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Now UKIP's Leader Paul Nuttall Has Been Called
1 PAUL NUTTAL ANDREW MARR SHOW 5TH MARCH 2017 PAUL NUTTALL Andrew Marr: Now UKIP’s Leader Paul Nuttall has been called the ‘purple Pinocchio’ and he’s been derided on social media as a fantasist. One of the party’s biggest donors Arron Banks says that his leadership is weak and that the party quotes ‘thrashing around for a purpose. Paul Nuttall joins me now’ Andrew Marr: It was a very, very bruising by-election for you and you then went on holiday. Paul Nuttall: Yes. Andrew Marr: Where did you go? Paul Nuttall: Where did I go? Andrew Marr: Yes. Paul Nuttall: I disappeared somewhere in this country. I wanted to get away. I was being hounded by the press, my family were being hounded by the press as well. Frankly, you know, it was a long, difficult campaign and you know, I’m back in the saddle now, that’s the main thing, and UKIP will move forward. Andrew Marr: After all the things that were said about you during that campaign did you ever think ‘I might step down as leader. Maybe I’m the wrong guy for this job’? Paul Nuttall: I never thought I was the wrong guy. I mean, of course you do have moments of doubt. Well, look, you know, it was a highly personal campaign. My family were being hounded in a way that I think most politicians will never have to go through. 2 PAUL NUTTAL You know, when your 86 year old grandmother, who’s standing there in her dressing gown, gets a camera shoved in her face, when your father’s being followed to work, you know, when your wider family are being harassed, you know, it is difficult. -
European Parliament Elections 2014
European Parliament Elections 2014 Updated 12 March 2014 Overview of Candidates in the United Kingdom Contents 1.0 INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................................... 2 2.0 CANDIDATE SELECTION PROCESS ............................................................................................. 2 3.0 EUROPEAN ELECTIONS: VOTING METHOD IN THE UK ................................................................ 3 4.0 PRELIMINARY OVERVIEW OF CANDIDATES BY UK CONSTITUENCY ............................................ 3 5.0 ANNEX: LIST OF SITTING UK MEMBERS OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT ................................ 16 6.0 ABOUT US ............................................................................................................................. 17 All images used in this briefing are © Barryob / Wikimedia Commons / CC-BY-SA-3.0 / GFDL © DeHavilland EU Ltd 2014. All rights reserved. 1 | 18 European Parliament Elections 2014 1.0 Introduction This briefing is part of DeHavilland EU’s Foresight Report series on the 2014 European elections and provides a preliminary overview of the candidates standing in the UK for election to the European Parliament in 2014. In the United Kingdom, the election for the country’s 73 Members of the European Parliament will be held on Thursday 22 May 2014. The elections come at a crucial junction for UK-EU relations, and are likely to have far-reaching consequences for the UK’s relationship with the rest of Europe: a surge in support for the UK Independence Party (UKIP) could lead to a Britain that is increasingly dis-engaged from the EU policy-making process. In parallel, the current UK Government is also conducting a review of the EU’s powers and Prime Minister David Cameron has repeatedly pushed for a ‘repatriation’ of powers from the European to the national level. These long-term political developments aside, the elections will also have more direct and tangible consequences. -
MINUTES 1. Opening of Sitting 2. Membership of Political Groups 3
C 286 E/274 Official Journal of the European Union EN 23.11.2006 Thursday 15 December 2005 (2006/C 286 E/04) MINUTES PROCEEDINGS OF THE SITTING IN THE CHAIR: Josep BORRELL FONTELLES President 1. Opening of sitting The sitting opened at 10.05. 2. Membership of political groups Sylwester Chruszcz, Maciej Marian Giertych and Bernard Piotr Wojciechowski had left the IND/DEM Group with effect from 15.12.2005. They would henceforth sit as non-attached Members. 3. Documents received The following documents had been received from the Council and Commission: — Council of the European Union: Amending letter No 1 to the draft general budget of the European Communities of the financial year 2006 (14862/2005 — C6-0413/2005 — 2005/2001(BUD)) referred to responsible: BUDG — Council of the European Union: Amending Letter No 2 to the draft general budget of the European Communities for the financial year 2006 (14863/2005 — C6-0414/2005 — 2005/2001(BUD)) referred to responsible: BUDG — Draft general budget of the European Communities for the financial year 2006, as amended and accompanied by proposals for modifications (14864/2005 — C6-0415/2005 — 2005/2001(BUD)) referred to responsible: BUDG — Council of the European Union: Amending letter No 3 to the draft general budget of the European Communities for the financial year 2006 (15379/2005 — C6-0427/2005 — 2005/2001(BUD)) referred to responsible: BUDG — Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council and the Court of Audi- tors: annual accounts for the financial year 2004 of the -
Lord-Pearsons-Letter-Of-Complaint-To
COMPLAINT: COVERAGE BY “TODAY”, SINCE THE WILSON REPORT, OF THE CASE FOR THE UK TO WITHDRAW FROM THE EU. BACKGROUND The 2005 Wilson Report into the BBC’s coverage of EU affairs was the Corporation’s first published independent analysis of its output. Its committee of inquiry was chaired by Lord Wilson of Dinton, formerly Cabinet Secretary and Head of the Civil Service. This complaint is that the BBC has not delivered the improvements it promised in its response to that report, of its coverage of EU affairs. This applies particularly to the debate about the UK’s withdrawal from the EU. The Wilson Report was published in January 2005. It was critical of parts of the relevant output. It said: …we do think there is a serious problem. Although the BBC wishes to be impartial in its news coverage of the EU it is not succeeding. Whatever the intention, nobody thinks the outcome is impartial. There is strong disagreement about the net balance but all parties show remarkable unity in identifying the elements of the problem. Sometimes being attacked from all sides is a sign that an organisation is getting it right. That is not so here. It is a sign that the BBC is getting it wrong, and our main conclusion is that urgent action is required to put this right. The problem can be summarised under a number of headings which we analyse below.1 Institutional mindset. Giving the audience the information it needs to make up its own mind is a proper and important role for the BBC and one which it must carry out. -
European Elections in the UK Media Briefing 7Th May 2014 UKIP and the 2014 European Parliament Elections
European Elections in the UK Media Briefing 7th May 2014 UKIP and the 2014 European Parliament elections Dr Philip Lynch ([email protected]) & Dr Richard Whitaker ([email protected]) University of Leicester UKIP and the 2014 European Elections Philip Lynch ( [email protected], @drphiliplynch ) and Richard Whitaker ( [email protected], @rickwhitaker ) Department of Politics and International Relations, University of Leicester UKIP go into the 2014 European elections in a far stronger position than they did five years earlier. The crucial differences are first, that UKIP have not experienced the decline in support in general election polling that they normally do after a European election. On the contrary, they are now consistently placed in third position in polls of general election vote intentions. Second, their ratings in polls of European election vote intention are some ten points higher on average than they were in the run up to the 2009 contest for seats in the European Parliament (EP). Third, they have more than double the number of members and a much better, even if still small base in local councils having secured 147 seats in the 2013 local elections. Fourth, while they have benefitted in the past from Conservative supporters lending UKIP their vote, they are in an even better position to do so this time around given that the Tories are now in government. On top of that, if UKIP’s campaign to win even more support from working class voters is successful, they will make headway in areas where Labour are traditionally strong. The presence of the Liberal Democrats in government alongside the collapse of the BNP add to the auspicious conditions for UKIP in 2014. -
Doomed to Failure? UKIP and the Organisational Challenges Facing Right-Wing Populist Anti-Political Establishment Parties
Abedi, A. and Lundberg, T.C. (2009) Doomed to failure? UKIP and the organisational challenges facing right-wing populist anti-political establishment parties. Parliamentary Affairs, 62 (1). pp. 72-87. ISSN 0031-2290 http://eprints.gla.ac.uk/41367 Deposited on: 22 October 2010 Enlighten – Research publications by members of the University of Glasgow http://eprints.gla.ac.uk Doomed to Failure? UKIP and the Organisational Challenges Facing Right-Wing Populist Anti-Political Establishment Parties This is a pre-copy editing, author-produced version of an article accepted for publication in Parliamentary Affairs following peer review. The definitive publisher-authenticated version (‘Doomed to Failure? UKIP and the Organisational Challenges Facing Right- Wing Populist Anti-Political Establishment Parties’, Parliamentary Affairs, 62(1): 72-87, January 2009) is available online at http://pa.oxfordjournals.org/content/62/1/72.abstract. Amir Abedi Thomas Carl Lundberg Department of Political Science School of Social and Political Sciences Western Washington University Adam Smith Building 516 High Street 40 Bute Gardens Bellingham, WA 98225-9082 University of Glasgow U.S.A. Glasgow G12 8RT +1-360-650-4143 Scotland [email protected] 0141-330 5144 [email protected] Abstract: Using the UK Independence Party (UKIP), we examine the effects of sudden electoral success on an Anti-Political Establishment (APE) party. The pressures of aspiring to government necessitate organisational structures resembling those of mainstream parties, while this aspiration challenges APE parties because they differ not just in terms of their policy profiles, but also in their more ‘unorthodox’ organisational make-up, inextricably linked to their electoral appeal. -
Case Study on the United Kingdom and Brexit Juliane Itta & Nicole Katsioulis the Female Face of Right-Wing Populism and Ex
Triumph of The women? The Female Face of Right-wing Populism and Extremism 02 Case study on the United Kingdom and Brexit Juliane Itta & Nicole Katsioulis 01 Triumph of the women? The study series All over the world, right-wing populist parties continue to grow stronger, as has been the case for a number of years – a development that is male-dominated in most countries, with right-wing populists principally elected by men. However, a new generation of women is also active in right-wing populist parties and movements – forming the female face of right-wing populism, so to speak. At the same time, these parties are rapidly closing the gap when it comes to support from female voters – a new phenomenon, for it was long believed that women tend to be rather immune to right-wing political propositions. Which gender and family policies underpin this and which societal trends play a part? Is it possible that women are coming out triumphant here? That is a question that we already raised, admittedly playing devil’s advocate, in the first volume of the publication, published in 2018 by the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Triumph of the women? The Female Face of the Far Right in Europe. We are now continuing this first volume with a series of detailed studies published at irregular intervals. This is partly in response to the enormous interest that this collection of research has aroused to date in the general public and in professional circles. As a foundation with roots in social democracy, from the outset one of our crucial concerns has been to monitor anti-democratic tendencies and developments, while also providing information about these, with a view to strengthening an open and democratic society thanks to these insights. -
State of Populism in Europe
2018 State of Populism in Europe The past few years have seen a surge in the public support of populist, Eurosceptical and radical parties throughout almost the entire European Union. In several countries, their popularity matches or even exceeds the level of public support of the centre-left. Even though the centre-left parties, think tanks and researchers are aware of this challenge, there is still more OF POPULISM IN EUROPE – 2018 STATE that could be done in this fi eld. There is occasional research on individual populist parties in some countries, but there is no regular overview – updated every year – how the popularity of populist parties changes in the EU Member States, where new parties appear and old ones disappear. That is the reason why FEPS and Policy Solutions have launched this series of yearbooks, entitled “State of Populism in Europe”. *** FEPS is the fi rst progressive political foundation established at the European level. Created in 2007 and co-fi nanced by the European Parliament, it aims at establishing an intellectual crossroad between social democracy and the European project. Policy Solutions is a progressive political research institute based in Budapest. Among the pre-eminent areas of its research are the investigation of how the quality of democracy evolves, the analysis of factors driving populism, and election research. Contributors : Tamás BOROS, Maria FREITAS, Gergely LAKI, Ernst STETTER STATE OF POPULISM Tamás BOROS IN EUROPE Maria FREITAS • This book is edited by FEPS with the fi nancial support of the European -
European Parliament Elections 2014 RESEARCH PAPER 14/32 11 June 2014
European Parliament Elections 2014 RESEARCH PAPER 14/32 11 June 2014 Elections to the European Parliament were held across the 28 states of the European Union between 22 and 25 May 2014. The UK elections were held concurrently with council elections in England and Northern Ireland on 22 May. The UK now has 73 MEPs, up from 72 at the last election, distributed between 12 regions. UKIP won 24 seats, Labour 20, the Conservatives 19, and the Green Party three. The Liberal Democrats won only one seat, down from 11 at the 2009 European election. The BNP lost both of the two seats they had won for the first time at the previous election. UKIP won the popular vote overall, and in six of the nine regions in England. Labour won the popular vote in Wales and the SNP won in Scotland. Across the UK as a whole turnout was 35%. Across Europe there was an increase in the number of seats held by Eurosceptic parties, although more centrist parties in established pro-European groups were still in the majority. The exact political balance of the new Parliament depends on the formation of the political groups. Turnout across the EU was 43%. It was relatively low in some of the newer Member States. Part 1 of this paper presents the full results of the UK elections, including regional analysis and local-level data. Part 2 presents a summary of the results across the EU, together with country-level summaries based on data from official national sources. Oliver Hawkins Vaughne Miller Recent Research Papers 14/22 Accident & Emergency Performance: England 2013/14. -
Violent Protest and Heterogeneous Diffusion
BRITAIN FIRST AND THE UK INDEPENDENCE PARTY: SOCIAL MEDIA AND MOVEMENT-PARTY DYNAMICS1 Thomas Davidson and Mabel Berezin2 FORTHCOMING IN DECEMBER 2018 ISSUE OF MOBILIZATION. PLEASE CITE THE PUBLISHED VERSION. Social movement scholars have recently turned their attention to the interactions between political parties and social movements, but little is known about how social media have impacted these relationships, despite widespread adoption of these technologies. We present a case study of the relationship between Britain First, a far-right anti-Muslim social movement, and the U.K. Independence Party, the Eurosceptic political party that spearheaded the Brexit campaign. The movement appeared marginal in the press but it dominated social media, using this presence to support to the party. We examine the dynamics of the relationship between these groups from 2013 until 2017, drawing upon data from social media, newspapers, and other online sources, and focusing on interactions between elites and rank-and-file supporters. Our findings illustrate how far-right groups have used new technologies to generate an unprecedented amount of popular support and to attempt to influence the political mainstream. A number of western democracies have recently experienced a resurgence of right-wing political activity in both the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary sphere (Akkerman, de Lange, and Rooduijn 2016; Mudde 2016; Muis and Immerzeel 2017). In Germany, the unprecedented electoral performance of the anti-immigrant Alternative for Germany (AfD) party -
Le Rôle Des Associations Eurosceptiques Et Du United
Le rôle des associations eurosceptiques et du United Kingdom Independence Party dans la campagne référendaire britannique de 2005 autour du traité constitutionnel européen Agnès Alexandre-Collier, Karine Tournier-Sol To cite this version: Agnès Alexandre-Collier, Karine Tournier-Sol. Le rôle des associations eurosceptiques et du United Kingdom Independence Party dans la campagne référendaire britannique de 2005 autour du traité constitutionnel européen. Revue française de civilisation britannique, CRECIB - Centre de recherche et d’études en civilisation britannique, 2009, pp.19-29. hal-00465876 HAL Id: hal-00465876 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00465876 Submitted on 10 Jun 2021 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution - NonCommercial - NoDerivatives| 4.0 International License 1 Article paru dans Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique, hors-série 2009, pp. 19-29 Le rôle des associations eurosceptiques et du United Kingdom Independence Party dans la campagne référendaire britannique de 2005 autour du traité constitutionnel européen Agnès ALEXANDRE-COLLIER, Université de Bourgogne et Karine TOURNIER-SOL, Université de Toulon. Si les résultats négatifs des référendums français et néerlandais du 29 mai et du 1er juin 2005 ont désormais exclu la possibilité d'un référendum britannique sur le traité constitutionnel européen, la perspective d'un référendum, à plus ou moins long terme, sur l'avenir de la place du Royaume-Uni dans l'Union européenne, n'en reste pas moins envisageable. -
The Conservatives and Europe, 1997–2001 the Conservatives and Europe, 1997–2001
8 Philip Lynch The Conservatives and Europe, 1997–2001 The Conservatives and Europe, 1997–2001 Philip Lynch As Conservatives reflected on the 1997 general election, they could agree that the issue of Britain’s relationship with the European Union (EU) was a significant factor in their defeat. But they disagreed over how and why ‘Europe’ had contributed to the party’s demise. Euro-sceptics blamed John Major’s European policy. For Euro-sceptics, Major had accepted develop- ments in the European Union that ran counter to the Thatcherite defence of the nation state and promotion of the free market by signing the Maastricht Treaty. This opened a schism in the Conservative Party that Major exacer- bated by paying insufficient attention to the growth of Euro-sceptic sentiment. Membership of the Exchange Rate Mechanism (ERM) prolonged recession and undermined the party’s reputation for economic competence. Finally, Euro-sceptics argued that Major’s unwillingness to rule out British entry into the single currency for at least the next Parliament left the party unable to capitalise on the Euro-scepticism that prevailed in the electorate. Pro-Europeans and Major loyalists saw things differently. They believed that Major had acted in the national interest at Maastricht by signing a Treaty that allowed Britain to influence the development of Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) without being bound to join it. Pro-Europeans noted that Thatcher had agreed to an equivalent, if not greater, loss of sovereignty by signing the Single European Act. They believed that much of the party could and should have united around Major’s ‘wait and see’ policy on EMU entry.