusal to pay rent hardens. Council Introduced its 'economic The rent boycott in aany South African rentals' policy. Costs of housing townships la in truth a boycott of provision, municipal services and service charges for maintenance and administration were to be covered by installation of amenities such as water, rents, which rose dramatically. sewerage, and roads. Actual rent tariffs Residents called for reduced rents, for houses are very low. and also demanded that members of the Boycotting residents have rejected council, which had lost all remaining exorbitant service charges which have legitimacy, resign. not been invested in necessary township Election promises were not kept, and development. Many complain that they are many councillors were suspected of charged for services which do not exist. corruption and maladministration. When Rent boycotts and demands across the residents' delegations tried to discuss country seen uniform. But they mask grievances with the council, they were vastly different realities* In each ignored. township the immediate reason for the The first boycotts were concerned with boycott, those Involved and the nature economic matters. But this soon of organisation, create specific broadened into a atrategy for destroying patterns. the economic base of the unpopular black The current wave of rent boycotts local authorities. began during September 1984 in the Vaal Rent boycotts tend to gather momentum. townships of Sebokeng, SharpeviUe, Most households do not save unpaid rent, Bophelong, Boipatong, Zaadela and and use It for dally expenses. Arrears Rvaton. escalate over the months and It la During the firat half of 198S the unlikely that a boycotting household boycott spread to towns In the northern will ever be able to pay off its debt. Orange Free State, such as Tumahole, Since significant proportions of a Vredefort, and Kroonatad. community boycott rent payments, It is Since May this year a second wave of difficult for the state to undertake rent boycotts have developed in Soweto. legal or intlmldatory action with any the Eastern Cape, and East Rand effect. townships like Katlehong, Duduza, Town councils have adopted similar Tsakane and Teabisa. strategies to combat boycotts. The Lekoa Forty-nine rent boycotts have been Council and Orange Vaal Development recorded nationally. According to Board issued summonses to Vaal and conservative estimates these have cost Tumahole defaulters, giving them three the state R250-million since 1984. days to defend the action. Most The rent boycotts of 1984 and 1985 residents ignored the summonses, often were largely a response to massive rent because they did not understand them, hikes Imposed by the Lekos Town Council. and failed to appear in court. Courts Unemployment and declining real wages Issued default judgements, compelling meant households were spending more on debtors to pay rent arreara or be basic essentials and could not afford evicted. 15 Rent Boycott mmmmmmWI P Then the board issued notices under The Lekoa Council's public policy is section 65 of the Housing Act. This to evict families with breadwinners In allowed the council either to take legal stable employment first, as they can- action* or to evict defaulters with supposedly afford rent and arrears. seven days notice. The council followed Losing a home Is a serious threat the first, less risky step. given the housing shortage. So evictions Again, many residents ignored the or the threat of eviction may create notices and failed to appear in court. splits In communities between those who Warrants of arrest were issued for can afford to pay debts and rent and contempt of court. Many were forced to those who cannot. But this has not work off jail sentences over weekends. occurred on any great scale. The councils have used the state of Boycott breakers may have their houses emergency and consequent disorganisation burnt down. During August 1986 an to try to crush the boycotts. Councils evicted Tuaahole resident agreed to pay also hope evictions will Intimidate his arrears so he could be reinstated. residents sufficiently to break the The day after he moved back Into his boycott. house, it was set on fire. The Soweto Council followed the Veal Councils are In a no-win situation. and tried to crush the Soweto rent Mass evictions stay provoke fierce boycott through evictions before arrears resistance from residents. Yet they became too high. It has had little cannot admit defeat and write off rent success and merely Increased resistance. arrears, losing necessary income. So far Evictions have occurred on a United 32 community councils and three town scale. Wider action could provoke councils have collapsed due to rent resistance far greater than the Soweto boycotts. Future events will be a test Council recently confronted in White of strength between communities and City when police broke up a meeting to councils. proteat the eviction of rent defaulters. Defiant Vaal Boycott Enters Third Year Solidarity among Vaal township residents February 1978 it was the first to makes it unlikely that the two-year rent receive formal administrative powers boycott will be broken by evictions. If under the Community Councils Act. the Lekoa Town Council intends to end Similarly, the Lekoa Town Council the boycott by force, It may provoke (LTC), which replaced the VTCC in further resistance and a possible January 1984, was the first black town repetition of the September 1984 council in the country. It was elected uprising. In November 1983 on a 14,71 poll. This After the recent White City massacre was substantially less than the 20% the in Soweto, the Lekoa Council would be council managed In 1978 but well above shortsighted if It believed that the national average. crushing the rent boycott Is possible at Surprisingly, Vaal local authorities present. ran at a profit. Throughout Its existence, the VTCC managed to balance its books and still subsidise Orange- Vaal Administration Board projects in 1984 UNI HIKE gg^m^^* the Free State and QwaQwa. Ita 'economic rentals* policy made this possible and the seven years prior Resistance in the Vaal townships was not to 1984 saw dramatic increases in Vaal always fierce. Before September 1984, rents. In 1977 average Vaal rente were the Department of Co-operation and Rll,87 per month; by the start of 1984 Development considered black local they were R62,56 - more than RIO higher government in the Vaal to be the most than anywhere else in the country. successful In the country. Vaal At a meeting on 29 June 1984 the LTC townships were not particularly active decided to Increase monthly rents by in the events of 1976 add the Vaal R5,90 for board houses and R5,50 for Triangle Community Council (VTCC) seemed private houses. The LTC maintained Vaal to have more support than most. In residents were the best paid in the 16 w p Rent Boycott country and could afford higher rents. against the increase, distributed Throughout the rent boycott the pamphlets in the townships and held authorities stood by this claim. It is meetings In Zone 13 Sebokeng on simply not true. 25 August, and in Bophelong, Boipatong A 1985 Bureau of Market Research and Evaton Small Farms (adjacent to Zone report showed average annual black per 7) on 26 August. capita incomes in the Vaal Triangle were The Sebokeng gathering called a substantially below the national further meeting for Monday 3 September metropolitan average - Rl 112,79 versus at the Roman Catholic Church in Small Rl 366,24 In 1983; Rl 159,82 versus Farms, from where people would march to Rl 396,48 in 1985. While the real the administration offices to express increase in black incomes between 1980 their dissatisfaction. and 1985 was 17%, rent increased by 56%. In Sharpeville, the Sharpeville Anti- Rent Committee organised opposition.

Vaal residents demanded rent be reduced to R30 during negotiations

Announcement of the rent increase was Most leaders of this ad hoc body were delayed so that individual councillors linked to black-consciousness trade could break the news to their wards unions and political organisations. first. In most cases this did not happen The Anti-Rent Committee held four and when a general announcement of the meetings at the Sharpeville Anglican increase was made in late July residents Church on successive Sundays, from and local organisations responded 12 August until 2 September. At the last angrily. of these, it was decided to march on Sebokeng the next day, and join up with the anti-rent protest at the administration offices. THE MARCH ON SEBOKENG The council ignored all demands for a suspension of the rent increase. Its only response was to call a meeting with Outside Sharpeville, the Vaal Civic Vaal church leaders, warning that their Association (VCA), a UDF affiliate, site permits would be withdrawn if they co-ordinated opposition to the rent continued to allow churches to be used increase. Launched in October 1983, its for political meetings. major campaign before the rent hike In Bophelong, residents had an involved opposition to the November additional grievance. In August they had black local authorities elections. to pay a R50 deposit to cover future When rent Increases were announced in arrears on electricity accounts. A July, the VCA organised an anti-rent meeting to discuss the issue on campaign. It issued press statements 29 August was attended by hundreds of 17 VAflD Rent Boycott *::' angry Bophelong residents and a number convey residents* demands to the LTC. On of councillors. All council members 8 September a delegation of Vaal church present were armed. The mayor, Hanlatsl leaders met the council. The Evaton Town and deputy mayor, Dlsmlni, had two guns Council was Invited but failed to each. attend. The mayor addressed the rowdy meeting, On behalf of Vaal residents, church and residents Insisted that he answer leaders demanded that: questions about the rent Increase and * councillors should resign; the electricity deposit. At that point * the rent increaae be withdrawn; the hall lights were switched off, * an independent enquiry into business councillors were given a police escort allocations in the Vaal be set up; out and teargas was fired Into the hall. * all detainees be released and police That night police shot at youths in prevented from harassing hospital the township, and for the rest of the patients; week there were sporadic clashes between * police withdraw from the townships. Bophelong residents and police. These Councillors refused to meet any culminated on the night of 2 September demands, or to answer most questions when three youths were killed. relating to these demands. The The following morning a strong police delegation saw no point in continuing presence, in Sharpevllle and Bolpatong negotiations. prevented marchers from leaving for Sebokeng. Several protestors were killed In clashes with police, and in Sharpevllle a crowd attacked and killed THE BOYCOTT BEGINS &S*^ Deputy-mayor Dlamlnl. A march set off from Small Farms, but never reached the administration Up to this point, there was no plan to offices. Details of event* en route to organise a total rent boycott in the the offices are sub judlce, pending the Vaal. The 3 September protests were outcome of the Delaaa treason trial. directed against the rent Increaae only, However, during the morning, large-scale and residents were prepared to pay the violence broke out in Sebokeng and old rents. At a VGA meeting, a Evaton* Two Lekoa councillors, an Evaton suggestion was made to boycott rent councillor and numbers of protestors payments until the increase was were killed. withdrawn, but this waa not taken up. The same suggestion was made in Sharpevllle but residents decided to boycott Just the increase and continue THE CONFLICT ESCALATES paying rent at the old rate. Only when the council Ignored the VMSG's post-3 September demands, and Violent confrontations continued for the indicated that the rent Increase was next few days. All over the Vaal non-negotiable, did the boycott begin. administration buildings, beerhalls and homes and businesses of councillors and policemen were attacked. Thousands were arrested. Police raided Vaal hospitals, THE COUNCIL BACKS DOWN •n—* arresting those with bullet wounds. Fearing arrest, unrest victims stopped going to hospital and the death toll The council did a dramatic about-face on rose. By 9 September more than forty 18 September and withdrew the increases. people had been killed, about 90% of But it was too late. Council actions them by police. over the previous two months showed that After 3 September, almost all of those it would only negotiate on its own associated with organising the rent terms. Residents held the council protest were arrested or went into responsible for the loss of life in the hiding away from the Vaal. Most remained first two weeks of September and the outside the Vaal well into 1986. rent boycott was a largely unorganised While the VGA and Sharpevllle Anti- expression of this. Rent Committee could not act, the Vaal In early October the SADF arrived in Ministers Solidarity Group was formed to the Vaal complete with patronising 18 WIP Rent Boycott mimmmmm'*# pamphlets telling residents who their was totally unwilling to compromise with real friends were and why they should the civics or unions. It clung pay rent. But Operation Palaiet had no resolutely to its position that rents effect on the rent boycott. could not be reduced below R60, that as Residents linked the rent boycott to the only 'democratically-elected' body security force violence on and after in the Vaal It did not accept calls for 3 September. So it was not surprising Its resignation and that it had no say that the presence of a few thousand In the affairs of the security forces. soldiers in Sebokeng and SharpeviUe Despite this, the council seemed to only strengthened residents' resolve not believe the rent issue could be resolved to pay rent. through negotiations, which continued When the council backed down on the for 14 months. Throughout this period rent increase, It also retreated from the council made no other public moves Its policy of not speaking to civic to deal with the rent boycott. There associations. Council circulars were no summonses issued and no announcing the repeal of the increase evictions until well Into 1986. Invited residents to elect delegations Bureaucratic Inertia can account for to discuss the rent issue with the only some of this delay. Possibly the council. council waa so out of touch with Vaal SharpeviUe, Boipatong and Bophelong residents and so blinded by agitator elected delegations which constituted theories that It thought the rent themselves as civic associations. The boycott could be stopped simply by three civics net with the LTC and later explaining the logic behind the budget. with the National Party MP for Overvaal, Chris Ballot. Negotiations broke down because the LTC refused to wake any concessions the civics regarded as NEW COUNCIL STRATEGIES meaningful. Residents in Sebokeng refused to elect a delegation because all their leaders The council became more aggressive. On were in detention or hiding. When the 4 November 1985 it adopted a document VCA In Sebokeng was revived In May 1985 entitled 'Strategy for the collection of the newly-elected office bearers stood arrear rental and service charges' which by this decision. explicitly stated that 'no acknowledgement through negotiations must be given to revolutionary groups or organisations*. It called for the XMD081BY AND COMfERCB JOIN NEGOTIATIONS organisation of stop-order facilities from employers for employees' rentals, court orders and evictions, extensive The Vaal Chamber of Commerce and propaganda campaigns and the Industry, the LTC and the OVDB also establishment of paramilitary law and entered into negotiations at this time. order committees in the township wards. These were initiated by the Vaal Trade The new strategy started off badly Union Co-ordinating Committee (VTUCC) when the secret document was leaked to after the LTC asked employers to deduct the SharpeviUe Civic Association barely rents from workers' wages. a week after it passed through the Negotiations ran during June and July council. The strategy continued 1985, but were suspended when VTUCC unsuccessfully. members were detained during the first Its most glaring failure was the state of emergency. Talks resumed In attempt to arrange stop-order facilities November 1985 and were ultimately for rents. During the 1985 negotiations abandoned in February 1986. the Chamber of Commerce and Industry The LTC was not willing to compromise tended to side with the unions against on the VTUCC s demand for a rental of the council. Eventually the council R30 a month. And, when council demanded that the head of the Chamber of obstructionism prevented unions Commerce be removed from the obtaining venues for report-back negotiations chair because of bias meetings, the unions saw no point In against the council. continuing negotiations. Local commerce and industry were The council's attitude was curious. It anxious to prevent residents' discontent 19 WIP Rent Boycott in the townships spilling over into the THE BOYCOTT CONTINUES workplace. They were definitely not o prepared to deduct rent from wages. The Chamber instructed its members that The council issued 7 500 summonses. Proclamation R186 of 1967, in terms of Residents have strongly resisted which the LTC requested stop order evictions and arrests for ignoring facilities for rents, was invalid. When summonses and section 65 notices. A VGA Minister of Constitutional Development executive member in Sebokeng said and Planning Heunis introduced a bill in residents see the rent boycott in April 1986 to provide for stop order •political terms1. rents, Associated Chambers of Commerce, In response to the arrests of Sebokeng the Federated Chamber of Industries and residents in April the VCA organised a the Afrikaner Handelsinstituut mobilised two-day stayaway. Residents went on a against the proposed legislation and the march to protest further arrests in May. bill was withdrawn within a month. The council detained in total about 90 Attempts to break the boycott through residents In late night raids on 1, 6 evictions have been equally and 15 August. They were locked in unsuccessful. Residents are contesting council offices and after a lengthy the validity of the rent increases in wait taken to the township court arguing that there were numerous superintendent. They were forced to sign irregularities in the calculation and acknowledgments of debt and rent stop- proclamation of rent Increases in the order agreements often without past. It Is also not clear whether local understanding what they were signing. authorities may legally evict rent Residents went on a march in protest, boycottera. and all defaulters were released. No

A councillor killed during the September 1984 uprising

20 mmmm mmmmm^mmmm*en*WIP Boycott further arrests have occurred. Residents large-scale resistance. are now taking civil action for wrongful The council has also experienced great arrest and repudiating the signatures on difficulty in finding families to occupy the stop-order agreements. vacated houses, despite the Vaal housing In SharpeviUe, Boipatoog and shortage. In SharpeviUe and Boipatong Bophelong civics have limited themselves no-one has been willing to replace an to co-ordinating legal action against evicted family and the empty houses are boycott breaking tactics. guarded by council police. Only in Council evictions have vet with Bophelong have people moved off the widespread resistance. Police have been waiting list into the houses of evicted atoned and petrol bombed. So far only 11 people, and even there the houses cannot families have been evicted In all be filled. SharpeviUe (on 9 and 16 August) and The Vaal rent boycott, already two eight each In Boipatong (15 August) and years old, has cost local authorities Bophelong (9 August). In all cases the R150-m. Each resident owes the Lekoa authorities intended to evict more Council over R2 000. Despite council households but stopped because of threats of evictions and arrest, and the resistance from residents. Planned vast powers granted security forces evictions In Sebokeng were postponed under the state of emergency, current possibly because the council feared prospects of it ending remain slim. Tumahole Rents:This burden is too heavy' Tumahole lies on the outskirts of the (TS0) organised a campaign against the sleepy Free State dorp of Parys. Like rent increase. In sports grounds, most African townships it is shebeens and bus stations members characterised by poverty and lack of discussed rents and lack of facilities* services. The TS0 was formed in September 1980 Officially, its population is 20 000, as a cultural organisation using poetry but residents estimate that over 60 000 and drama to conscientise the youth* It live in Tumahole. There are only 2 742 gradually became Involved in fund- self-built houses on stands rented from raising to prevent eviction of a the Orange-Vaal Development Board deceased's family, helping the aged to (OVDB), and 254 four-roomed houses built collect pensions, assisting parents and by and rented from the board. Moat students with grievances over schooling, residents live in shacks. and seeking bursaries for students* Employment opportunities are limited, High rents affected students as well and many residents are either pensioners as their parents since they meant or unemployed* Those with work are parents could not pay school fees* scarcely better off. Just prior to the Students felt if they did not protest rent boycott, wages ranged from R40-R60/ now, the situation would only worsen by month for domestic workers to R120/month the time they were adults. The council for factory workers* had also done nothing about promised In April 1984 the OVDB increased rent recreation centres and other services from R26,25 to R37. It had risen steeply for youth. since 1978 when the board introduced its Students visited parents to discuss 'economic rentals' policy* action around rent increases. They Sixty-five percent of the OVDB income circulated a petition and organised a for 1983-84 came from rentals, and meeting with councillors who, in turn, another nine percent from lodgers and refused to answer queries. Residents hostel permits. Liquor and sorghum beer resolved to boycott the mayor's sales brought In only 12%- businesses in retaliation* Rent increases were a heavy burden and In July 1984 an ad hoc civic committee increasing numbers of people could not was formed and the Tumahole Civic pay. By June 1983, R60 718 was Association (TCA) was formally launched outstanding in unpaid rents. A year in October* The TCA organised a march to later the figure stood at R98 845 and by the community hall on 15 July to July 1986 each registered tenant owed at demonstrate residents' dissatisfaction. leaat R900. Over 30 000 marched, holding placards The Tumahole Students Organisation reading 'High rent, no jobs' and 'This 21 WIP

Rent Boycott V V burden Is too heavy*. Police dispersed 'BoycotBoycottt rent, RlR18,50'l . the meeting. Many were arrested and one Residents decided to launch a boycott person died in detention. The mayor's from April. Negotiations continued. A shops were looted. planned 6 June meeting was postponed by In the following nine months, the OVDB and residents received residents Increasingly supported the circulars fixing the rent at R26,50. civic. The Halted legitimacy of the They were then issued with notices community council was further eroded by cancelling their residence permits. councillors* failure to fulfil promises, OVDB boycott-breaking strategies rising rents, absence of township ranged from co-option to intimidation. development and manipulation of trading The board approached civic leaders to licences and bursaries. Councillors were stand for election to the council. When frequently asked to resign but only four that failed It offered residents bribes. have done so. But residents saw the civic as the legitimate alternative to the community council. In a bid to force residents to pay STAYAWAYS AND NEGOTIATIONS rent, the board withheld approval of Ch applications for business sites and house construction plans, insisting that Seven days after the Vaal exploded in applicants first settle rent arrears. September 1984, Tumahole residents Residents stood firm and In January stayed away from work and marched to the the board began serving summonses on OVDB offices. Fearing violence the board defaulters. When these were ignored the and community council met civic leaders. board issued section 65 notices. The council agreed to freeze rents at The TCA organised hundreds of R26.25 and to distribute a circular with residents who received summonses to details of their discussion. defend their own cases. Using a single Several meetings with the board lawyer to defend a group was too costly. followed and the TCA arranged mass As a result, the courts became meetings before and after to maintain overloaded with cases. their mandate. The community demanded In July the OVDB announced a rent that rents be reduced to 1118,50 and Increase effective from 1 August. It lodgers permits to R6.00; that a claimed residents had approved an Beverage system be installed without Increase to R38,75 whan the sewerage charge; that lodger permits be project was completed. Residents had applicable to non-family members only; paid for sewerage since 1979 but an end to police raids; and the Installation only began in mid-1985. resignation of community councillors* They had never agreed to an increase and OVDB officials agreed that unemployed as unemployment and retrenchment rose, people could apply to have their rent even R18,50 seemed too high. deferred or their arrears written off. Negotiations ground to a halt. Mass But they insisted that all increases meetings were banned and the TCA refused were necessary to balance the council's to negotiate if it could not report back budget and fund 'development projects'. to residents.

THE RENT BOYCOTT FROM VIGILANTES TO SWEET PERSUASION c #

Negotiations ended in deadlock. The OVDB In January, A-Team vigilantes began to director refused to recognise the civic roam the township intimidating residents as representative of the community, and and activists. After a successful court said he would meet residents on Interdict against the A-Team in Hay, the 24 March. He then cancelled the meeting. Tumahole Action for Unity (TAB) was set Township youths demonstrated, the up by former A-Team members and beerhall, bottiestore, and houses of administration board police. It was police and two councillors were stoned, funded by an ex-OVDB official. meetings were banned and residents TAU members gave children sweets and arrested. Slogans painted on walls read: toys and urged them to persuade their WIP Rent Boycott parents to pay rent. They offered applicants, were invalid. Since they members of youth clubs and music groups were not promulgated, residents were not gifts, and held lectures on the notified nor given the opportunity to importance of councils and the need to make representation on the fairness of pay rent. The youth groups approached the proposed increases. the TCA and decided to take the gifts The applicants claim they are entitled back to TAU, saying they would find to set off the excess paid against the other ways to get equipment needed. rental due; and that the board actually In desperation the board began owes them money. evictions in June. It had a tactical This case is due to be heard at the advantage: organisation was undermined end of September. by the state of emergency and activists were detained or in hiding. Twenty-four people have been evicted since June. Most evictions were random, although seven activists' families were affected. Evictions usually occur during the day. A court messenger, accompanied by members of SAP and fgreen beans* or 'amstels' (administration police), force Students from Vredefort attend school in inmates out of the house and lock it up. Tumahole. In 1985 the Tumahole Youth Furniture is locked inside. Evicted Congress travelled to Vredefort and families are often split up and find spoke to the youth. Shortly afterwards accomodation with neighbours or the Vredefort Youth Congress was formed. relatives In already-cramped houses. It called for a rent boycott and for councillors to resign. Residents were paying rent of R26/month but wanted this reduced. In April 1986 residents marched on the administration offices to protest against rent increases and the council. The offices were stoned. Several residents and youths were arrested, charged with public violence but found not guilty. The Vredefort boycott was originally organised through the Rent Action Co-ordinating Committee (RACC). RACC was established in October 1984 to co-ordinate rent action against the OVDB in the Vaal and northern OFS and to Tumahole residents now await the initiate the formation of civics. outcome of a test case in the But the Vredefort boycott was more of Bloemfontein Supreme Court. The a spontaneous than organised action. applicants, Wilheminah Mofurutsi, Only about a quarter of the community Selina Makume and Klelnbooi Lesenyeho, supported the boycott even before the are seeking an order restraining the emergency curtailed activity. OVDB and the Free State administrator Reasons for the boycott's partial from obliging them to pay rent arrears. failure possibly lie in the specific Between January 1983 and March 1985 nature of the township. It is very small Mofurutsi paid R913 rent. She claims she and most students attend school in was only liable for R495 because rent Tumahole or elsewhere* They are usually increases over the period were invalid. at home only on weekends and there has The OVDB, it will be argued, did not been little progress in building have the power to determine rent and organisation. service charges. The last legal increase The TCA and Vredefort activists was promulgated by the Minister of eventually decided that Vredefort should Constitutional Development and Planning be considered part of Tumahole. in March 1979, setting rent and service Vredefort residents were Invited to tariffs at Rll,80. All subsequent attend meetings In Tumahole In an determinations, according to the attempt to politicise the township. WIP Rent Boycott t Massacre Sparks Rent Boycott

Police fired on marchers protesting against the rent hike and police brutality. Thirteen people were killed* On 17 November 1985, the Mamelodi the police station where they would Parents Action Committee called a demand explanations of police brutality meeting to discuss a number of points of and that police and army leave Mamelodi. conflict. These Included: The meeting agreed the demonstration * the rent hike. In September 1985 would be a 'mothers' march' with men and rents had been increased without youth in the background to help with warning. Although house rent was low, transport and a house-to-house campaign service charges were excessively high, to publicise the work stayaway. This was with residents unsure of the exact partly tactical: they hoped police would tariffs. 'Some people were charged as not fire on women. And, as a member of much as R200. If they complained to the the Zakheni Women's Organisation said: council the rent dropped the next month 'Women are the real heads of their without explanation*, said a resident. families. The father's money is his own; Residents also had to pay lodgers fees he may pay rent and food, but the rest for all people above school-going age. he can spend as he wishes. The mother's 'Young people felt like foreigners in money is family money, not her own. If their own homes'. rents increase she would feel and see it more directly if she could not feed and * demands that the SADF leave the clothe her family'• township. It had set up camp just outside Mamelodi in July. On Thursday 21 November, 50 000 people * police brutality to students. Police met at the YMCA in East Mamelodi. 'At invaded classes and beat up students for the bridge we were stopped by casspirs no reason, and students were picked on which led us to the administration at funerals. offices at Mayor Ndlazl's request', * the banning of funerals for unrest recalled a civic member. victims. 'Casspirs were waiting at the gates Those present decided on a march to and Ndlazl was in a hippo at the front. the administration board offices. They He did not address the crowd. A intended to discuss the rent hike with policeman with a weak loud-hailer told the mayor and ask him to lead a group to the crowd to disperse. Before five 24, WIP Rent Boycott minutes were up a teargaa canister was ESCOM. Residents demanded ESCOM send thrown into the crowd from a helicopter. accounts directly to then rather than Then the shooting started frow. the through the council. They hoped accounts hippos and the helicopter* would be more accurate and electricity 'The crowd scattered, running back cheaper as the council's additional into a column of people. Aa they ran handling fee would be cut out. they shouted for people not to pay rent The council forced those applying for because the councillors and police taxi or business permits to show recent preferred to shoot rather than talk' • rent receipts. It also served summonses Thirteen people were killed. on rent defaulters, when residents decided to defend themselves in court, summonses were withdrawn. The council tried to persuade BKFORCIMC THE BOYCOTT employers to deduct rent from employees' <> wages. Most refused, saying the work contract only concerned conditions in The rent boycott was quickly enforced. the workplace, and they did not want This was a result of deep anger caused problems with their workforce. by the massacre, but also due to the The council then issued a warning In history of organisation in Maaelodl terms of the Housing Act, which allowed since 1983. it to take court action over arrears If 'He set up street and section it could prove it had built the houses. committees towards the end of 1985 99 But the houses had been built by the the foundation for the civic which we Pretoria Municipality and the Perl-Urban launched in April 1986. The rent boycott Boards. The council also claimed service was discussed and enforced through charge arrears, while the Act only section committee meetings. Duties of allowed for legal action over rents. So the section committee were to examine this strategy failed too. legal, rent or eviction problems; fsally Hostel dwellers supported the rent and neighbour disputes; and cleaning the boycott. The September 1984 increases section. set rental for a bed In a 16-bed room at 'From December 1985 to February 1986, R20/month or R8/week, a bed in a 4-bed section committees ran refuse removal room at R28/month or Rl1,50/week and a and road cleaning programmes when the bed In a single room at R34/month or council stopped these services. Then R13,50/week. police began escorting In Municipal collectors and the section committees were forced to stop. Children who undertook the clean-up campaigns also returned to school'* HOSTEL DWELLERS EVICTED o> Many families live in shacks behind houses and pay rent to the registered Council attempts to divide hostel tenant. Should shack dwellers also dwellers and residents failed. But the boycott rent payments? Though the final council has treated hostel rent decision was left to tenants and yard defaulters with a special vengeance. owners, the Zakheni Women's Organisation Prom April to June the hostels were recommended that where yard owners, raided every fortnight. Over 150 people particularly if pensioners, depended on were evicted, and beds, mattresses and tenants for Income, tenants should personal property confiscated. continue to pay rent. Hostel dwellers were charged with trespassing. Most were convicted largely because lawyera had difficulty in gaining access to their clients. COUNCIL'S BOYCOTT-BREAKERS STRATEGIES Hostel dwellers were charged under the <* Black Urban Areas Act, which makes it an offence to be in a hostel without a Attempting to break the boycott, the permit. Convictions were shaky since council switched off electricity In some legally-resident hostel dwellers who areas. This failed, as It could not be have not paid rent still have valid widely applied without risking permits to reside In the hostel. overloaded power lines and the wrath of Two hostel dwellers challenged their 25 WIP Rent Boycott eviction on the grounds that they had not been given proper notice. They applied for and won an interdict instructing the council to restore their confiscated belongings and re-admit them to the hostel. It is not known whether they were able to return to the hostel, although legally entitled to do so. For hostel organisation has been weakened by the detention of activists, and hostel dwellers may not have been able to enforce their return to the hostel. The Mamelodi Civic Association is currently challenging the validity of the rent increase in court. It argues that the local council did not follow the correct procedure for publicising the proposed Increase. The case has been postponed to the end of September.

Residents reaffirm their committment to a rent boycott at the November funeral

Jouberton Youth at the Forefront A rent and bus boycott, sparked by to launch a bus boycott. police violence, began in the Klerksdorp They commandeered a vehicle and drove township of Jouberton on 10 February through Jouberton telling people not to 1986. use buses or pay rent. They felt this On 31 January police raided a shebeen was an adequate way of organising the and shot a young boy. Residents boycott. 'If residents had not been retaliated with stones and two others sympathetic they would not have were shot. At the funeral on 8 February supported the call*. Police escorted another person was killed. For the next buses into the township but people funeral, two days later, the Jouberton refused to ride. Taxi owners were Youth Congress (JYC) asked Western harassed and their taxis impounded, but Greyhound to send 15 buses to carry boycotters still preferred to walk. mourners to the graveyard. Greyhound That day the administration board Ignored the request and youths decided offices were burned down and youths 26 WIP ^\!:l3 *m . -J Rent Boycott mm *« r-rt *M? confiscated residents' rent cards. agreed to bar youths although they Frustration with rent Increases and complained about losing money. Only community council disinterest In youths served on the committee but grievances bad simmered since September argued that parents supported them as 1985, when rents were increased. 'they feel the official legal system has Residents had rejected the increase failed and only handles political when councillors announced It at a crime*• meeting in November 1984. But in January Another concerned group, including a 1985, councillors railroaded the taxi owner, shebeen owner and a increase through despite residents' minister, tried to set up a more unwillingness to accept It. Those with moderate committee. They asked the objections were not allowed to speak. council to call a public meeting to Councillors did promise to ask discuss the rent and bus boycotts. The employers to Increase wages to cover the council agreed, but on 6 April troops increase. Until then the current rent surrounded the local stadium where the would remain. But councillors got only meeting was to take place. Meeting one employer response and In September content was also restricted and no rent was increased without further political songs or speeches were consultation. allowed. Residents boycotted the meeting.

FQRMIHG A civic tmmm*wm^-«#• RESIDENTS' DEMANDS *#• A co-ordinating body was needed to organise the boycott. Church ministers Two weeks later the original civic called a meeting to elect a steering steering committee called a public body for a civic. The JTC suggested it meeting. Five hundred attended and consist of five JYC members, five ratified the decision to form a civic. teachers and five parents. The community Residents also decided not to pay rent believed a civic could channel until it was reduced from R35 to R5. grievances to result In meaningful They also demanded explanations about political action. It also hoped the exorbitant water accounts and fictitious civic would have a moderating effect on electricity accounts: most houses do not the youth. have electricity. After the boycotts began, the JTC Since the boycotts began, two formed a people's court - when they councillors have resigned. In May the 'read about it in the newspaper' - as a council threatened legal action against disciplinary committee to combat the defaulters. The deadline for back death toll arising from the high crime payments was set as 7 June. In July the rate. The committee banned youths from town clerk claimed that payment of rents shebeens and punished those who Ignored had risen substantially. Its orders. Shebeen kings and queens

27 WIP Interviewing the Editors Evaluating 'Work In • 10

In Jmly 199* tb« Work Im collective •valmator to •mrrmy raaaarsaip opinio**. DM WIP collective •valuation, ana omtllm— Ita editorial policies.

Why did HIP commission an evaluation? Readership Includes leadership and other members of youth and student WIP has a specific readership in mind. groups; trade union officials, including We wanted to know whether we were shop stewards and more literate members; reaching it, who else read WIP, and what community activists; and members of they thought of the publication. The national political organisations ranging evaluator had a mandate to assess the from United Democratic Pront and views of WIP readers and distributors, National Forum affiliates to the Black as well as those of prominent political, Sash and Progressive Federal Party. labour and community figures. While WIP reaches a surprisingly wide range of people there were some groups What are wiP's policies and goals? which have not been adequately reached so far. These include women and women's The Southern African Research Service, organisations; some community groups; which produces WIP, is non-racial, non- rural areas; teachers; and coloured and sectarian, and broadly supportive of the Indian communities. Reasons for this are progressive movement. But it is not tied unsystematic distribution, the price of to any specific position or organisation WIP and low literacy levels, within that movement. particularly in rural areas. SARS sees WIP as a source of information and ideas and a forum for How is WIP distributed and how do you debate around current political, labour intend to Improve this? and related issues. WIP started off as a largely academic WIP is distributed through a journal In 1977. By the early 1980s the subscription system, through editorial collective felt ideas, debates organisations and Individual and Information should be more widely distributors, through a township available. In 1983-4 the format of the distribution network in the Transvaal, publication changed. Attention was and through bookshops. given to ensuring articles were more Distribution problems had been simply written and readable by a non- discussed for some time. So in July we specialist, non-academic audience. employed a part-time distribution The publication was increasingly officer whose duties include: selling geared towards top- and middle-level WIP at meetings; improving distribution leadership of popular organisations and through trade unions and shop steward trade unions, as well as students, committees; recruiting distributors in academics and progressive professionals. new areas; preparing advertising and posters to publicise WIP; expanding Who reads WIP? overseas distribution; and enlarging the subscription service. This has already The survey found that WIP was reaching been successful and distribution has Its target readership. Those interviewed expanded considerably. felt this was a valid target group and It would be extremely difficult to put How does WIP decide on articles? across the complex issues WIP deals with at a lower literacy level. WIP tries to ensure that content is 28 WIP balanced, currant and relevant. This Most commented on the great improvement involves consideration of: important in the last two years In terms of political and labour events; political accessibility to a wider, more popular debatesy arguments, developments, trends audience* Readers said WIP now used less and questions on current conditions and jargon, and sentences and paragraphs state of struggle; state strategies; and were shorter than before* This makes it popular and working-class resistance and more accessible to those reading English organisation* aa a second language. Readera found the Some articles are offered to WIP aa lay-out clear and the design and colour contributions to a debate or topic. on covers attractive* More photographs Other are specially commissioned by WIP. were suggested* And WIP staff also research and write Readera found WIP stimulating: 'It articles and compile reports, and forces people to think about issues and conduct Interviews. broadens their political outlook'. Moat Any broadly progressive Individual or said it was correct that WIP allowed organisation can contribute, but all different opinions to be presented* This articles Bust fulfil certain criteria served an important function because 'a which are based on the needs, Interests critical stance Is Important for all and nature of WIP's target readership- organisations. WIP opens up necessary Articles snist be clearly written, are debate and the tone la healthy and edited to conform to WIP style, must be constructive'. short, must have enough depth of Information and analysis to make them WIP costs mora than maay other understandable to readers without progressive publications. Why is this extensive knowledge of the subject, and and can it be changed? should not be obscure or academic* WIP baa always been financially self- What do readers think of WIP and how is sufficient In terms of production and the publication used? distribution costs. Financial returns on one laaue pay for the costs of the next* Most Interviewed said WIP Is useful* We have considered ways of subsidising relevant, up-to-date, and an Important lower-income readera, and are in the alternative to the commercial press* It process of introducing differential keeps people In touch with pricing which includes: reduced rates organisational failures and successes, for bulk ordera from trade union or and creates a view of struggle In community organisations; increased ratea totality* Most readers found the for higher-income subscribers; a cheaper 'Courts' section interesting because it subscription rate for workers* We will provided Information not available continue to look for ways to subsidise elsewhere* 'Strikes and Disputes' la some readership groups, and of course read mainly by trade union membera* the larger our distribution, the cheaper Debate articles were viewed as directly the publication can be* relevant to political organisation and But SARS believes it is important to many said theae raised questions facing keep WIP es financially self-sufficient political organisation not discussed aa possible. elsewhere. Readers found Interviews particularly easy and interesting to read* What other suggestions ware made in the evaluation, and what la WIP doing about WIP Is used as a source of information them? and ideas, In education, teaching and research* Some examples: Church workers Many of the suggestions are already use WIP for educational workshops; being Implemented, such aa improving literacy teachers use WIP to prepare distribution and looking at the price* discussions; some progressive Readera also made numerous suggestions organisations use WIP In discussions to about topics WIP could cover, and we are work out positions and strategies; and working on theae* WIP is used in trade union training Finally, readers suggested that WIP programmes* Interview more progresslvs organisations around current political debates, and What do readers think of the way WIP la that contributors to debates be presented? identified more clearly* 29 WIP A Force for Change? The Great Sanctions Debate

Sou* form of sanctions will be imposed on South Africa within the coning year. But the Issue la not a simple one. While the 'constructive engagement* position of Thatcher and Reagan misunderstands the nature of apartheid and white power, there are also criticisms of the Commonwealth leaders' view of sanctions as a force for change. DUNCAN INNBS looks at the various positions adopted on sanctions, and considers some of their ramifications.

The campaign for sanctions against South Africa recently took a great leap forward. Six Commonwealth leaders at the mini-summit in London decided to move from rhetoric to a programme of action. Tougher measures also came before the US House of Representatives and Senate; Zimbabwean Premier Robert Mugabe and Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia proposed still stronger measures. This prompted South African Foreign Minister Pik Botha to demand that Zambia and Zimbabwe Impose comprehensive sanctions - for once at least South Africa's government could claim to be In line with thinking in the rest of Africa. The sudden escalation in the sanctions campaign forced those espousing the Reaganite constructive engagement strategy onto the defensive. While still clinging to her deeply held view that sanctions are 'morally repugnant' and in any case futile, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, under pressure from the Commonwealth, announced a ban on promotion of South African tourism in London anti-apartheid march in June 1986 —!30 WIP Britain, and Indicated she would go Precisely because Thatcher falls to along with whatever sanctions are recognise apartheid as an all- adopted by the European Economic encompassing system, her strategy for Community when It Beets In September. dismantling it becomes absurd. That At the same tin* her ally across the strategy rests on the notions of Atlantic, US President Ronald Reagan, contact, dialogue and persuasion. It is tried to stem his doaestlc sanctions essentially s commitment to piecemeal movement by references to cossninlsts In reform - to dismantling apartheid little the ANC. Meanwhile, State Department by little. In her own words: 'Apartheid officials were privately claiming that is wrong. It has to go, and it Is constructive engagement was as good as going* (my emphasis). dead. To prove her point Thatcher cites an Back In South Africa, Minister of unfortunate example: at her meeting with Manpower Plet Du Plessls warned ominously PW Botha st Chequers last year she had that Anglican Archbishop Desmond Tutu told hin that forced removals of black could be charged with high treason if he communities were utterly 'repugnant9. continued advocating sanctions. Du She went on to claim that 'those have Plessls also threatened that migrants been stoppsd now. Things are coming In from the rest of Southern Africa could the right direction. Naturally one be repatriated to combat sanctions- wishes them to come faster'. generated unemployment. The people of Crossroads, to name but But despite important developments on one Instance, could contradict the view the sanctions front, the underlying that forced removals have been stopped. issues and arguments remain obscure. Similarly, Tsellso Phofu, a recently- Both pro- and anti-sanctions groups released political prisoner challenged passionately continue to express the the view that apartheid is going: 'Since belief that their particular approach is my release I have not seen sny changes the only way to bring about an end to In the system of oppression. When the apartheid. Neither side is entirely Mixed Marriages Act and the Immorality convincing. Both display, In varying Act were repealed, it did not change the degrees, an unfortunate lack of lives of black people. The introduction understanding of the South African of new identity documents has no situation, as well as a marked naivete significant material effect on our in their proposals to change It. lives, either. Influx control is still exercised through the Aliens Act. The government is trying to play for time by saying to the world that these are "changes". Little has changed from the CONSTRUCTIVE ENGAGEMENT undeclared state of emergency during 1976-1977'. Thatcher is the best exponent of Thatcher Ignores the fact that while constructive engagement. Her approach certain formal institutions of apartheid rests on a woeful misunderstanding of are being scrapped, the underlying the role apartheid actually plays In social relations of oppression remain South African social life. For Instance, intact. The form changes, but the referring to a visit she once made to substance remains. Her concern is In any South Africa, she said: 'I've seen It on case with the form and not the substance occasions when there is no apartheid, of apartheid. This emerges clearly when and I've seen it when there is she Identifies 'industry and some of the apartheid'• political parties' inside South Africa as the main elements in the fight But apartheid does not occur at some against apartheid. Those dying daily In times and not at others; nor can It be the townships do not feature in switched on or off at will. It is a Thatcher's vision. Over two million social and political system encompassing black trade unionists do not feature; every aspect of South African life. The neither do the thousands of people who fact that some hotels, cinemas or are banned or detained, nor mass-based sporting occasions might be 'open' does organisations like the United Democratic not diminish the system of apartheid. Front, the Acanlan Peoples Organisation Only when every South African is free to or the African National Congress. cast an equal vote in a political system based on majority rule will apartheid be Disagreement between Thatcher and PW abolished. Botha centres on the fact that he Is not W1P dismantling formal Apartheid as rapidly through racial groups, not individual as she would like. Consequently, she rights. That view of the future, of seeks through persuasion - constructive engagement - to hurry him along. In her course, would maintain apartheid, but in own word*: 'I think we should have had another form. It la unacceptable to the black leadership, who emphasise •ore contact with her (South Africa). He citizenship above all'. should have Influenced her mora. She would have been able to see that multi­ In proposing ways of bringing about racial societies do work In other real change In South Africa, the pro- countries'. sanctiona lobby believes that only strong pressure, rather than gentle Here Is the essence of the persuasion, can bring this about. To constructive engagement position: white quote Praser again: 'The purpose of South Africans, especially those In sanctions would not be to destroy the government, are believed not to know any South African economy. They would need better, and therefore need to be to be constructed in such a way as to encouraged to see the light. give the economy and the white This Interpretation la laden with all population In particular a real body the reactionary values of nineteenth blow'. century British Imperialism. Like all In developing his argument further, lmperlallat Ideology Its intention Is to Praser makes precisely the point that obscure rather than reveal. It obacures Thatcher avoids: namely, that whites the very real Interests white South will only concede power in South Africa Africans have In the system of racial when their Interests are no longer domination. Government dings to the aerved by hanging onto iti 'When the substance of apartheid not because It banks took their action last year, baaed knows no better, but because white on commercial decisions, many white domination works for lta supporters. It South Africans for the first time wants to hold onto political power not understood that their futures were under because It does not believe that threat. Since then, whites have been multiracial societies can work* but more active in seeking to bring pressure because It wants to retain and defend on their own government. The purpose of white privilege In South Africa. sanctions must be to cause them to If Thatcher la to persuade PW Botha to reinforce their efforts'. give up apartheid completely, she will However, after this promising start have to convince him that white the pro-sanctions argument goes on to Interests can no longer be served by assume that there la an Immediate racial domination, and that the only way relationship between the economic forward la to hand over power to the Interests of whites and the political people. So far she has not been policies they support. According to successful, largely because the people Praser, if white economic Interests are are not yet in a position to take power. damaged, white politics will Until they are, Botha will In all automatically change for the better. probability stick to his guns. This is not necessarily the case. On the contrary, over the short to medium term at least, we are likely to see the opposite response. Racial THE PlO-SAUCnOHS POSZTXW attitudes are deeply engrained in the consciousness of many white South Africans, as Indeed Is white national Advocates of sanctions have shown that chauvinism. These reactionary attitudes they possess a far better understanding and values provide the government with both of the realities of the South plenty of opportunity to rally support African situation and of government's for its go-it-alone policy - the latest present strategy. The pro—sanctions version of the laager. lobby correctly pointed to the futility This la one reason why the optimism of of the kind of negotiations In which Sir many in the pro-sanctions camp, who Geoffrey Howe recently engaged. As believe that severe pressure will Malcolm Praser, co-chairman of the rapidly bring the South African Eminent Persons' Group, puts it: 'The government to lta knees, Is not (South African) government has Justified. There are others. As Thatcher consistently stated that political correctly pointed out, sanctions will be rights would have to be exercised extremely difficult to enforce 32 WIP (especially as she for one has no for their import and export flows, as intention of enforcing them). well as for most of the rolling stock Not only are many of South Africa's used to transport these goods. Attempts major trading partners opposed to to break this dependency by using sanctions, but there will undoubtedly be Mozambican or Angolan ports have had no shortage of international only limited success due to the South entrepreneurs who will be sore than African-assisted wars in those two ready to assist government and private countries. companies in sanctions-busting Attempts to develop a trade route activities. through Dar-es-Salaam have met serious South Africa is powerful both problems in the form of the economically and politically, and can unreliability of the Tazara Railway link withstand severe pressure for a and congestion In the port. considerable period. And it can deliver This dependency gives South Africa a few powerful blows of its own. immense clout in the region, with all the political implications that flow from this for the governments of these countries. SOUTH AFRICAN IMPERIALISM There is also the supply of labour from the Frontline states to South Africa's mines. Lesotho and Mozambique The South African government has not are moat heavily dependent on been slow to point out to the rest of repatriated earnings, but even Botswana the world that, as the dominant power on pulls in eight to nine million rand the Southern African subcontinent, it is annually from its approximately 20 000 In a position to cause havoc to the miners employed in South Africa. The economies of its neighbours. threatened repatriation of foreign Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland are migrants would have a devastating effect tied Into a customs union with South on the economies of supplier states, as Africa which makes them virtual economic well as on the incomes of the workers prisoners. concerned. Zambia, Zimbabwe and Malawi, because In this scenario of brutal power they are landlocked, are heavily politics, the British government's stand I dependent on South is Interesting. It has in fact done its "W""T&* Africa best to bolster South Africa's position by making It plain that the Frontline states can expect no economic aid from Britain, should South Africa retaliate against them. The British government in effect proclaimed to the world that it would rather sit by and watch the economies of six independent African states destroyed, than Join with them in a united attack against apartheid. But while the power South Africa wields in the sub-continent should not be underestimated, It Is equally Important that the Botha bluster not be swallowed whole. Even South African imperialism has its soft

33 W: P underbelly* Certainly South Africa can nines involves low wages, long hours, close the borders with the Frontline difficult working conditions and, of states, thereby causing major course, danger. The latter was recently dislocations to their economies - but highlighted in an International Labour there would be a cost to South Africa as Organisation report which points out well. that over 8 500 people died on South Between January and June 1986, South Africa's mines between 1973 and 1984. Africa exported goods worth &828-milllon The Chamber of Mines responded that to African countries* and Imported In the number killed should be aeen In return R279-miUion, giving a very perspective: for instance, in relation healthy trade surplus of &549-mlUlon. to the alee of the Industry with its Closing those borders could turn out to half a million black workers. But from be cutting off one's nose to spite one's the point of view of many black South face. It would also seen a loes to the Africans, mining conditions are not only South African Transport Services of gruelling, unhealthy and uncomfortable, revenue earned froa the use of Its they are lethal. rolling stock, and a loss to the South If the Chamber wants black South African Treasury of customs tariffs. Africans to fill the gap left by foreign In addition, the South African aigrants it will have to offer higher government receives taxes from local wagea and better living conditions than producers which export goods to or the present predominantly hostel through the Frontline states; It is accommodation. The price for estimated that nearly half a million repatriation of foreign migrants will be people are employed In South Africa a higher wage structure and much higher producing goods for export to Botswana, housing costs. Admittedly, present high Lesotho and Swaziland alone. Should the metals prices, particularly of gold and South Africa government cut off these platinum, may give some mines the exports, it would effectively diminish resources to pay for these. But revising its own tax base and generate more industry costs substantially upwards Is unemployment inside South Africa. not a prospect likely to appeal to South African companies also have shareholders unless it can be substantial Investments in the Frontline accompanied by major productivity states. What will happen to them if a improvements. South African-inspired trade embargo is This is not to claim that South Africa imposed? Anglo American, for example, has no power in the region. It haa haa a 50X Interest in Zambia's copper immense power - but it ie not mines, as well as major mining, farming omnipotent. The strategy of retaliation and industrial Interests In Zimbabwe. means serious problems for the South How will Anglo's companies in Southern African economy, problems heightened by Africa, especially its mines, function the fact of a severe recession. when their supplies of equipment and But retaliation will have aevere •pare parts from South Africa are cut effects on the Frontline states. off t The retaliation policy will not Developed countries like Sweden, appeal to South African companies with Australia, Canada and New Zealand which investments in the region. have supported the sanctions campaign Finally, there la the question of have a special responsibility to ensure foreign migrants on South African mines. that economic support is forthcoming for Government and the Chamber of Mines have those countries which must bear the made It clear that in the event of brunt of retaliation. sanctions they will consider repatriating thousands of foreign migrants. This would have a crucial effect on labour supply: some 40% of THE EFFECT OH SOUTH AFRICA blacks working on South African mines are foreign; half of them come froa Lesotho. Any assessment of the effect sanctions Any sudden expulsions would create a are likely to have on the South African massive labour shortage on the mines. economy necessarily Involves a good deal Although there are currently millions of of guesswork. Too many variables can unemployed black workers In South Impact in a variety of ways for one to Africa, they are unlikely to rush to develop a precise scenario. And many fill the employment gap. Working on the factors are unknowns how rigorously will WIP sanction* be applied? Hill they be also likely to increase, providing a comprehensive or selective? How further Important boost. Such spending successful has government's stockpiling will be essential for government to give policy really been? What arrangements substance to its claim that 'we can go for aanctions-buating have been made, it alone'. and how successful are they likely to be But an economic upswing of this kind over the long term? le unlikely to have a major positive Despite the current ban on laports of impact on employment levels. Although South African coal, steel and iron ore increased activity will probably create by some of its trading partners. South some new Jobs, this le likely to be Africa le unlikely to suffer a major countered by the feet that some export economic decline in the near future. In industries - especially coal, which fact, the level of economic activity may employe about 72 000 black mine workers, improve. and iron and steel - will reduce One probable stimulus le the employment levels as their overseas improvement in the price of gold, markets shrink. And Inflation is likely platinum and other metala, of which to remain high (though it might come South Africa is a major world supplier. down slightly over the next few months) Gold's recent rise to the $400 mark* and due to the continued weakness of the platinum's pest $600 ere cases in point, rand and increasing government triggered In part by the fear that South expenditure. Africa could withhold supplies. Bach $10 High inflation combined with high increese in the gold price alone earns unemployment will continue to provide a the South African economy an extra $200- fertile breeding ground for social allllon, so a major Improvement in the disorder, particularly among the gold price to, may, $500 would provide a hardest-hit black section of the powerful boost to the ailing economy. community, but also among so-called poor An Irony of the sanctions campaign is whites. Such conditions feed political that the more it promotes crisis resistance to government policies from conditions inside South Africa, the more both left end right, encouraging likely It le to push up the price of political ferment across the spectrum. gold end platinum: South Africa produces Despite what the Bureau for Information 60S of the West's gold and 80Z of ita •*y M7» black opposition can only platinum. Intensification of crisis in Increase. South Africa thus leads to panic In the Ibis may take one of two forme, or world metal markets, end e rush for gold some combination of them. To the extent and platinum which pushes up their that government allows black groups to prices. The more pessimistic the West's operate legally, they will use every perception of the crisis, the higher the opportunity to put pressure on metals' prices - which thereby reduces government and to make lte existing the severity of the crisis. institutions unworkable. To the extent What If the West bans imports of gold that government suppresses legal black and platinum? This Is highly unlikely political activity, underground action because without South African supplies, will Increese. This will produce more industrialised nations could not meet violence end en escalation of the their own needs. Were the West to be guerilla war. starved of gold there would be major So despite the possibility of a disruptions to its financial and limited economic upswing over the next monetary systems; disruptions which two or three yeara, there ie likely to would in turn reverberate throughout the be e marked worsening of the political international economy. Catch-22: the situation and a gradual escalation of West does not want to include gold In violence, Including guerilla warfare. the sanctions net because it is too Should the sanctions campaign gain important to Its economies! but by excluding gold, the effect of sanctions ground, as seems likely at present. le crucially diminished. South Africans can expect gradual but serious Inroads on their economic life. A second factor likely to cause an Without foreign investment, new economic upswing la the effect of technologies, spare parte for existing sanctions on local business activity. As machinery and equipment, new computer imports decline, local companies end equipment and software programmes - and entrepreneurs will probably move to fill with shortages of oil supplies and the import gap. Government spending is shrinking international markets - the wi P • economy must eventually begin to grind most difficult conditions for the black down. population. Virtually all black leaders. Tola economic war of attrition may with the exception of Chief Buthelezi, take decades to achieve Its goal of says "Impose sanctions. We would sooner forcing tbe government to enter serious be hurt wore now than endure our present negotiations. But combined with e conditions forever". That is their deteriorating political situation and decision. It IS s legitimate decision'. escalating violence It will get there In Employers and members of the the end. No modern economy can hope to government who weep crocodile teara survive la Isolation - or even seml- about the effect sanctions will have on Isolatlon - from the rest of the world black unemployment levels are and at the same time finance an hypercritical. It was this government escalating war. which allowed intereat ratee to rocket in 1984, hurling our economy into ita worst recession since World War II and throwing hundreds of thousands of people BAMCUOKS AND LABOUR out of work. Tbe same employers who today deplore the effect of sanctions on Jobs, then encouraged government in its What will the effect of sanctions on the policies and retrenched vaet numbers of trade union movement and unemployment workers. Their new-found concern to be? If the ultimate result Is economic protect Jobs is rank opportunism* erosion. It will be accompanied by Tet the answer Fraaer glvea is not rising mass unemployment. As the entirely convincing either. As he points guerilla war and Internal violence out, black leaders ere saying that black intensify, aome unemployed, both black people 'would sooner be hurt now than and white, may be absorbed Into the endure present conditions forever'• But military and the police, as happened this assumes that sanctions will achieve during the Rbodeslan war. But the ranks an end to apartheid quite rapidly. Tet of the jobless will nonetheless swell. the reverse is true. Sanctions will take This will be compounded by the massive a long time to reach their goal. The black urbanisation which can be analogy between a short, sharp hurt anticipated over the next few years* 'now' and a long and drawn-out suffering Despite tbe limitations on Influx from 'forever' is not accurate. the 'Independent' bantuatans, Unfortunately, both forma of suffering government's relaxation on Influx will be long and drawn-out. controls will dramatically Increase the What effect will rising unemployment numbers of urban blacks. Along with end the gradual rundown of the economy unemployment, this Influx Is likely to have on the trade union movement? It Strain the organisational resources of will, to put it mildly, be a testing both trade union and community bodies. time for the unions and the working- There Is a danger that employers and class movement am m whole. When government may exploit this situation to sanctions were Imposed on the Soviet drive a wedge between those already Union after the 1917 Revolution, they established In the urban areas and the helped reduce the numbers of the Russian newly urbanised. working class and weaken the base of the In a recent Interview Malcolm Fraser Bolshevik Party, with crucial effects on dealt with tbe effect of sanctions on the form of Soviet government the black community: 'It la often thereafter. Not for nothing did Lenin said that sanctions hurt blacks and and the Bolsheviks condemn the West's therefore should not be Imposed. While sanctions policy against the Soviet recognising that sanctions will have an Union, understanding it aa an attempt to impact on the Uvea of blacks, I believe smash the revolution. this argument should be put aelde. the What will be the fate of the organised blacks are hurting now, every day, in working class in South Africa as South Africa. In many townships, the sanctions take hold? Fraser does not unemployment Is 60S to 701. Because the tell us, but then the organised working land la barren In the homelands, there class la not his concern. But for the Is virtually no activity and leaders of that class, both in tbe trade unemployment is even greater. Further, unions and in other organisations, it is the mere Imposition of apartheid creetea s vital Issue.

36 WIP Perspectives On Wits A University Serving the Community?

Two views on Che role of liberal context of a national crisis in universities have dominated in SouCh education and ongoing resistance In the African opposition circles: country. To play a role in social * Chat they perpetuate apartheid and change, Che university should respond to capitalism, and cannot in any way serve needs of the wider 'disadvantaged popular interests. They can only be community' and stop formulating policies overhauled once fundamental social on the basis of its existing white, change takes place; or 1 wealthy and professional constituencies. * that universities liberal opposition POW decided to survey community views. to certain state policies is useful in 'The community' was defined as those legitimising political criticism and mass popular organisations representing providing an arena for political action. constituencies involved in educational But the limits of change within the and related struggles. The 47 Transvaal universities are defined by their organisations Interviewed were those liberal positions. which attended the National Education These views differ only on whether the Conference called by the Soweto Parents universities can play a progressive Crisis Committee in December 1985- This role, but agree that little can be done included most of the major political, to modify that liberal role. trade union, education, youth and In a recent survey to determine community organisations in the region. popular perceptions of Wits University, POW also surveyed Wits students and members of progressive community, overseas academics interested in South political and trade union organisations African education. in the Transvaal harshly criticised its Overwhelmingly, the 'community' social role. But they did suggest some believed Wits represented big business ways the university could serve the and white community Interests. The needs of the community. universiCy is a racist institution by Host organisations surveyed believed its very structure, and provides little it was not strategic to abandon attempts recognition or space for blacks. to Influence the university on the While more enlightened than most other grounds that it is a 'bourgeois universities, Wits was essentially a institution'. But, they said, its conservative institution, unwilling to liberal rhetoric should not be taken at take a stand against government policy. face value. Organisations believed it Community organisations were critical was necessary to contest the of Wits' selection processes. They universities' role in South African accepted students had to be chosen society; and to campaign politically for selectively and that academic standards the universities to place their should be maintained. But they felt the resources at the disposal of the existing entrance system, based on oppressed. matriculation results, was unfair to The POW study grew out of a debate students who suffered the Inadequacies amongst a group of Wits academics, who and crises of the Department of felt the university had responded Education and Training (DET). Entrance Inadequately to the August 1985 police should be based on ability to learn invasion of campus, particularly in the rather than matrlc performance. 37 WIP Organisations demanded that Wits model of education. increase its black Intake, and allow greater representation of working-class and women students. In abort, the ANOTHER KIXD OP uTOVBtSITT composition of the university should reflect the composition of the population. Some argue that trying to achieve Those Interviewed said courses limited changes within existing disguised the real lntereata they served structures is reformist and that change behind technical jargon, and many were is only possible in the context of Irrelevant to community needs. overall social transformation. But thia 'big bang' view of social change POW waa told that black students often abandons the terrain of struggle to the experienced overt racism and 'negative state's educational reforms. attitudes' from lecturers. Also, an over-emphaala on research led to a Education policy for large-scale neglect of teaching which particularly social change will not be written on a affected disadvantaged students. blank slates it will have to deal with The trade union and en—unity changing the existing structures. This is organisations Interviewed made proposals only possible if problems within existing on what the university should provide to structures and practical alternatives the community. are understood. They did not expect a politically Wits doea make policy under powerful aligned university, but did demand that constraints. But the university aa a it be broadly democratic. The university corporate body has a certain autonomy should attack apartheid laws, encourage from the state and from Its backers In critical debate, respond actively to the big business. This provides a space education crisis* and try to be within the university for contenting Its accessible to the disadvantaged community. policies* Many demands the community made of Tests measuring ability, aptitude and the university may not be realised potential would be the main basis for because of its structure and nature. But admission and students* commitment to thia doea not mean the community should community service would also be atop testing the limits of change in considered. educational structures. Even limited Academic support programmes in a non- concessions won on the basis of a racial university would both help Bantu coalition of trade union, community and Education students with academic skills, education organisations could provide and also provide white students with benefits and resources to the community. some social awareness. The POW report stresses the need for Two 'bridging* formats were proposedI educational debate within community a junior college where students could organisations. Pew interviewed either complete a year before questioned the need for traditional transferring to university or complete a academic sacred cows like 'excellence*, two-year junior college diploma; or a pre- and 'high academic standards1. These university bridging year on campus. concepts do have a rational social Organisations said the university basis. A university which produced should offer more courses geared to architects whose buildings fell down, practical community needs. There should doctors who killed off patients, and be more part-time, evening and modular ignorant researchers, would not be doing courses, so that those unable to study ita job. continuously for several years could But the rhetoric of 'standards' la accumulate credits towards a degree. often used to mask the class realities There should also be practically of universities where 'excellence' oriented non-degree courses. serves the needs of the dominant Most organisations felt It was classes, and 'standards* and important to campaign for concrete •selectivity' keep workers and their changes in the structure of educational children outside its doors. institutions. As popular organisations develop To do this, alliances between the educational policies they must question community and constituencies inside not only the political, but also the liberal universities were necessary to educational ideology of the liberal force the beginnings of an alternative universities. 38 WIP COURTS Informer Leads Police to ANC Men Cecil Kandia was a police informer. He la dead now, apparently killed in a car crash. Jongumuzi Sisulu is the nephew of jailed ANC leader Walter Sisulu. He was raised as part of the Sisulu family, living with Walter's wife, Albertina, in Soweto. In mid-July 1984, Jongumuzi met Kandia, and asked him for a job. Kandia offered to employ him at his garage in Magaliesburg, and said Sisulu could stay at his farm shop near Boons. Kandia found out about ANC activities Jongumuzi and others were involved tn. He betrayed them and five are now serving Jail sentences for high treason.

THE BOONS ROAD BLOCK

On the last day of July 1984, Major Jan Carl Coetzee, a Pretoria security policeman, was told that a car carrying weapons would travel the road between Randfontein and Orient that afternoon. Sisulu, Dubasl and Kandia Members of the police special task at the time of their arrest. force set. up a road block near Orient. Faces are blocked out to comply with At about 3-30 pm, a white Mazda driven the Prisons Act* by Sisulu, with Kandia and James Dubasl as passengers, was stopped. The three explosives, ANC pamphlets, over Rl 000 occupants were immediately taken from in cash, and a number of hand-written the car, their hands tied behind their notes concerning sabotage targets and backs, and made to lie on the ground planned ANC operations. while the car was searched. In a red bag In the boot of the car, police found three false identity books; a green note book with extensive BOMB AND GRENADE ATTACKS IN SOWET0 notes on the laying of mines; and a number of novels. Bound into each novel was Umkhonto we Sizwe's 'elementary Meanwhile, Happy Mkefa had been active handbook on explosives', containing In Soweto. On the evening of 15 May Information on petrol bombs, timing and 1984, he attached a high-explosive bomb incendiary devices. The bag also to a car belonging to security police contained an AK 47 with three magazines, sergeant XR Ntsila. Early the next and two F-l defensive hand grenades. morning the bomb exploded, destroying Prom the road block, police rushed the car which was parked at Jabulani to Cecil Kandia's farm shop at Boons, police station. where David Matsose and Joseph Maja were Pour days later, Mkefa struck again, staying. Maja saw them arriving, and ran this time throwing a grenade at a houae off. Major Marthlnus Strydom ordered his in Naledl. As the occupants chased him men to open fire. Maja fell, seriously up the street, Mkefa threw another wounded. Moments later, David Matsose grenade at them, superficially injuring was arrested Inside the old farm house. one Botha Phillip Kgwedl. In the house police found a trunk Detective-Warrant Officer Reuben containing limpet mines, detonators, TNT Ranaka was Mkefa's next target. On the 39 WIP COURTS evening of 11 July 1984, he stopped at a driven by Slsulu, drove off* friend's supemarket in Emdeni South. The police car followed* Aa It passed While In the store, Mkefa attached a under the bridge, Dubasl and Maallela boab to Kanaka's koabl, setting It to opened fire on It* explode later that night. Ranaka drove Modise waa wounded in the chase. They to his Dube house, and parked his car* abandoned the car and Slsulu carried At about 10 pa the boab exploded, him through nearby farm lands for a ripping open the koabl's bodywork and while* Finally Slsulu abandoned him and extensively damaging Ranaka's house* want on, carrying an AK 47* He later hid Early on the morning of 17 August, the weapon, and escaped. Police searched Mkefa arrived at the Zola house where he the abandoned car and found hand was staying* He sensed something was grenades, two AK 47s, and explosive wrong and tried to leave. Confronted by devices* at least 30 police, he was arrested in possession of two hand grenades and a The next day, Constable Percy van den box of 9 am cartridges. Berg saw Donald Modise standing on the edge of a farm* Modise lay flat when Van den Berg drew up, but then stood up with his back to the policeman. Modise pulled the pin from a grenade, and threw It at THE TRIAL the policeman. Van den Berg took cover, and after the grenade had exploded, shot Donald Modise dead. Dubasl, Slsulu, Mkefa, Matsose and Haja The pylon in New Canada: One night In were all detained under section 29 of June or July 1984, Dubasl, Slsulu and the Internal Security Act and Joe Maallela attached blocks of TNT and extensively interrogated* plastic explosives to an overhead pylon Maja, who had been wounded in the on the railway line near New Canada Boons farm house shooting, was operated station. Later that night, a railway on while police guarded his hospital worker dislodged the explosives while room. Prior to his arrest, he had been working on the line. Next morning, a trained as a medical orderly by the ANC, railway signalman found the explosives and worked in a Maputo hospital* on the ground and called the police. The accused first appeered In court In The Slsakancane murder: Constables December 1984* They faced charges of Maphala and Tsotetsi were on night duty high treason, terrorism and furthering at Jabulanl police station on the night the alas of the banned African National of 13-14 June 1984. At about 1 aa, they Congress* The state listed a number of went to an all-night faat food outlet at incidents in which the accused were the Slzakancane shopping centre for a allegedly involved* snack* Unbeknown to them, Dubasl, The Msmelodl pylons On 20 August 1983, Slsulu, Mkefa and Joe Maallela were Dubasl and another ANC member, Donald watching the shopping centre, each armed Modise, sabotaged a high-tension with an AK 47. electricity pylon In Maeelodl. Serious Tsotetsi left Maphala in the car and damage was caused, and the electricity went into the shop. Aa he returned, the supply in and around Pretoria, including four opened fire from two different several installations important to the directions, trapping the policemen in area's economy, defence, security and crossfire. Tsotetsi was killed, hit by communications, were disrupted. 37 bullets. Maphala waa seriously Da Dear and the death of Donald Injured, but later recovered. Modise? On the evening of 11 March 1984, The death of Joe Maallela: By Dubasl, Slsulu, Donald Modise and ANC 17 August, Donald Modise was dead, and member Joe Hasilela tried to sabotage a all the accused were in detention. From railway bridge near De Deur, near Information gained during Interrogation Vereenlglng. of the accused, police traced Joe While Dubasl and Maallela installed Maallela to a house in the Soweto suburb explosives under the bridge, Slsulu and of Mapetla. Maallela refused to give Modise waited in a car. Two policemen himself up, and police opened fire on approached the car, whereupon an the house, killing him. occupant fired on them with an AK 47* Military training: According to the The police returned fire, and the car. state, Dubasl (28), left South Africa in 40. WIP tf .2 COURTS 1978, joined the ANC, and underwent information from detainees by the use of training In ANC military camps. electric torture. Sisulu (26), alleged the state, became At the close of the state's case, an ANC member In 1983, and was trained David Matsose waa acquitted because of within South Africa, lack of evidence. Maja, his co-accused, Mkefa (21) and Matsose (24), It was admitted that articles found at the claimed, joined the ANC In 1983, And Boons farm house which could have underwent Military training In Swaziland implicated Matsose, belonged to him. and Mozambique. At the end of April 1986, the And Haja (25), the state said, left remaining four accused admitted certain South Africa in 1976, Joined the ANC, of the allegations against them, and and received both medical and military pleaded guilty to the treason charge. training In Mozambique, Swaziland, Dubasl and Maja acknowledged having Angola, Tanzania and the Soviet Union. received ANC training, although Maja's Arma caches: As a result of police training had been primarily as a medical Investigations carried out after the orderly* The accused also admitted arrest of the accused, a large number of possession and knowledge of the arms araa caches were uncovered. The state caches listed. clalead the accused were legally Dubasl admitted Involvement in the responsible for caches uncovered near: Mamelodl and De Deur sabotage acts, and * The Dakota Drive-In, Langlaagte} Sisulu conceded he had actively * Eadeni Retention; associated with the ANC, and transported * Veld between Klip town and Dlamlnl; Dubasl and others to De Deur on the * Kaaelodl; night of the attempted bridge sabotage. * Hagallesberg; Mkefa admitted the grenade and bomb * Zola. attacks In Soweto, and to hiding arms These caches contained grenades, and ammunition for use by ANC members. AX 47s, limpet mines, ammunition, ANC Maja, though trained aa a medical literature, and various explosive orderly, had agreed to act as an ANC devices. courier transporting weapons and Sabotage targetst Finally the state explosives. He admitted possession of alleged Dubasl,. Sisulu, Mkefa and bandgrenades, AX 47 rifles, TNT blocks Hatsose reconnoitred two planned and limpet mines. sabotage targetst the Bollard Street The state, however, abandoned all stock exchange In Johannesburg, and the allegations concerning the murder st the wltwaterarend Command Headquarters of Slzakancane shopping centre, and the the SA Defence Force. accused were acquitted on this The trial began In the Rand Supreme particularly serious charge. Court on 10 March 1986, before Justice On 21 May 1986, Justice van Nlekerk AM van Nlekerk and two assessors. Much passed sentence on the accused. Jail of the evidence led concerned security sentences ranging from five to 14 years police Interrogative methods, as the were Imposed: accused claimed they had been forced to James Dubaal - 12 years; point out various arse caches under Jongumuzl Sisulu - 5 years; extreme duress. Happy Mkefa - 14 yeara; Under cross-examination. Lieutenant Joaeph Maja - 10 years. Andre du Plessls denied being present So ended a remarkable two yeara for when Sisulu was electrically tortured at the eight major actora In this trial. Protea police station. But In a Three are dead - ANC guerillas Donald surprising admission, he said It was Modlse and Joe Masllela, and police spy possible this could have happened during Cecil Kandia; David Matsose Is free; and his absence from the Interrogation room. the remaining four have started serving Du Plessls admitted he had heard their jail sentences for high treason. security police talk about obtaining

41 Strikes and Disputes: Transvaal

COMPANY AND AREA UNION WORKERS OATE EVENTS AN0 OUTCOME

Acceasttcal ribrtgless CWtf 6*0 05-07.06 About *»00 vorkers at the Springs plant staged a sitap-in stride demanding tha reinstatement of a shop Springs, Vsnderbljlptrfc steward allegedly unfairly dismissed. Venderbijlperk vorkars stopped vork in syapatby on 6 August, following negotiations, CVIv tccaptad that the dismissal was fair and workers returned tc wart. ftaldvins Steel SEAVU 22-24.07 After «e IW-efflliated union dtclsred a dispute with SCHSA, vorkars at Baldwin Steel downed tools Brakpaa deaendltg higher wages. SEIFSA offered a alniaua wage of (2,22/hoiir, while tha INf anions demanded a vage of *J,50/hour.

Duracell littrits 55 25.07 Daracell will lay off virtually Its entire workforce. Its UK parent ceapany has decided to wind down operations over the next six aonths. The fall la tha rand and a 10t import surcharge levy undermined Ourecell's profitability.

Dunlop CVIU 600 07.08 Workers want on strike vften wage negotiations broke dovn. Those earning B?t43/heur are (reminding lifHl RJf10/hour end improved maternity leeve and shift allovaaces. Ounlop vas prepared to negotiate over vage increases only, and offered an increase of 57c/hoar to be implemented gradually over the neit 17 months. It refused to backdate the increase to June and did not vaat negotiations re-opened antll 1968.Yorkers vere locked oat on 15 August, A conciliation board aet on 19 August to try to resolve tha dispute* Dunlop refused to ellov shop stevards and organisers to report back to striking vorkars* Negotiations broke dovn again OR 27 August and the board collapsed, Dunlop began recruiting scab labour. On 1 September vorkers vere ageln locked out of the plant and told they vould not be allowed to return until negotletions vere concluded.

£pol fAVU 2 000 26.08 Vorkers at nine plants banned overtime to back their demand for a living wage. fAVU is defending a ft?3 increase on the current mlniauai of f97/veek. It also wants a dest-frtt working environment and a reduction to 50kg in the mexiavm weight vorkers are required to carry.

E*pan

Hlengive High School 12.06 indue. Hint or strika deaandlng the eipelslon ef too popils who allegedly injured a fallow teacher.

L# Carbons HAVU 160 10.07 •bout 180 workers want on strika lit protast against tea diulssal of seven collaagvai, and deaandlng Industrie recognition of MAW. About 120 workers vara arrested. Ihey vara released the na>t day wlthoat being charged. Ihe coapeny thaa dismissed all strikers. MM clalaa tbe company rafuses to negotiate, and that an appaal woald be aiada to tha IMF to prassarisa la Carbone. Iha onion will also seak a rainstatanant ordar froaj tba Industrial Coort. i n FBWU 400 20-26.08 A strike bagaa after four workers vara takan by police for qgastfealng ovar claiaa «ade by tba coapany security chiaf. Iha arrastad workers wara rolaasad. Strikers deaanded tha ditalssal of tha sacarlty chief and tha exclusion of police fro* internal coapany affairs. Iha strika bad not ended by 26 August.

Maponja Discount Stores 5 19.08 The industrial court found that three employees were unfairly dismissed by tht company last year. Tha thrtt wort awarded a joint sua of 16 500. Heponye Stores had ignored tarlltr Industrial court ordars to rainstata the thrtt and failed to attend a conciliation board bearing. Tht three claimed they wart dismissed for the:r union activities.

Hobii Nil 170 13-19.08 Vorltrs hold a sletp-in strifes demanding tha reinstatement of a stop steward, negotiations resumed on Issndo ind Stnoni 15 August. Workers returned to work when management agreed to continot negotiating with tba aaion.

litis Dairy CCAWUSA 05.06- Uorlers went on strike protesting against tha detention of CCAW1SA leaders under emergency 30.07 regulations. On 16 June about 1 000 workers were arrested and detained for two weeks. On their release 750 workers were dismissed. CCAWISA called for reinstatement of all workers, recognition of the onion and payment for tha period out of work* Tha matter was resolved at tha end of July.

Rational Poultry rewi 90 28.07 Workers were fired after a strike In July protesting against the dismissal of fovr workers. Strikers were dismissed and evicted fro* the company far*. Me workers saved to the union's offices. Workers claimed they earned a minimum of R40/weefc and worked In poor conditions. They demanded tbat the coapany recognise their union.

OK lazaers CCAWISA 25.07 The entire workforce went on strike protesting against the dismissal of a deaf-mute worker* Tbe worker Pretoria allegedly made an Improper suggestion to a white woman. Management denied a strike occurred.

Pliant hetore SACWU 40 29.08 Workers were dismissed last ytar when they staged tn Illegal two-hour strike over the recognition of shop stewards. Thtir application for reinstatement w» turned down by tbe court. Tbe court indicated tbat illegal strikes tight be condoned If the circumstances giving rise to the illegel strike were not created by etployees; and employees were faced with conditions which tide striking tht only rtasonable option.

Pilfclngton Glass CWIU 1 800 26.08 Wage talks deadlocked over management's refusal to negotiate a national wage egreatent at five plants. Management left the meeting, tba anion applied for conciliation and prepared for a strike ballet. COMPANY AND AREA UNION WORKERS DATE EVENTS AND OUTCOME

Pretoria Wholesale cviu 200 11.08 The onion and the company agreed to improvements in overtime rates, leave, service allowances, Druggists Indemnity leave, annual bonuses and the recognition of Hay Day and 16 Juno as paid holidays. They also agraad to JOfl increase on the minimum wage bringing It to R109/veek. Working hours wart reduced fro* 45 to 40 hoirs a vook without lass of pay. the Increases vara backdated to 1 July.

PUICO TAVU ?t.oe IAM daclarad a dispute with futce alleging It bad given a sveetheert mien, Zekhoni Transport Dniea, stop-order facilities. TMJ intends to apply far an interdict to stop deductions fro* the wages of I AW members.

SEIFSA INF unions MAWV decided to bold a strUe ballot from 5-11 September to gauge support for a national stride against tbis year's centralised wage determinations, lut the Minister of Kenpovor blocked a national strike by extending the gazetted vage agreement to include non-parties. Despite StirSA'e opposition to plant-level bargaining, several influential SEfFSA affiliates beve concluded vage agreements with HAWU. One Anglo American Corporation (Amlc) factory las granted the RJ,50/hour minima* the INF unions denanded. Negotiations contlnee at six otber Amlc plants.

Table Top FAWI 260 26.08- Workers began a sleep-in strike demanding tfce reinstatement of 60 colleagues dismissed from Table lop Cleyville 0J.O9 Distribution Centre in early Aagust. They had beam fired after stoppages In protest against the detention under emergency regulations of thair sbop steward. negotiations broke down on 1 Septombar but resumed that evening. Workers returned to work.

Travel Lodge 100 13.06 At the beginning of Aagust vorkers vent on strike when management dacided to retrancb with tvo month's Aiberton saverance pay. Workers demanded a minimum of five months pey, which management agraad to after negotiations*

Tenblss Tovn Council SA8NAWV 900 Nay-Aug Workers went on strike demanding a monthly minimum vage of R700, reinstatement of three dismissed vorkers and recognition of their union. Me workers vera dismissed. Ibe council decided to reinstate soma workers 'out of sympathy', lemblsa residents began a rent boycott in support of the strike and demands.

West Rend Devt Board OBILAFU thirteen development boards vera dissolved on 1 July. Despite government assurance that board employees would net lose their jobs, the emlon alleged WRAI ves trying to retrench its block vorkers. In some ceses vorkers were called before disciplinary hearings to answer charges of misconduct from the previous year. Ihe union has intervened in J4 cases vhich were taken to tee industrial court. Strikes and Disputes: Natal MAWU 1 200 ?5.06- Workers downed tools in support of their demand for a 50c/hoar pay rise spread over 12 months. Sydney Road SO.O? Kenagement offered 54c/hour increase over 16 •onths. On 27 June, Dunlop obtelned e supreme coert Durban interdict end strikers vers forcibly evicted from the factory premises although their strike ves legal. Management Increased Us offer to 60c/heor over 12 tenths. Workers accepted tbis and returned to work, the minimum vage will Increase from 1116/veek to R1*J/veek. COHPAWT AND AREA UNION [WORKERS 0«£ EVENTS AND OUTCOME

Clover Dairies FAWU 230 JUM la June management reverend its promise to lapleaent an latarla wage Increase. After a strike, Pittermaritzburg asntgeaent agreed to backdate the increases but dismissed a shop steward. Workers went on strike again accusing the company of breaking an agreement not to take action against workers who participated In the strike. Management reinstated the steward. UWUSA unionists threatened FAWf vorters nod though aanageaent was inforaed, It took no sctlon. It than dismissed the chair of the shop stavards coaailttee who it alleged Instigated workers to attack UWUSA organisers and a councillor. A series of strikes over management's refusal to extend negotiations to cover wage and working conditions also occarred daring June. Workers, convinced Clover was trying to smash FAV», want an strUt on 50 Jane, and ?30 were fired. FAWU declared a dispute through the industrial council* and when the coapany refused to settle, tha council rafarrad tha casa to tha Industrial Cotrt. fAVO asked tha court to grant an order compelling Clever to allow a legal strlkt ballot at tight plants* Clover accused FAWU of an unfair labour practlct by organising a consumer boycott of Clover, hCD and Clltt products.

Danol-Urie Hulti Hotels UVU 100 IZ+OS Workers bald a one-cay work stoppage whan tha coapany employed now steff rather than recently- ratranched workers.

Ttxfln MTV/MM 200 25-08 On 25 August two HUTU officials arrived at the factory for discussions with management. But workers Durban told management that thty supported an official froa TAW, a recant brtakaway froa tha COSAII- affllitttd KIFV. ihe two officials ware allegedly assaulted by TAWti members. Pro-HUTV workers stopped work and protested to eanageaeftt. Iwo TAWU members allegedly responsible ware suspended on full pay pending a disciplinary hearing. Workers* angry at tha suspension dawned tools and called for their reinstatement* When NfV admitted it could not halt the stoppage, management suspended its agreement with the union. It geva MJTW e fortnight to sort out the dispute efter which it would consider cancelling Us recognition agreement with HIV. Earlier* In July. Ninw had won a*, interim order against three union officials preventing them froa passing themselves off as atabers following their disalssel from the anion. Ihe three then formed the rival lextlle end Allied Workers Union*

Toyotti SA IAAVU J 600 TO-15.07 Thousands of workers went on strlkt demanding a 50c Increase bringing the ninlava wage to 13»6J/boert Prospecton and protesting against further short-tlao to begin the next week. Workers ware locked out when they allegedly tried to damage cars on an asseably line. Following negotiations aanegeaeat offered an 6c/hour increese and not to introduce short-tlae. When telks deadlocked, workers were given notice on 14 July, tut the next day they returned to work. The coapany decided to retrench about 260 workers at tha beginning of August as tha only way to avoid short-time.

Zalulsnd Creosotlng BAM WO 1.M Workers went en strike In April against retrenchment. They were dismissed and evicted from their homes with their families. BAWU brought an application to the Industrial court for the reinstatement of COMPANY AND AREA UNION HORKERSJ DATE EVENTS AND OUTGONE

workers. |fft the court could not hear the application because the applicant vis not a registered ••ion. it allowed the union tia* to rosvbalt the application under the flaws of the individual worker*. Strikes and Disputes: OFS/Cape

General Hoton PMAVU 270 Aug General Motors plant to reduce Its stiff by 270 salaried and hourly pild workers. Tha company slid rotionilisation was necessary la tha daprasaad vahiele market. About 160 employees would take early ratiroemt from tha and of August and tha others would ba retrenched fro* 1 August. Aftar consultation with unions It was dacidad that oldar hourly-paid workers would tike early ratiremant.

Her cedes Ban* IAAWU J 000 07,07 Worker* want on strika when tha company dacidad to closa tha plant because of production bottlenecks dua to a go-slaw in the paint sfiop. A waeA later AAAwj declared a disputa ovar tha definition of short-Uma claims.

Kondi PWW 12.06 In July PWAWO declared a disputa with Hondl over wage increases. A conciliation board failed to settle tha matter. Workers began a national strifca ballot*

Naapek PVAVU 1M MM1.M worker* stoppad work eftor nagatiations for a recognition agreement raached deadlock, fhay had Cpplng demanded !- days paid training leave, six racognisad shop stewards and • ona-hour raport-back Mating ovary month. Management offered to recognise five shop stewards* aad introduce 30-minuta monthly report^bech meetings. Tha strika endec vhen tha anion agreed to five stewards with 12 days unpaid laava far anion business and five days paid leave for anion training and 30~miauta monthly report- backs.

PS Wood PVAut 200 06,OS Worker! downed tools demanding a 35* increase while management offerad 5*. After negotiations, both Epping partial agraad to 15% from 1 July. Workers demanded a one-hour monthly raport-fceck seating instead of the currant 30 minutes; and that PG Wood and its 'racist sponsorship of sport1, particularly tha vast amounts spent on promoting tha rebel Australian cricket tour. ttnak EAWt 28.07 Workers introduced an overtime ban on 26 July to support their deaand for an increase in the miaiaum Olep HW waga from 12,30/hour to 13,90/hour. fhay rafuaad to work shifts as this would undaraine the ban; tha vainly feaale workforca did not vent to work night shifts which disrupted family life. CAWU accused Kanih of employing scat leboor for night shifts. Workers want on strika on 31 July when aanigemont rafasad to consider their demands. On 5 August vorfcars want on strika again whan negotiations broke down. fAWU withdraw froei negotiations saying management hid not bargainad In good faith, A week: later EAWf threatened tha company with an unfair labour prtctlca charge If it did show its financlil records to bick claims It could not afford the increase. Nanagaaant then offered 12,60/hour. EAWU appaalad to Flassey workers in Britain to help stop •anagaaiant's 'campaign of terror*. Workars said aansgement hod threetened union meabars with pollca harassment aad detention. Strikes and Disputes: Mines

COMPANY AND AREA j UNION WORKERS] DATE ! EVENTS AND OUTCOME

Chaaber of Him RUN June HUH declared a dispute with the Cheater on 7 July after the breakdown of eenth-loag wege talks. HUH rejected the Cheaberfs wage offer of incretses of 15-20* end deaanded yj% across-the-board. Other demands ere that workers be given Job transfers at the seae wages If tejurad at work; Hey fray and 16 Jane be aade public holidays; and 100% holiday and leave allowance. In August the Minister of Manpower appointed a concllletion boerd. However this was dona out of tlae, and HIM thus has the legal right to strike. At the first aaeting on 21 August the boerd was adjourned over i disagreeaent over Its teres of reference as to which workers Kb* represented. On 4 September the issue was resolved end the aeetlng adjourned to 15 September.

East Rind Gold lid MH Negotiations over wages and working conditions begen in Hay. HIH originally deaanded i \

Secunda Colliary CVIU 4 000 14*22.07 Following e deadlock in wage negotiations coal miners began protest action. On 14 July miner* ut one (SA50L) shaft held e sU-hour work stoppage, Sesol 2 and J workers went on strike on 24 July when Matgenent said it would iaplement e new increese from 1 July even though negotiations were still la progress. Menegeeent then agreed thet the increase would apply only to non-union members. Vorkers returned to work utillo the company undertook to discuss the grievences.

Vestern Holdings tm 1 500 21-29.07 Vorkers went on strike over the dlsalssal of four shaft stewirds, fired efter the death of Tour team (Anglo American) leaders ten days before. HUH said the Inquiry Into the incident had not followed agreed procedures. VeUoa Vorkers at Ho 6 shaft staged a go-slow. Management closed the shaft because of unsafe working conditions on 25 July. After discussions between HUH and alne aanageaent, workers returned to work.

Unions began fighting for full pay for detainees held under emergency regulations, UAWl criticised fieneral Motors for refusing to ply five detained vorkers though they were kept on the workforce. In eld-August the company reviewed its no-work, no-pay policy, and offered to set up a relief fund from which it would pay 50% of wages to detainees' families. IAAWU continued to deaand fell '•**"£ pay. families of detained workers art corrently being supported by donations fro* ftllov vorkers. Volkswagen offered to ply 75% of UNIONS detainees' wages and guarantee their Jobs for 1B0 days. It will review the situation every three months* Ihe Cepe Town Municipal workers Association and Capo Town City Council agreed after negotiations that the council would pay detained workers' wages In WH' ™E fell to their feilHes. WttW began negotiations with Sappl "d Seveell, who were not paying detained employees, while Plascon EMERGENCY agreed to pay throe detained employees for the first 14 days spent in detention. Ihe CWU began negotiating for payment for the fell period In detention. The strlkos and disputes teble reflects a very Halted sample of current labour action. Emergency regulations, lick of space, and necessary selection of materiel teen that the teble Is e very lncoaplete record. Contents Royalty, Comrades and Farmers ALLIANCE BLOCKS KUANDEBELE INDEPENDENCE 3 Dispute in Alexandra Township •HE MUST ENSURE HOUSES FOR ALL' 12 RENT BOYCOTTS * Local Authorities on their Knees 15 Defiant Vaal Boycott Enters Third Year 16 Tumahole Rents: 'This burden is too heavy1....21 Massacre Sparks Rent Boycott 24 Jouberton Youth at the Forefront 26 Evaluating 'Work In Progress' AN INTERVIEW WITH THE EDITORS 28 The Great Sanctions Debate A FORCE FOR CHANGE? 30 Perspectives on Wits A UNIVERSITY SERVING THE COMMUNITY? 37 COURTS Informer Leads Police to ANC Men 39 STRIKES AND DISPUTES 42