U N IV E R S IT' O F CALI FO R NIA P U B LICATIO NS

IN

AM E R ICAN AR C H AE O LO '' AN D ET H NO LO ''

- o l. 16 N 2 V o . , . 2 9 4 5 Ma c h 2 9 19 1 , pp r , 9

TH E MATR ILINE AL COMP LE '

B'

R O BE R T LO I H . W E

D r . Hartland has recently reopened discussion of a question which has for a number of years been regarded as closed by American ethnologists— the relative p riority of matrilineal and patrilineal insti i 1 tu t ons . It is always desi rable to reexamine from time to time the

a fund mental conceptions of a science , and a challenge to accepted theories often leads to a remarkable illumination of basic principles .

’ ' s K The main obj ection to Dr . Hartland s e say on Matrilineal inship ” and the 'ue s tion of Its Priority must rest not on his r ef u sal to bow w to the established American vie , but on his inadmissible method of

a appro ch .

D r . Hartland defends two important propositions . In the first ' place , he believes that normally and apart from a few exceptions

that seem well established , kinship was originally reckoned on one ” s side only 'p . Secondly , he contends that de cent through the

mother regularly preceded descent through the father . The first of

- as these contentions seems to me singularly ill founded , inasmuch we

find almost uni formly that the tribes on the lowest level of civilization ,

whether Andaman Islanders , Sakai , or Plateau Shoshoneans , lack the

unilateral mode of reckoning kinship . However , at present I am con

’ s cerned solely with the second of Dr . Hartland s propo itions .

his But before entering into a discussion of method of proof , I must deal with a matter of terminology . In America it has been ' ” customary of late to refer to matrilineal social units as clans and ' ” a to patrilineal groups as gentes . This involves the unfortunate l ck of a generic term for a unilateral group regardless of mode of descent . L ’ e fl . Moreov r , such usage con icts both with ewis H Morgan s use of

gens in the generic sense , and the generic use of clan firmly established

1 M m a t an a i in e a in i an d th e e ti n its i it e . E . S . H r l d , M tr l l K sh p 'u s o of Pr or y , Am A h I — 1 1 . nt r A c V 1 90 9 7 . . sso , , , niv e sit o a li nia u b icati ns in Am h . Ar . and E thn ] 1 6 . V O U r y f C for P l o c [ .

among English writers . In an elementary course on anthropology at the University of California I eliminated these difficulties by con ” ” sisten tl - y employing the term kin generically , and mother kin or ' ' - e . father kin by way of specification . Since th n , however , Drs 'oddard and Kroeber have pointed out the misleading connotations of the term kin when technically res tr icted to the unilateral 'and

normally exogamous ) group . Accordingly , I will substitute the old ' ” has term sib , which recently been resuscitated in Professor Phil

’ ’ s H is t r r m i r brick translation of Huebner s o y of 'e an c P iv ate Law .

o . How , then , d es Dr Hartland establish the conclusion that existing

- - father sibs have grown out of mother sibs , thus converting an observed simultaneity into a chronological sequence ? His own statements leave

no doubt whatsoever as to his method of procedure . He determines ' first wh at are the chief characteristics of the matrilineal organization ” of society 'p . This is accomplished by taking a people in whi ch that organization is exhibited in the full strength and noting its ” if r en peculiarities 'b il ) . When subsequently such features are countered in combination with patrilineal descent they are interpreted ' ” 23 as survivals of matrilineal polity 'p . )

The logical error involved in this procedure is patent . Dr . Hart land is obliged to introduce in the place of mere matrilineal descent , f about which the discussion revolves , the very di ferent concept of a matrilineal complex ; and that complex heestablishes not by empiri cal observation but by selecting a people in which it is supposed to be m exhibited in its full strength . This esti ate as to the vigor of matri

lineal organization is clearly arbitrary ; Dr . Hartland has rational istic ally constructed an organization such as might logic ally follow from matrilineal descent and then finds a few concrete illustrations

u of this purely a priori conception , from which in t rn he deduces the

- traits of the mother sib . The task of the critical ethnologist is very

different . Starting from the one pivotal feature of maternal descent , he must establish by empirical observation what other features appear

- s in combination with the mother sib . This is the only po sibility of establishing the facts in the case . m Now what are the traits which Dr . Hartland deduces as sy p tomatic of the typical matrilineal organizations ? Essentially his

’ 2 T l r 1 o s . enumeration 'p . 0) coincides with y earlier statement

- n According to both writers , the mother sib , defi ed by matrilineal

des cent , is further distinguished by matrilocal residence ; the inherit

2 n hr I n t 'V 252 1 8 89 . 'ou r . E t . s , III, , Lowie : The Ma trilin eal Complex

ance of property within the sib ; and matrilineal authority vested more

’ particularly in the mother s brother . In the present paper I shall discuss first the alleged correlation between matrilineal des cent and matrilocal residence , and shall supplement this inqu iry with a corre s on din u p g examination of the av nculate and matrilineal i nheritance ,

two institutions which are best considered in conjunction . m Startin g our survey with North A erica , we find four regions with matrilineal descent—w an appreciable part of the Atlantic population 'embracing notably the Iroquois and the Southeastern tribes) three

Northern Plains tribes , the Mandan , Hidatsa , and C row ; the Pueblo

Indians ; and some of the Northwest Coast Indians . What are the ascertainable facts with reference to residence ? ’ ffi As to the Iroquois , Morgan s statements are hardly su ciently

l a t u exp icit , but they suggest th t the bride ook p her abode with the

’ groom s relatives . Our author represents the bride as conducted to

the home of her intended husband , where she presents some bread to

- in - her ns her mother law as proof of domestic accomplishme t , while the husband ’s mother returns some venison to the girl ’s mother as

”3 an earnest of his ability to provide for his household . On the other e hand , the Southeastern tribes obviously practic d matrilocal residence R to some degree . Dr . 'ohn . Swanton informs me that among the Creek the women stayed in one place and thei r husbands came there

same clan from other localities , the houses of women of the being built in immediate proximity to one another . This scheme , according

to the same authority , seems to have prevailed likewise among the L Timucua of Florida . Similarly , the Choctaw men of Bayou acomb , L ’ 4 ' ouisiana , lived i n their wives villages . Among the uchi there was no obligatory rule . A woman normally left her home and the husband ' built a house for the new couple ; but sometimes the man goes to

’ ”5 live with his wife s parents u ntil he is able to s tar t fo r himself.

For the three Plains tribes the data are fairly definite . The

’ his h - in - f re Mandan youth often remained in fat er law s lodge , but ' quently a new bu t was constructed . Similarly the Hidatsa had no

in the be innin absolute rule , though g g the young couple generally

’ remained with the wife s parents , the husband acting as thei r servant

8 - - - - L an Le a u the H o d e n o sau n ee L ed . 31 3 1904 . . H . Morg , g e of , loyd , I , , 4 m mm a n i L u i I B n e The a a La . Ta a D . . ush ll , Ch oct w of B y ou co b , St y P r sh , o s 1 909 iana Am B B 48 . 2 . t . . 7 , Bur . . hu , ull , p , 5 F e h n the 'u i In ian . 95 1909 . I a i i n e e . G . Sp ck , Et ology of ch d s, p , t l cs s rt d ’ the au t by h or .

6 Ma imi ian ei e in d as inn e e N - Ame i a in d e n 'a en 1 83 2 his 1 834 x l , R s r ord r c hr , 128 1 8 39 II , , . nive sit o a li nia u li a ti ns in A h b Am . . and E lbu V l 1 6 . o U r y f C for P c o rc [ .

' 7 m and hunter . A ong the Crow , on the other hand , wedlock generally 8 began with patrilocal residence . The Pueblo Indians of Arizona and New Mexico form the classical

e A exampl of matrilocal abode . mong the Hopi the house belongs to

a the wom n , and the daughter after marriage lives with her husband

’ 9 c under her mother s roof . The identical s hem e prevails among the

’ 1 0 1 1 Z li i u and the Sia . But this is not the usage of the nomadic Navaho ” In the absence of the husband , say our most trustworthy au thor i ' ” an a 1 2 ties , the mother pays her daughter occ sional visit . The

Apache custom differs from this , yet without conforming to the Pueblo ' - in - practice . The young man lived with his father law for som e tim e ” the 1 3 and hunted for the support of family .

. K There remain the Pacific Coast people According to rause , the

’ h ad Tlingit both matrilocal and patrilocal unions , while Swanton s

1 4 account strongly suggests the preponderance of the latter . The

. i Haida data are unusually illuminat ng . A boy became engaged be tween fifteen and eighteen and during the period of betr othal he lived

’ fi n c ée s i u ntil a a . with his family , work ng for them his marri ge But at the wedding ceremony the father of the girl politely disparaged her ' - ln - abilities , adding that he knew that her future mother law would

take care of her , he was glad that his daughter was going to live with

’ 1 5 the young man s sisters , etc . For the Tsimshian we have recent f ' information to the e fect that the bride is carried down to the canoe , and she departs with her husband to his village , where they live . If

the groom belongs to the same village , the couple often stay with the

’ ” 1 6 l girl s parents .

The facts for North America are readily summarized . Matrilocal residence in an unequivocal form exists only in two matronymic

— centers among the Pueblo Indians and among the Creek . Elsewhere such practice is confined either to the earliest period of wedlock or .the

an bears s preceding condition of betrothal , d on its face the cleare t

7 L ie N te on the ia O an iz ati n an d C m o f th e an an ow , o s Soc l rg o usto s M d ,

91 . i a a an d In ian . 46 1 7 H d ts , Crow d s , p , 223 191 2 8 L ie ia Li e the C I n ian . . ow , Soc l f of row d s , p , ' 1 5 9 W u Th e i I n i an . 1 27 1 9 . . Ho gh , Hop d s , p , 05 1 904 1 0 e v en n The Z u ni I n ian . 3 . M . C . St so , d s , p , 94 1 8 . 1 1 C tev e n n Th e S ia . 22 M . . S so , , p ,

' 1 2 An n i i ti n a the Nav a Lan Th e Fr an cisc an Fath ers , Eth olog c D c o ry of h o

449 1 91 0 . a e . gu g , p , 6 1 1 3 1 3 a I n ian the t e t . 1 2 9 . P . E . Godd rd , d s of Sou hw s , p ,

- 220 1 8 85 an n 26th An n R 1 4 A a e D i e T in i I n ian e . ; . e . . Kr us , l k t d r , p , Sw to , p 08 428 1 9 . Am B t . . B u r . . hu , p , h n the ai a 1 5 an n C n ib i n t e y , ; 5 0 51 '. R . Sw to , o tr ut o s to Eth olog of H d pp , ,

1 905 .

532 1 91 6. 1 6 F B a T im i an t . , . o s , s sh My hology , p Lowie : The Ma trilinea l Comp lex

evidence of association with a rendering of services by way of com i ens at on . e p Moreover , patrilocal r sidence occurs among tribes with

- mother sibs , and in a number of instances both modes of residence exist side by side without any suggestion that either is deemed

preferable .

It is very interesting to note that while mother - sibs are not ih

frequently consistent with patrilocal residence , a patrilineal scheme or loose organization often appears with matrilocal residence or indi

- in - cations thereof . Thus the Blackfoot felt that the father law was

for a time entitled to part of the spoils of the chase and war , especially

1 7 the latter . Similarly , without actual matrilocal residence , the Omaha

husband labors on behalf of his father - in - law for the period of one or

1 8 two years . With the Arapaho the new couple occupy indeed a tent

’ 1 9 of thei r own , but it is pitched by the lodge of the bride s father .

Cheyenne usage seems to be strictly parallel to that of the Arapaho . Among the 'ros V entre a bridegroom often settled with hi s father

2 1 ln - s la w . The E a tern Dakota practiced both customs with apparently

2 2 equal frequency ; and the same applies to the Assiniboine . Matri local residence as a normal usage of the E astern Cree is vouched for

2 3 — by some of the early travelers . Finally may be cited some though — f by no means all o the Central E skimo communities , where house

’ 2 4 keeping regularly begins with the bride s family .

s This list , which could undoubtedly be materially increa ed , will of course be greeted by adherents of the good old school as so many

- a y symptoms of a former mother sib scheme . An auxili ry h pothesis

i . c an always be framed to account for d sconcerting facts We , how

em irical ever , are concerned here with ascertaining the p data without encumbering our statement with any questionable assumption ; and

accordingly , our survey establishes the indisputable fact that many

matrilineal tribes practice patrilocal residence , while on the other

hand , some form of matrilocal residence is frequently linked with

- father sibs .

m s ler The ia Li e the Bla I n ia n . 1 0 191 1 . , Soc l f of ck foot d s , p , 1 8 9 1 24 1 1 . A C F e t an F La Fle c h e The O ma a T i e . 3 . e : l ch r d . s , h r b , p ,

1 9 A L e Th A a 1 2 1 90 2 . e e a . . . Kro b r , r p ho , p , 2 0 E S i h N t Am i an I n ian VI 1 5 7 1 91 1 . . . t T e e Cur s , or h r c d , , , 2 1 0 0 8 8 1 9 . e e t n th e V e nt e . 1 Kro b r , E h ology of Gros r , p , 2 2 93 L ie . . i a a amm a Te t an d t n . 205 1 8 S R R ggs , D kot Gr r , x s , E h ology , p , ; ow , The A in i in e 40 41 1 909 ss bo , pp . , , . 2 3 A. inn e N te o n th e a te n e e and N t e n a tea . 5 7 Sk r , o s E s r Cr or h r S ul ux , p , ’ 1 91 1 Fr a nk lin ' u n e the e th e la S e a III v e m an s Lib a ; , o r y to Shor s of Po r , , E ry r ry l

e d . 66 , p . .

2 4 B a The e nt im 5 9 1 8 8 a 7 8 . o s, C r l Esk o , p . , niv e s it o Ca i nia u b li a ti ns in Am h u V l 1 6 A . a n E lb o . U r y f l for P c o . rc d . [

The conclusions reach e d for North America must be tested by data

d e from other ivisions of the glob . Turning next to Melanesia as one

' of the best studied regions of Oceania , we find that in the groups investigated by Codrington the young man regularly takes his wife to ’ ” T ’ . R hi s own or to his father s house o D r . ivers Oceanian researches we are indebted for a quite general statement on the subj ect

th e r e i s littl e dou b t it is usu al throughout M elan e sia for a m a rrie d ’ iv i th an l T i v n a v e n coupl e to l e w th e husb d s p e op e . h e r e s thus e id e c e th t e in h a t e an e i a i ha i a in i i n h m i in t e p r of M l s wh ch s soc l st tut o s of t e ost arch ac k d , t e e i s n o a iati n m a t i a m a ia e it m a ilin a en 2 6 h r ssoc o of r loc l rr g w h tr e l d e sc t .

What is true for Melanesia holds so generally in Australi a that ' Dr . Hartland is constrained to admit the practically universal cus

” 7 of 2 tom takin g the wife to reside with her husband .

nfo rtu n atelv . U Finally , we may consider the data from Africa i this still remains for sociological purposes the Dark Cont nent . At least I have failed to gain a comprehensive picture of rules of descent

n d a residence and am obliged to pres ent random findings . In that portion of the Ewe nation visited by E llis m atr onymy was coupled 2 8 f with patrilocal abode . O the Bantu the Bakongo are likewise é° 2 9 H erero matronymic and patrilocal , and this applies also to the . The Ovambo differ from their neighbors inasmuch as female descent is here associ at ed with a p r eliminar y matrilocal residence durin g

’ whi ch the wi fe s parents are masters of the situation ; but when the young husband is about thirty he establishes a settlement of his own

3 1 and gains his independence . Finally , I may cite the Makonde case

’ a from E st Africa , where a youn g man marries his maternal uncle s

3 2 daughter and lives near her father .

We may now summarize our total results . The Australian and Melanesian facts lend no support whatsoever to the theory that

, maternal descent is regularly accompanied by the matrilocal factor . The African and American data are slightly more favorable but by no means warrant the dictum that matrilocal residence is a sv mptom of ma ron m t y y .

2 5 fi 1 91 238 . 8 . C in n Th an e ian . . e e R H . odr gto , M l s s , pp , 2 6 W H i i e ane ia n iet 1 26 19 14 . R . ve Th t . . R rs , e H s ory of M l s Soc y , II , , 2 7 5 n . cit. 6 a t a . H r l d , op , p .

2 8 A i Th e E w e - e a in e e th e av e a e A i a . B . Ell s , sp k g P opl s of Sl Co st of W st fr c ,

2 9 — 1 4 1 45 1 47 1 9 . Am n h im i iv B a n . A. e t e t e W e k s , o g Pr k o go , pp ,

0 - - 3 1 63 1 72 1 891 . in z t S ii w t A i a . W . Sch , D e u sch d es fr k , pp , , 3 1 I bid . 304 3 1 1 , pp . , . 8 2 383 1 909 . n N r n O i a . . e e e e le en i a K W l , g b st fr k , p , 1 91 9 ] Lo 'wie : The Ma trilineal Comp lex

’ This conclusion does not oblige us to abandon altogether Tylo r s

s 8 3 suggestion that mode of re idence is connected with rules of descent .

‘ Possibly in a number of instances the retention of a girl by her family after the Hopi and Z u fii fashion led to reckoning her children as

members of the group of the house owner . But since that retention

is so rarely protracted beyond the initial stage of wedlock , the

hypothesis , with all its seductive plausibility , seems to be of limited

applicability . Perhaps it would be better to divide sharply cases of

’ an d permanent of temporary abode with the woman s kindred . We

might then find that the former category is uniformly , or nearly so ,

r n associated with mat o ymy . But in what part of the world except the southwest of North America and possibly the Khasi of Assam does permanent matrilocal residence occur ? At present it therefore seems

best to lump together all Ou r cases - under a single heading and make

some estimate of the strength of the tested correlation . There is so much difficulty in weighting our geographical units and the distinction between tempora ry and permanent matrilocal residence that I will

refrain from venturing on a mathematical computation . But as a f guess I should say that the coe ficient , instead of approximating one hundred per cent would be much nearer to ten per cent on the most

favorable view of the case . Let us next turn to the customs embraced und e r the term ” s m avunculate . In what sense is it possible to treat these as y p

tomatic ? of the matrilineal complex That is , to what extent are

mother - sibs connected with avuncular authority or an altogether dis

’ ’ tin ctiv e relationship between mother s brother and sister s son ? The avunculate in North America is described by Morgan in a significant passage

’ H e i s a ti a at e m e th ea h is i te ami t an his , pr c c lly , r h r or e h d of s s r s f ly h ’ i h an m n h s e a m e if a is to be a e e s . A h c a s st r usb d o gst t e C o t , for x pl , boy pl c d

at his u n e i n tea his a e a e him the mi i n an d m a e school cl , s d of f th r , t k s t o ss o k s th a an m A m h in m a e i e e v i e e e en . n u n e a n t n e a e rr g t cl , o g e W b go s , y r 'u r s r c s of

a n e e a mini te ti n i h his ow n at e n eit e a sk ph w , or d s r corr e c o , wh c f h r would h r n o r atte m t In i m an n i h I a an d O an u n e m a a p . l k e e r w th t e ow s to es , cl y ppro ’ r ia te hi ow n u s hi n his un e e n a e t p to s e s e ph e w s h ors e or g , or oth r p rso l prop r y ,

it ein e ti n e i his ow n at e u av e n o e ni z e i w hout b g 'u s o d , wh ch f h r wo ld h r cog d r ght

B u t v his n i i m it is m e i nifi an m his to do . o er e c es th s s a e author y or s g c t , fro

a i i ati n in ei m a ia n a i in m an I n ian n ati n ar e p rt c p o th r rr ge co tr cts , wh ch , y d o s , u n e n 3 4 fo d d u po n a co n sid e r atio n in the nature of pr e s e ts .

3 3 ' u An thr In 'VI 258 1 889 o r . . st . , II , , . ’ 3 4 L m i 1 . . . an e C n an u in i an A fin t 1 58 1 8 7 H Morg , Sy st s of o s g ty d f y , p . , nive sit o a li ni b li ti h hn V 6 A c an E t . 1 a u a ns i n Am . d OL U r y f C for P c o r . [

’ has With reference to the Winnebago , Morgan s statement since

been verified and supplemented .

A m an c an ta k e lib e r tie s with his m a t er n al u n cl e wh ich ar e e xpr essly

ib ite it his a te n al n an d u n an hi m a n a n t 'e t in proh d w h p r u cl e a t d s te r al u . spite of this fr ee dom a m an an d his m ate r n al u n cle stan d i n p artic u l a rly clos e

‘ e ati n i th e m e al a a tin in the a a it a erv an t O n the r l o sh p , for r w y s c g c p c y of s . w ar - at a ti la l t i e ati n i i s n i n its t n e t a e p h , p r cu r y , h s r l o sh p sh ow s ro g s ph s , for th en the n eph e w m u st a ccomp an y him as a sort of e s'uir e an d suffe r hims elf to b e lain hi s m a e n a u n e e lain a t e 3 5 s sh ould t r l cl b s or c p ur d .

.

According to a remark of Tom Bear to the present writer , the

’ Winnebago nephew may appropriate any part of his uncle s property .

For another Siouan tribe we likewise possess corroborative data .

Among the Omaha the nephew was permitted to j est familiarly with his uncle ; on the other hand the maternal uncle had full control of the children after the parents ’ death and even during their lifetime ' was as alert as their father to defend the children or to avenge a

” 3 6 wrong done them . Unpublished data by Murie indicate like usages

’ n a among the nei ghboring Paw ee , while Skinner s observ tions indicate that the Menomini have a usage somewhat similar to the Winnebago . Now it should be noted that of all the examples of the avunculate

cited above , the only one to the point is that of the Choctaw . All the

other tribes mentioned are either patrilineally organized or , as in the

Pawnee case , lack a definite sib system . If , instead of looking for

- evidences of peculiar avuncular relations , we correlate mother sibs and the av unculate we get the following results . Among the Iroquois

e e there is no evidence of the avunculate , while for the south ast rn

’ pe e ples we have Morgan s statement as to the Choctaw . In the

Northern Plains group traces of the custom are lacking . Southwestern

’ tribes vary in thei r practices . In the Hopi household the mother s

r dle brother certainly plays an important , especially with reference to ceremonial matters ; and this remark applies equally to the Tewa

3 8 H e ilan d enclave in p . On the other hand , I can find no indications that corresponding customs are shared by the Navaho or even the

Z n n u i . The o e perfect illustration of the avunculate in connection

’ with maternal . descent in Nor th America is furnished by the North

3 3 in Am An hr 'II 21 3 21 4 1 910 . a t n . s P . R d , . . , , , 3 0 265 270 1 88 4 Flet e and m hn . . A . E t O . 3d An n R e . '. e Dors y , . p Bur . , pp , , ; ch r 0 L Fl h ib i . h n 25 1 9 9 . a e s c e d 27t A n R e . 3 , , . p. , p ,

3 7 inn e i a Li e an d e em n i a B n le th e en m in i I n ian Sk r , Soc l f C r o l u d s of M o d s , 0 9 13 2 1 . p . ,

’ - 3 8 m n hr n xv . A A t . . s . Th i n B F ei e a e . e writer s obs e rv at o s ; . W . r r M rr co , , , 28 1 282 1914 , , . Lo u 'i e : The Ma trili nea l Compl ex

West Coast tribes , where the nephew lives with his uncle , works for

a him , m rries his daughter 'or , it may be , his w idow ) and is regarded

3 9 as his successor .

S o me tendency for avuncular customs to appear with m atron y my i s thus apparent , but in other cases they are lacking ; and they even

appear with father - sibs; Since we are interested in an empirical

determination of the facts , the popular theory of survivals as to the last mentioned group of cases is inapplicable as it was in our parallel

findings with reference to residence .

Turning from America to Melanesia , we have abundant evidence of the avunculate among those natives of this region who have been

most thoroughly studied . For example , we find that in the Banks Islands the nephew obeys his maternal un cle more readily than his

father and treats him altogether with greater reverence ; at one time

s he was , indeed , the legitimate hei r of his posse sions and was even entitled to appropriate whatever he desired of such property during

’ his uncle s lifetime . Similar customs are noted in the New Hebrides

and Torres Islands , but it is not a little remarkable that the highest development of relevant usages is represented by the v asu institutions

4 0 - of the non matronymic Fij ians . When we discover a hardly less pronounced avunculate among the Polynesian Tongans and distinct e traces of the custom among the Samoans , ou r knowledg of tribal relations suggests an interpretation very different from that of current

difiu s ion survivalist dogmatism . If Fij i forms one center of for the

practice , then its relative strength in Tonga and Samoa is precisely

what we should expect on the theory of borrowing . In short , the

Tongans and Samoans display av uncular fe atures not because they ever passed through a matrilinear stage but because they have been in contact with a people where the avunculate flourished to an execs

sive degree .

It would . I think , be rash to deny categorically that in certain parts

of Melanesi a where mother - sibs are not observable avuncular practi ces

- y are survivals of a one time matrilineal system . This may even appl

to Fij i , thou gh this seems more problematical . However , it is worth while to contrast survivalist logic as applied to the Melanesian and A the North merican field . In Melanesia we find definitely matrilineal pee plcs practicing avuncular customs in logical consonance with their

social organization . Consequently , when other members of the same

3 9 4 5 1 9 1 6 B a l m 2 . An n R A B . 3 s t . e . . . o s , p Bur . thu , p , 4 0 i v e Th i t e an e ian i et 3 7 204 29 1 3 66 18 1 55 R rs , e H s ory of M l s Soc y , I , , , , ; II , , nive sit o a li nia u b i a ti n n A A h B thu V ] 1 6 s i m. r and 0 . U r y f C for P l c o c . . [ linguistic and cultural group show these customs without the fr e quently associated type of organization it is not improbable that that

type once existed where it is no longer observed . But the North

ff to to c oelo American case di ers from this . In the Siouan family , for

example , it is precisely the matrilineal groups that lack , and the r patrilineal ones that exhibit , avuncular featu es ; and the same applies ,

i e if we shift the comparison , from the Siouan stock to the Pla ns cultur ,

. two v erv ff area The logic of the cases is thus di erent . Altogether

I may register my O pinion that M elanesia is the one part of the globe where the s ubstitution of a patrilineal for a matrilineal system has

been fairly well established .

In theoretical discussions of social organization , data from Aus tr alia t play a ludicrously disproportionate part . No doub the psycho logical effect wrought by a thick as compared with a moderately sized volume an d by books issued from the press of commercial publishers as contrasted with the monographs due to scientific institutions i s

largely to blame . However this may be , it cannot be too vehemently or too often stated that our knowledge of the island continent is

' in fo r extremely inadequate . Spencer and illen give us satisfactory

’ mation on two or at most three tribes ; while H owitt s work is for the

’ s n as most part a pioneer compilatio , commendable a first skimming R ’ of the ground , but hardly more . To be sure , oth s studies on A ’ R . s 'ueensland are excellent and . Brown researches in West Australi a give promise of what trained inquirers will ultimately e achi eve . But altog ther Australia is remarkably little known and the

’ theoriz er would do well to wait for the field worker s garnering of

s . V fact Accordingly , it is not possible to give a comprehensive iew of

’ the maternal uncle s place in Australian society . That in various l communities definite social functions be ong to him , is certainly true ; but these are not limited by any means to matrilineal groups , and on the oth e r hand similar functions go with entirely different relation

ships . I find no trace of matrilineal inheritance or succession to f o fice , and the only suggestion of avuncular authority reported from matronymic groups lies in the right of betrothal exercised by the mother ’s brother over his niece among the Dieri and two or three even

4 1 less known tribes . Of the altogether unique avuncular relationship k recorded , for example , amon g the Tlingit , the Ban s Islanders , and the

Thonga , nothing seems to be known in Australia .

4 1 N T m a in i O ani z i n an d a ia e in Au t ali a . W . ho s , K sh p rg at o s Group M rr g s r , 22 1 906 p . , . Lo wi e : The Ma trili neal Compl ex

Finally we may turn to Africa . Avuncula r institutions have been recorded from various parts of this continent and doubtless from

a e n m ny trib s besides those for which I have found defi ite data . Of the Southern Bantu the H er er o hav e matrilineal inheritance in such

a form that while the brother of the deceased is the first claimant , the

’ 4 2 sister s son becomes heir in the absence of brothers . For two of the

' 'V 'ao eastern tribes we have very specific data . ith the inheritance

’ to is from uncle sister s son , while amon g the Makonde we find in addition that the mother ’s brother must grant his consent to a girl ’s

4 3 an d he marriage is entitled to a portion of t bride price . The Bakongo

’ a regard a woman s eldest brother as m ster of her children , while the

’ nephews succeed to the uncle s property and , brothers failing , to his ' fi n — of ce . In Up per 'ui ea the Anglo Ewe grant greater prerogatives

’ 4 5 as to children to the maternal uncle than to the father . Since the nephew is the heir apparent his uncle expects in return adequate work duringhis lifetime . The boy must accordingly accompany the uncle

on his travels , carrying provisions , cowrie shells and obj ects for

barter . Incidentally he acquires the art of trading , the technique of

weaving , and other useful accomplishments .

Here we are again confronted , however , with the fact that insti tu tions identical or very similar flourish in equ al measure among

’ s ibless or patronymi c groups . Thus , the relations between mother s brother an d s ister ’s son are peculiarly intimate in the Hottentot country— clos er than any except those obtainingbetween parents and

children . To be sure , there has not been observed any matrilineal

inheritance rule , but the uncle is at liberty to appropriate any of his

’ ’ in demn ifies nephew s damaged property , while the sister s son himself by freely seizing perfectly uninjured possessions of his uncle . For

’ e h d his had exampl , while a man a taken nephew s horse , which

defective hoofs , the young man coolly app ropriated by way of com 6 n i 4 e sat on . p a mileh cow , her calf , and ten goats The altogether un ique position of the nz alu me in Thonga society has become familiar

’ ’ u n od s through ' fascinating account . Here the mother s brother lays claim to a portion of the bride pri ce and plays an important part in

v asu - ceremonial activities , while the nephews exercise like privileges ,

4 2 in z it. c 1 78 . Sch , op . , p .

4 3 e n e i n a t i n i e me in e e n a i en For s c hu n s W l , W ss e sch f l ch e Erg eb ss r th ogr ph sch g

- i in n 5 8 96 97 124 1 908 . e e d e Siid os ten e t O ta i a . r s D u sch s fr k s , pp , , , , 4 4 i . 0 e e . c t 1 7. W k s, op , p . 4 5 vnI H r r i n d r An loer Z eitsc hr. . B . x xx . a tt tten u d e e e G e , S G brauch g , f thu , , ’ 43 1 906 , .

4 6 L z h i 03 190 7 N m n n a a . 3 . . u e Au s a a u d a Sch lt , l a d K l r , p , nive sit o a li nia u b li a ti n n V l 6 i Am . A h E thn 1 s and . o . U r y f C for P c o rc . [

being permitted to appropriate his food , and may even inherit one of

fl‘7 his wiv es With the presumably Hamitic Nandi the maternal uncle must give his consent be fore the boy is subj ected to circumcision or other bodily mutilations ; he normally receives a cow when his nephew has undertaken a successful raid ; an d his curse is believed to have the f ' most deadly e fect . The most terrible thing that can happen to a

Nandi is to displease his maternal uncle .

Summing up the facts relating to the avunculate , we are again driven to the conclusion that a ten per cent correl ation probably is all

an that can be demonstrated on empirical grounds . For empirical

’ p roof of Dr . Hartland s contentions , the avuncular institutions are too

u f re frequently lackin g in matronymic comm nities , they are far too

quently combined with a patrilineal scheme . It is only by assuming

beforehand the theory that is to be proved , that the latter group of data can be construed into the opposite of their face value .

As a matter of fact , no less than three distinct alternatives to the survival theory suggest themselves with reference to the avuncular

e customs when imbedded in a patrilineal compl x . In the first place , instead of pointin g to a pristine matrilineal society they may merely represent borrowed elements dissociated from the particular matri lineal context that occurs in a neighboring group . I have already illustrated this assumption with Melanesian data . An additional

Kai example is furnished by a Papuan tribe . The are not divided

ss into exogamous sibs of any kind , yet a keen mi ionary observer notes that maternal uncles are entitled to the bride price and continue to

exercise control over thei r niece ; that , moreover , while succession to

’ chieftainship is from father to son , the sister s son takes office when

4 9 issue is lacking . Matronymic tribes possessing the characteristic features found occur in such close proximity to the Kai that trans

' mission readily accounts for the phenomena .

R . The second alternative has been suggested by Dr . ivers Where the avunculate is linked with cross - cousin marriage of the more

common type , the question arises whether the altogether peculiar relationship between uncle and nephew does not simply result from

- ln - f that between a man and his prospective son law . It is not di ficult to understand that a very special bond would unite a boy with the

father of his future wife . This explanation is naturally of restricted application but merges into an interpretation of generalized type .

7 H A ' n Li A i an T ib e 44 226 25 3 21 2 255 262 . . u od , f e of a Sou th fr c r , I, , , , , , , 1 91 2 4 8 A i h N 0 c . T n i 94 1 9 9 . . e a . Holl s , d , p , ' — 4 9 K r in - - in 89 00 1 91 1 N a N u e a 85 1 . C . e s s e h R e t e eu u ss . y , , D u sch Gu , III , , , 1 919 ] Lo wie : The Ma trilineal Comp lex

In almost every case where primitive trib es have been exhaustively studied it has been found that various relationships are associated

with definite rights and duties . The a vuncular relationship forms on lv one of a whole series of more or less analogous relationships

e its and must be so viewed l st importance be grossly exaggerated . ' ” Thus we find that among the typically matrilineal H ep i the naming

’ athe s of a child is a prerogative of the f r female relatives . Is this a survival of some earlier patrilineal society subsequently superseded by

’ present conditions through some Amazonian c ou p d etat? We might eas ily contribute to the stock of anthropological romance by develop ing this hypothesis i n some detail and should only be employing the

m l r i ritv type of logic popular a ong advocates of matri i neal p o . O r are we perchance face to face with a transitional condition through

which the He pi are beginning to grope t owards father - right ? No l assumption cou d be less founded i n reason . The Hopi are as

matronymic an d avuncular as they ever were ; and the chances are

that the naming custom is as old as any of thes e other institutions .

Similar facts may be cited for the Hidatsa and Crow . With these strictly matronymic pe eples the paternal relatives nevertheless play

’ in a perfectly definite part the individual s social life . A Crow treated his father ’s brothers and other clansmen with respect and regularly

s invited them to feasts . When an occa ion arose for giving away

’ the presents , father s brothers and sisters were considered as reci pients r befo e every one else . When a man returned from a successful raid ,

’ he gave away some of his horses to a father s clansman . The sons

’ and daughters of a father s clansman were the j oking - relatives pos

sessed of altogether distinctive privileges . Nicknames were derived

’ from the action s of a father s clansman , and so might be also names

’ ’ of honor . The father s clansmen rejoiced over a young man s success

in war and would chant laudatory songs . Among the closely related

Hidatsa the number of patrilineal functions is even greater . In addition to practically all the above mentioned usages we find the

’ father s clan - mates conducting the funeral and bestowing new names ; while in the series of graded soc ieties individuals purchased regalia

’ ’ - from a father s clan mate . The emphasis on the father s side of the family is so strong among these two tribes that it might plausibly be exploited on behalf of the hypothesis that the Crow and Hidatsa

- were once organi zed into father sibs .

f . The real explanation is , of course , quite di ferent In his discus

M L n n L c e na . sion with , ewis H Morgan pointed out the misleading ' ” implications of the phrase kinship through females only . Every ni v e sit o a i ni b i t h hn V ] 6 Am c n E t O . 1 a u a i ns in A . a d . U r y f C l for P l c o . r [

of t tribe , he showed , regardless the mode of descen , recognizes kinship

in both lines , as their nomenclature clearly demonstrates . Now this

’ purely terminological contention of Morgan s admits of wider applica tion . Not only do people uniformly recognize the existence of bilateral

relationships by an appropriate nomenclature , but they further assign

definite duties and privileges to both sides of the family . Thus , it happens that the matrilineal Crow show a peculiar regard for the

’ - atr on m l c father s clan mates , while various p y tribes assign peculiar

‘ ’ functions to the mother s brother . A more thoroughgoin g investiga tion in the field will reveal innumerable social functions depend ent on

a special type of relationship , patrilineal or matrilineal , by blood or t by marriage . The avuncula e cannot be appraised rightly except as a speci al case of a very general tendency to associate definite social relations with definite forms of kinship regardless of maternal or

paternal side . The explanation here offered may be supplemented by discussing one that seems to have commended itself to some legal historians . T hus , Huebner in rej ecting the survivalist theory of the avunculate for 'ermanic law writes

the sp ecial ho n or of the m ate r n al - un cl e m ay h av e b e en m e r ely a c on e n h a at th m a e n a in e am e in tim e to b e n i e e s 'u e c e of t e f ct th e t r l k dr d c , , co s d r d a n i th e ate n a e e at fi t e iv el e a e in t e lo g w th p r l , wh o w r rs xclus y r g rd d ; o h r words , ’ a con s e 'u en c e of the f act th at th e f amily s pur ely a gn atic struct u r e w as r e

l iz i n In hi a e a an e the i ea n ati p ac e d by a cogn atic organ at o . t s pp r c of d of cog c e a i n i i t an m e in th e am e m an n e th e ami an d th e s ib r l t o sh p , wh ch r sfor d s r f ly th e m ate rn al u n cl e n at u r ally pl ay e d the m ost import an t r Ole : h e w as th e lin k

an d the m t e an d h e w as ima i the b etw een the familie s of the fa th er o h r , pr r ly

e n n h m w a in m e n as th e e e e n tativ e the m a e n a s ib p rso u po w o s cu b t , r pr s of t r l ,

a n 5 0 th e prote ction of th e wife as a gain st he r husb d .

My comment on this would simply be that it is unnecess ary to a ss ume the sequence from agnatic to cognatic institutions : matronymy . is perfectly consistent with the assi gnment of definite functions to the

’ father s group and patronymy is equally consistent with the avunculate .

V f This point of iew , combined with transmission and the in luence of

- O cross cousin marriage , accounts in my pinion , for the vast maj ority

of recorded av uncular i nstitutions , though I am quite willing to admit that there is a slightly greater p robability for the avunculate to be

cas mi ht coupled with matr onymy than with patronymy . The e g be favorable for a higher degr ee of correlation if we could disengage instances of borrowing from those where the custom has sprun g up

8 w 5 90 1 91 . 5 0 u e n e i e m an i iv ate La . R . H b r , H story of G r c Pr , p , wie : Th I. o e Ma tr ili neal Complex

n not spontaneously , but this we are unfortu ately able to do except by

'et speculation . even so , the correlation would prove more involved than if the avunculate were simply a corollary of the matronymi c

institution . That is to say , it is not matronymic tribes , but matronymic tribes of a particular type , that seem to form a favorable soil for the

n s evolution of avu cular custom . The absence of such customs among A ' the Australians and their development in frica , Melanesia , and the settled tribes of North America indicate that possibly there is a

matr n m an multiple correlation with o y y d a settled mode of existence .

On the other hand , it may turn out that matrilocal residence i s also

largely involved . In short , instead of saying that matrilineal societies

u u tend to give rise to the av ncular sages , we may ultimately come to make the statement that the coefficient of correlation for the avu n cu late with sedentary tribes that ar e both matrilineal and matrilocal is 75 0 5 . n ; that the coefficient for omadic matrilineal tribes is . ; while

for nomadic patrilin eal and patrilocal peoples it approximates zero . But these are m e rely suggestions thrown out to stimulate further

research . It should be noted that the avunculate involves an interesting f problem in di fusion . There are certainly very noteworthy resem

blances , for example , between the Banks Islands . the Tlingit , and the m Bantu forms of the practice . If we as su e with the extreme dif fusionist school that no cultural feature can arise independently in

the . two distinct parts of globe , the matter is very simple In that case we should postulate that the avu nculate developed once among

was n the Banks Islanders , for instance , and the ce transmitted to Africa and America and wherever else its observed range of distri bu io we t n may extend . For all could tell its origi n would be an accid ental occurrence since ex hypo thesi it represents a unique phenom

enon . No matter what may have been its concomitants we are in no position to manipulate them so as to separate factors that helped

s from those whi ch hindered its evolution . Any sugge tion as to causal

u n amen connections would thus necessarily remain arbitrary , that is ,

able to . any mode of verification . The matter stands ve ry differently i f we accept the view current in America that similar cultural features may arise independently in

a u nconnected areas . In this c se an irrepressible logical instinct leads u s to posit like conditions as underlying like observed eff ects . The similarity of avuncular usages in Melanesia and North America then appears as the probable , if not inevitable , consequence of like con nive sit o a li nia u b i a ti n i n m A h hu s A . c d B t V 1 1 6 . an 0 . U r y f C for P l c o r . [

’ c omitan t cir cu ms tan c es , and it becomes the duty of the ethnologist

to ascertain what are the significant concomitants . If the avunculate n is , mathematically speaking , a fu ction of a series of features includ

m atr on m ing y y , its occurrence in geographically and historically

e distinct communities ceases to puzzle , provi ded the same corr lates

s are always a sociated with it . Practically the matter would stand s thu . Independent development would be postulated for the discon n ected m areas of the globe . These would not be deter ined once and

for all time by abstract geographical speculation , nor by general

o with exclu siv e r e er en c e to the o ne tr ait cultural c nsiderations , but f u nd er dis io cu ss n . For example , in a certain sense all of the New

. World forms a cultural unit . But this fact is negligible for the avunculate when we find it among the Haida on the one hand and the h Hopi on the other . There is no possible way to account for t e absence of the custom in the immense intervening area except to

e . av u n cu assume that it never xisted there In other words , the Hopi

late represents one independent evolution , the Northwest Coast

f o l parallel another . When such primary centers become o for the transmission of the avunculate withou t at the same time transmitting the correlated traits , we are likely to find the observed facts of dis tr ibu tion— great resemblance between disconnected groups sharing

certain features besides the avunculate , and the occurrence of the avunculate in other localities which lack all the essential correlates for

the independent evolution of the avunculate , but are in geographical

to proximity localities that have developed it . To return to the general problem for a summary of results based

on an empirical survey . The theory of a matrilineal society which by some necessity produces out of itself a series of features whose presence in turn may be used to establish the existence of such a

society in the present or past is untenable . It ignores two vital groups of empirical phenomena— the frequent absence of the supposed

symptoms among undoubtedly matrilineal peoples , and the enormous

extent of borrowin g, which accounts far more satisfactorily than the survival hypothesis for the occurrence of the avunculate amidst

m atr on m patrilineal institutions . Some degree of correlation between y y

matr ilocalism and or the avunculate may be accepted , but everything points to the concl usion that the connection is a far more intricate

one than is commonly supposed . Here again discrimination is a

The prerequisite to a sane envisagi ng of the problem . degree of correlation need not be the same for all of the supposed constituents