No Fracking Way!
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ASRXXX10.1177/0003122415598534American Sociological ReviewVasi et al. 5985342015 American Sociological Review 1 –26 “No Fracking Way!” © American Sociological Association 2015 DOI: 10.1177/0003122415598534 Documentary Film, Discursive http://asr.sagepub.com Opportunity, and Local Opposition against Hydraulic Fracturing in the United States, 2010 to 2013 Ion Bogdan Vasi,a Edward T. Walker,b John S. Johnson,c and Hui Fen Tand Abstract Recent scholarship highlights the importance of public discourse for the mobilization and impact of social movements, but it neglects how cultural products may shift discourse and thereby influence mobilization and political outcomes. This study investigates how activism against hydraulic fracturing (“fracking”) utilized cultural artifacts to influence public perceptions and effect change. A systematic analysis of Internet search data, social media postings, and newspaper articles allows us to identify how the documentary Gasland reshaped public discourse. We find that Gasland contributed not only to greater online searching about fracking, but also to increased social media chatter and heightened mass media coverage. Local screenings of Gasland contributed to anti-fracking mobilizations, which, in turn, affected the passage of local fracking moratoria in the Marcellus Shale states. These results have implications not only for understanding movement outcomes, but also for theory and research on media, the environment, and energy. Keywords social movements, environment, hydraulic fracturing, social media, mass media Social movements attempt to change public 2012). When social movements “do” cul- perceptions of their grievances not only by ture—not just consume culture—they possess organizing collective actions, but also by “an extraordinarily powerful mode for both using cultural products and artifacts. Move- ments may introduce new ideas through cul- a tural products such as music (Danaher 2010; University of Iowa bUniversity of California, Los-Angeles Eyerman and Jamison 1998; Roy 2010), cHarmony Institute books (Meyer and Rohlinger 2012), and films dCornell University (Andits 2013; Whiteman 2003). These cul- tural products do not mobilize masses and Corresponding Author: Ion Bogdan Vasi, Department of Sociology and generate government response by themselves: College of Business, University of Iowa, 120 they require intensive and organized efforts to Seashore Hall, Iowa City, IA, 52241 generate activism (Meyer and Rohlinger E-mail: [email protected] 2 American Sociological Review solidifying commitment to collective action documentary film. Documentary filmmaking and for helping collectivities achieve their is increasingly a central component of organ- goals” (Roy 2010:258). But although a num- ized, multimedia social action campaigns. We ber of studies of movement mobilization and argue that documentary film may represent a outcomes analyze the role of cultural prod- discursive opportunity available to social ucts, they primarily examine how issues that movement actors. Documentary films can be social movements address relate to cultural seen as discursive opportunities that generate content (Berezin 1994; Eyerman and Jamison public interest, discussion, problematization, 1995; Hanson 2008; Lipsitz 2000; McAdam and new political preferences around critical 1994; Steinberg 2004; Zolberg 1997). social issues, as we will explain in further Empirical research on social movements’ depth. Documentary films create new topics use of cultural products to alter public percep- of popular discourse, inspire political activ- tions has two important shortcomings. First, ism, and even influence policymaking. Some these studies do not examine the influence of pieces of legislation, in fact, are informally movement-related artifacts on the broader known by the name of the documentary that public sphere, especially public spheres that inspired them, such as the recent “Blackfish extend beyond mainstream media. Recent bill” in California that would ban Sea World studies point out that features of the broader from keeping orcas in captivity.1 There are political culture moderate movements’ likeli- now entire film production companies, such hood of generating social and political as entrepreneur Jeff Skoll’s Participant Media, change, as contentious collective actors must that focus primarily on creating documenta- also develop persuasive accounts that align ries to inspire social change. However, social with themes in public discourse (Bail 2012; scientists have yet to systematically explore Ferree 2003; Giugni et al. 2005; Koopmans how social movements use documentary 2004; Koopmans and Olzak 2004; McCam- films to leverage social change campaigns mon et al. 2008; McCammon et al. 2007). In (Karlin and Johnson 2011). In particular, it is this body of research, scholars draw attention not known if documentaries are effective to whether a movement’s claims-making tools for local mobilizations, and the extent to aligns with broader societal discursive oppor- which they may influence policymaking tunities, that is, ideas about what is sensible, either directly or indirectly. realistic, or legitimate in political culture Beyond social movement theories, under- (Koopmans and Statham 1999). These oppor- standing how activists use cultural products tunities may be stable or volatile and they to alter discourses and shape policymaking is may be narrowly selective or broadly inclu- important for theories of media and environ- sive and accepting of movement ideas; fur- mental sociology. Research on media focuses thermore, these opportunities may shape on the processes of gathering and disseminat- movement actors’ decisions to tailor their ing news in mass media (Gans 1979; Gitlin frames to resonant themes (McCammon et al. 1980; Tuchman 1978) or through social media 2007). These studies have widened the lens of (Bennett and Segerberg 2012; Hussain and research on social movement outcomes, but Howard 2013; Tufekci and Wilson 2012), but they have not examined how activists exploit not in both simultaneously. Moreover, this cultural products as discursive opportunities, research primarily examines the role of dis- particularly outside the realm selectively cov- ruptive events and political contexts on news- ered by the mass media. paper coverage (see, e.g., Amenta et al. 2009), A second shortcoming in research on but not the role of artifacts such as documen- movements’ use of cultural products is that it taries.2 At the same time, research on environ- does not explain systematically how artifacts mental sociology shows that, even though are used to mobilize sympathizers and affect many communities are plagued by environ- change. A particularly important, yet insuffi- mental problems, the perception or public ciently researched, type of artifact is the expression of grievances is frequently lacking Vasi et al. 3 (Aronoff and Gunter 1994; Crenson 1971; socially constructed and politically contested Gaventa 1982; Roscigno 2011). Yet, research (Freudenburg and Jones 1991; Leiserowitz has not explored how activists use cultural 2004; Pidgeon, Kasperson, and Slovic 2003; products to overcome quiescence. Further- Vasi and King 2012). more, while research shows that activism may We begin by providing background on con- change perceptions of environmental risks tention surrounding hydraulic fracturing and (Vasi and King 2012), it does not examine the value of this research site for investigating how activism can shape perceptions of risks, our theoretical questions. We then discuss the mobilize the public, and affect policy change. importance of activist documentaries and dis- We argue that by scrutinizing activism sur- cursive opportunities. After laying out our rounding documentaries, we can identify expectations for the study, we offer background changes in perceptions of environmental risks on the rich online and social media data that we in mass and social media spheres, and we use to supplement our data sources on media explore how these changes lead to public discourse, fracking activity, and other meas- claims-making and local political change. ures. We then describe results from our investi- We undertake an analysis of the strategy gations at both national and local levels. At the and effects of activist documentary through a national level, we examine the role of activism detailed investigation of social movement surrounding Gasland for the emergence of dis- efforts to halt the controversial natural gas cursive opportunities in social and mass media. extraction method known as hydraulic frac- At the local level, we examine the use of Gas- turing, or “fracking.” We use a detailed con- land as an organizing tool and assess its contri- ceptualization and measurement of the shifts bution to mobilizations that led to municipal in public discourse that follow from such fracking bans in the Marcellus Shale region of opportunities, which is made possible by the the eastern United States. relatively recent availability of social media data. This allows us to understand these pro- cesses starting with public attention to a topic HYDRAULIC FRACTURING (Internet searches), moving to the overall AND GASLAND volume of chatter about it (on social media Hydraulic fracturing—also known as “frack- sites), and, in turn, the generation of diagnos- ing”—is a method of extracting natural gas tic (problem identification and blame attribu- that goes back to the 1940s, although it was in tion) and prognostic (suggesting remedies only limited use