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Popular Culture and the Revolutionary State in Mexico, 1910-1940

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Popular Culture and the Revolutionary State in Mexico, 1910-1940 Hispanic American Historical Review 74:3 Copyright © 1994 by Duke University Press eee 0018-2168/94/$1.50 Popular Culture and the Revolutionary State in Mexico, 1910-1940 ALAN KNIGHT H EN the dust of the battles of the Bajio settled and the victorious Constitutionalists found themselves W -loosely-in control of Mexico's national destiny, they confronted a country bled by civil war, ravaged by disease, and plagued by economic problems. I Reconstruction became the watchword of the new regime, which espoused ostensibly radical means in order to achieve more traditional ends: namely, the achievement of economic devel­ opment and political stability.2 Hence the revolutionary regime's apparent ambivalence; its contradictory blend of conservative and revolutionary ele­ ments, which has created headaches for historians (espeCially those who want to segregate Mexicans neatly into revolutionary sheep and conserva­ tive goats). The picture, as this article will suggest, is more complex. The revolutionaries emulated their Pomrian (old regime) predecessors, hence revisionist historiography shows a fondness for Tocquevillean notions of revolutionary continuity; but they did so in radically changed circum­ stances, in the wake of a civil war that not only had ravaged the coun­ try, but also-and more importantly-had mobilized the masses. With this mobilization came new popular forces, manifested in social banditry, guerrilla and conventional armies, sindicatos and mutualist societies, peas­ ant leagues, and embryonic political parties of both Right and Left. Popular mobilization also brought a genuine shift in popular mentalite (or, more likely, it brought into the open popular attitudes that, before the revolu- 1. The battles of the Bajio in the spring and summer of 1915 marked the triumph of the Constitutionalists ofVenustiano Carranza over the forces of Francisco Villa. See Alan Knight, The Mexican Revolution, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1986), 2:321ff. 2. Ibid., 498, 500, 511. Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/hahr/article-pdf/74/3/393/718665/0740393.pdf by guest on 26 September 2021 394 I HAHR I AUGUST I ALAN KNIGHT tionary annus mirabilis of 1910, had been latent, covert, and dissimulated, after the manner described by James C. Scott).3 Thus, even if the socioeconomic structure of Mexico retained the linea­ ments of the old regime-the hacienda still existed; foreign companies still dominated mining, much of industry, and exports-the revolution marked a sea change in Mexican politics and political attitudes. Furthermore, as the Constitutionalists took power nationally, this change was far from com­ plete. A national regime was in place and-as we know in hindsight­ it survived, despite some close calls (especially 1923-24). But the nature of that regime, its personnel and policies, and, above all, its relationship to Mexican civil society were all imponderables; hence they were to be fought over, literally and figuratively, for at least a generation to come. This paper reviews the struggle, fOCUSing on the cultural project of the nascent revolutionary state. It divides into three sections, each dealing with a theme that is more difficult-although perhaps more interesting­ than its predecessor. First, it addresses the nature of the revolutionary cul­ tural project; second, it tries to explain that project's rationale and appeal to policymakers; and finally, more briefly and tentatively, it tries to gauge the success of the project as an engine of social change-in which respect I offer rough hypotheses rather than considered conclusions. En route, some comparisons with other revolutionary projects of cultural change are suggested.4 I The new regime was an activist, "Bourbon" regime.5 It sought to mold minds, to create citizens, to nationalize and rationalize the wayward, re­ calcitrant, diverse peoples of Mexico. "To be a revolutionary today," de­ clared the anticlerical enrage Amulfo Perez H., "means to forge minds 3. James C. Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden TransCripts (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1990). 4. These comparisons chiefly involve the English and (more so) the French Revolution. Partly because of the constraints of space and expertise, I do not address the socialist revolu­ tions of the twentieth century. However, while comparisons with Soviet, Chinese, or Cuban "cultural projects" would no doubt be illuminating, I suspect they would be less fruitful­ since, notwithstanding the "socialist" emphasis ofthe Mexican project, it was conceived and carried out in a developing capitalist society, in the wake, it could be argued, of a "bour­ geois" revolution. For this argument, see Alan Knight, "Social Revolution: A Latin American Perspective," Bulletin of Latin American Research 9:2 (1990), 175-202. 5. For a brief discussion of the "ideal-type" Hapsburg and Bourbon states (the former a more modest state, mirroring society, dedicated to the status quo and maintaining a quali­ fied consensus; the latter an ambitious state, seeking to mold society, committed to social change, and productive of dissension), see Alan Knight, "State Power and Political Stability in Mexico," in Mexico: Dilemmas of Transition, ed. Neil Harvey (London: Institute of Latin American Studies, 1993), 42-44. Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/hahr/article-pdf/74/3/393/718665/0740393.pdf by guest on 26 September 2021 CULTURE AND STATE IN MEXICO, 1910-1940 395 and to construct wills."6 Policies such as agrarian reform that, accord­ ing to the traditional view, responded to demands of social justice were also exercises in state building and social engineering.7 Yet more clearly, revolutionary educational policy sought to inculcate literacy, nationalism, notions of citizenship, sobriety, hygiene, and hard work.8 Art, rhetoric, and (by the 1930S) radio were enlisted for the same purposes.9 In Mexico, as in revolutionary France or Cuba, the revolutionaries sought to create a "new man"-and, with more difficulty, a new woman. lO Most important of all, they had to create a new child. For, in the eyes of many reformers, Mexican adults were too far gone, and hope lay not with the prales, but with the children of the prales. Hence the importance of the school and the schoolteacher: "The nation of the future will be what the school has been able to make of its children." 11 It was the task of teachers to "mold and model that youthful material, purifying it of the blemishes and vices that affect it." 12 A key item of this project of cultural transformation was anticlericalism. In revolutionary eyes, the Catholic church was an antinational force, in thrall to the Vatican, hostile to the new regime and its reformist program, allied to conservative vested interests, and supportive of superstition and backwardness. Priests were "vassals of the Vatican," "enemies in our own 6. Perez H. equipped himself with an unusual business card that read: "First Secre­ tary of the Ministry of Agriculture. Deputy to the Federal Congress. Member of the PNR. Personal Enemy of God." See Carlos Martinez Assad, Ellaboratorio de la revoluci6n. El Tabasco garridista (Mexico City: Siglo Veintiuno, 1979), 85, 198. 7. By "traditional" I refer to the view, initially espoused by the revolutionary regime and apparent in many of the major studies of the Revolution, that depicts the latter as a dis­ interested movement for social justice and reform. Against this may be set the more recent "revisionist" interpretation, which stresses the corrupt, power-hungry, careerist aspects of the Revolution. 8. See Mary Kay Vaughan, The State, Education, and Social Class in Mexico, 1880-1928 (DeKalb: Northern Illinois Univ. Press, 1982). 9. Radio was considered especially important not only because listeners did not need to be literate but also because it was accessible to rural women. See, for example, the programs and services listed in Secretarla de Educaci6n Publica, "Extension educativa por radio," Ar­ chivo Historico de la Secretaria de Educacion Publica, Mexico City (henceforth SEP), caja 1086, expediente 12 (Morelos). (All SEP reports cited are from rural schoolteachers or fed­ eral school inspectors to the SEP, unless otherwise stated. Caja and expediente will be cited thus: 1086112). 10. Ibid., including didactic programs on "el nuevo papel de la mujer campesina"; Mariano Isunza, Tantoyucan, Veracruz, Feb. 8, 1933, SEP 1071/2, stressing that "la edu­ cacion de la mujer es sumamente importante"; Serafin Sanchez, Veracruz, June 30, 1934, SEP 1071/6, reporting his exhortations to peasant parents "que mandan a sus hijas grandes a clase, demostrandoles las ventajes de la mujer ilustrada sobre la ignorante." 11. Slogan of El Nino Mexicano, Apr. 15, 1935, in Froylan E. Cuenca, Galeana, Morelos, SEP 202/5. See also Jose C. LOpez, Papantla, May 11, 1935, SEP 208116. 12. Eve Toledo Arteaga, social worker, Nueva ltalia, Michoacan, Nov. 20, 1939, to SEP, Michoacan, Escuela Rural Federal, 1938 (IVII61[IV-14]), 3633. Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/hahr/article-pdf/74/3/393/718665/0740393.pdf by guest on 26 September 2021 I HAHR I AUGUST I ALAN KNIGHT house." 13 Only by overcoming the church could Mexico achieve integra­ tion, progress, and development. Before analyzing this project in somewhat greater detail, it is impor­ tant to establish its genealogy. It would be a mistake to exaggerate its novelty. State projects of "modernization"-embracing education, anti­ clericalism, nationalism, and "developmentalism"-were nothing new in Mexican history. They can be traced back to the Bourbons at least. 14 And, as recent historiography stresses, the liberal project of the nineteenth cen­ tury owed a good deal to Bourbon precedent. IS Similarly, the revolution­ aries of 1910 harked back to the liberals, both wittingly and unwittingly. Arguably more important, though less emphasized by today's politically minded historians, was the continuity of "developmentalism," by which I mean the current of ideas that stressed the need to develop Mexican society and economy, above all by disciplining, educating, and moralizing the degenerate Mexican masses.
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