“SAM Comments”.-2010.-Volume V.-P.3-18.

PRE-ELECTION CAMPAIGN: MAIN SPECIFICS, PRELIMINARY RESULTS

The pre-election campaign was launched formally on 15 October 2010. Election propaganda is one of the essential institutions for civil political struggle; it expresses efforts aimed at encouraging voters to participate in elections, to vote for or against a candidate, as well as creating a positive image of a candidate and negative image of his or her rivals. At this stage of elections, real steps are taken to accomplish the strategic goals set forth. This stage is already over. It is now possible to draw an overall view of the campaign by analyzing its prominent features, declared programs and voiced slogans. First, is an examination of the existing political and social environment, in which the election campaign was held.

Triumph of Voters’ Will is Key in Election Process

It may be noted that the public opinion formed about the elections implied that they were held in a politically and socially stable environment, within the parameters of the law, in accordance with the requirements of the Code of Elections, as well as in an environment that ensured competitiveness. In his speech at the ceremony presenting the United Nations Development Program Report in Baku, R. Mehdiyev, Head of Administration Office of the President of the Republic, noted: Democratic election traditions were formed in Azerbaijan. We are fulfilling our commitments. A level playing field has been ensured and a free environment has been created for all the candidates. Web cameras installed in the polling stations provide for transparency of the elections. The unbiased position of the press will also play a significant role in holding democratic elections. The economic growth observed recently in Azerbaijan is one of the principal means providing electoral opportunities for the citizens. The GDP growth rate increased by thirty percent prior to the crises period. This is one of the highest indicators in the world. Revenues obtained thanks to oil production accumulate in the State Oil Fund, which received a special United Nations award for its transparent activities. Also advanced information technologies applied in Azerbaijan will contribute to holding free and just elections in the country.1 The Chief of Public and Political Department of the Administration Office of the President Ali Hasanov observed the following: In Azerbaijan one can observe stable entrepreneurship, all preconditions are in place for political struggle, the electoral institutions function dynamically. No serious law infringement is observed with regard to the pre-election campaign in Azerbaijan; a number of issues are investigated and prevented in a timely manner by the electoral institutions. All candidates are granted free, equal broadcast time. The candidates meet their electors both in public and private meetings at the local level. Conditions were also provided for the work of international observers. We believe that the election will progress in a peaceful manner and candidates who secure the confidence of the voters will win. The triumph of the voters’ will in general is very essential for us. We are ready to work with whoever wins in the elections. 2 At the same time the state consistently demonstrates its rigid position towards the intervention of executive entities in the election process, severe punishment for using administrative resources and controls the election’s implementation. The Information Computation Center (ICC) of the Ministry of Communication and Information Technologies introduced “Electronic voting and public-opinion polls” system. Guided by The principle “one citizen – one vote”, the new system provides for voting via the Internet by using the PIN code of the identity card and complete anonymity of the voting process. In order to ensure transparency of the elections, web cameras will be installed in a number of polling stations. Watching the course of the voting online will enable voters to track interactively results received from the poling stations. 3 A hot line was opened at Baku Senior Police Department. The purpose of the hot line is to reinforce relations of the metropolitan police with the public, receive proposals and complaints from citizen and to rapidly respond to petitions. If there arises any protest or misunderstanding with regard to the police services in Baku during the pre-election campaign, the people may address the Senior Police Department during the day via specific phone lines.4 In the statement given by the Baku Senior Police Department it is noted that according to law, the police do not intervene in the election process, only safeguard the stability and strive to contribute to the supremacy of law. In the course of the campaign the Baku Senior Police Department conducted prompt investigations with regard to the information published in “Azadlig” newspaper about an incident, which had occurred during one of the meetings of A. Karimli, Chairman of the Azerbaijan Popular Front Party, with voters. It was ascertained that during the meeting, deputy chairman of the Modern Party F. Aliyev attempted to interfere. Thanks to the lawful intervention by the police this person was expelled from the venue and made subject to administrative penalty actions5.

The Central Election Commission allotted broadcast time for candidates

As per the number of candidates, YAP (the New Azerbaijan Party) was the first and APFP-Musavat Block was the second to finish the registration stage. Forty-two persons out of the registered candidates for the Milli Mejlis elections revoked their candidacies.6 The Central Election Commission’s decision to allot free additional broadcast time and allocate publishing space in periodicals besides the opportunities provided by the law created a stir among the public. In order to enable public and private meetings with voters, equal opportunities for all the candidates were provided and special areas were allocated. Beginning October 24th, the Central Election Commissioned proceeded with distribution of printed voting papers and protocols. In Azerbaijan the process of delivery of voting papers to the District Elections Commissions ends five days prior to the elections and the polling stations are required to obtain them three days before the voting. The process of preparation and delivery of protocols and voting papers to the district poling stations in Azerbaijan is implemented under special surveillance. On October 29th the Central Election Commission completed issuance of the voting papers to the district polling stations. The Central Election Commission prepared and presented to the election commission members at the polling stations, booklets entitled “Handbook for the Election Day” and “Handbook for Observers”.7 The financial resources of candidates for deputy are under inspection of the Finance and Audit Group of the Central Election Commission. All of the candidates opened their respective bank accounts for the purpose of an election fund. The candidates’ funds are located not in the Central Election Commission but in the District Election Commissions. During the elections the candidates are required to submit financial reports three times – once when delivering signature sheets, once during the campaign and lastly at the end of the elections. The financial reports are inspected by respective groups of both the District Election Commission and the Central Election Commission, and grave infringements may be subject to punishment to the extent of cancellation of the candidacy.8 There were 3,466 observers registered in the Central Election Commission and 42,494 local observers registered in the district election commissions. Of them 5,322 are representatives of NGOs, 8,097 of them represent political parties and blocks and the rest are those who wish to observe the elections on their own initiate.9 During the campaign stage the Central Election Commission received no complaint associated with a serious law infringement case.

International Observers during the Campaign Stage

The international observer mission arriving in Azerbaijan to watch the course of the parliamentary elections will be the biggest in terms of number of observers compared to the elections held so far. This time 991 international observers from fifty-one countries have been registered to observe the course of the parliamentary elections. The Central Election Commission disclosed the list of the international organizations accredited to observe the elections. The total number of observers is 1,024 and this includes the following: Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe – 33 persons; Council of European Union – 5 persons; Representative Office of European Union in Baku – 3 persons; European Parliament – 16 persons; Parliamentary Assembly of Turkic Language Countries – 10 persons; OSCE Parliamentary Assembly – 58 persons; OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE/ODIHR) – 316 persons; Commonwealth of Independent States – 351 persons; GUAM – 2 persons; US Embassy – 31 persons; Embassy of Great Britain and Northern Ireland – 12 persons ; Embassy of Kazakhstan – 6 persons; Embassy of Norway – 4 persons;. Embassy of Bulgaria – 3 persons; Embassy of Poland – 2 persons; Embassy of Japan – 2 persons; Embassy of Belgium – 1 person; Embassy of Finland – 1 person; European Election Monitoring Academy (NGO) – 166 persons; “Vestnik Kavkaza” Analytical Information Agency – 2 persons.10 The European Union (EU) observers will carry out their observer duties both as part of the OSCE Mission and as independent observers. The EU Ambassador in Azerbaijan Roland Cobia made the following statement about the Mission: “About fifteen-twenty observer groups from EU, including representatives of the EU countries and entities will watch the course of the elections. The elections will be observed by seven of the European Parliament Members, as well as observers from EU states. Special Representative of EU for the Southern Caucasus P. Semnebi’s team will be working in the capital, although he himself will not be available in Baku. As to the assessment of the pre-election situation, EU subscribes to the assessment given in the first interim report of the Election Observer Mission of OSCE ODIHR”. The mission of PACE is to be implemented in two stages. The first stage is a pre-election mission and is underway at this moment. The other short-term mission will be implemented on the day of the elections. The head of the pre-election observer mission of PACE Paul Wille had a meeting with the Chairman of Milli Majlis, O.Asadov. 11 At the campaign stage one of the prominent assessments was made by OSCE ODIHR Election Observer Mission, which began its work on September 28 by presenting its first interim report with regard to the elections. The report states that the Central Election Commission is actively engaged in preparation for the upcoming parliamentary elections. The report reflects activity, financial resources of political parties, participation of women and national minorities in the elections and other issues. It notes the growth of the percentage of females participating among the ruling party’s registered candidates and the low percentage of female candidates in opposition parties. With regard to participation of the national minorities in the elections, the authors of the report state that it is not a major factor and does not have much effect on the elections. The candidate lists of all the major political parties include representatives of the national minorities. The report indicates the absence of intensity of the competition of political ideas and platforms. The peaceful environment in which the campaign was conducted, was assessed as a positive step. Active participation of the opposition in the elections, which had boycotted election campaigns in the past, was also regarded positively. The Mission also applauded the Central Election Commission’s public awareness raising programs, devoting special attention to voter lists and providing necessary conditions for NGO’s participation in the election process. Head of the Mission Paul Wille expressed his attitude toward the refusal of APFP-Musavat Block to meet with the PACE Mission. Mr. Wille states that, “APFP-Musavat Block has a full right to meet or not to meet with us. But we are inclined to hope that they can explain their refusal by not voicing any issues, which are far from reality. To turn the question of “What has the CE done for Azerbaijan”? into an issue for discussion is not a proper approach”. 12 In his turn Yaakko Laakso, a member from Finland, named the refusal of the opposition to meet with the observer mission as a “unique” case: “There has not been any such case in all of the history of PACE. I recall only one event, when radical members of the Chechnya parliament refused to meet with PACE representatives”. The head of OSCE ODIHR Observer Mission Audrey Glover also voiced one remarkable point in his interview: “Every country is different. The culture is different, the history is different and I suppose that it would be very hard to apply and hold elections in one country the way it is held in another country”. 13

What did programs, platforms and slogans promise the voter?

Traditional methods for election campaigns include candidates meeting with voters and candidate-voter communication organized concurrently with various events, rallies, sessions, marches, mass actions and so forth. The aim of these actions is to convey the election program, create a basis for advertising such meetings in the mass media, as well as establish a positive emotional dialogue between the voters and the candidate.

The New Azerbaijan Party (YAP)

The struggle in the propaganda arena is going on among political representatives to a great extent. The prestige of the ruling party, which has gained the image of the “Sole and Strong” political force, is naturally due to the factor of the President being a real example and symbol, confidence of the nation and the party’s prestige supported by the majority of people. The YAP Party, which has been consistently taking part and winning in the presidential, parliamentary and municipal elections since 1993, pays great attention in its propaganda strategy to applying new election technologies besides the valuable experience gained in the past. The right of free broadcast time at the end of the registration process was secured only by the ruling party. The ruling party’s refusal to avail itself of this right following the Central Election Commission’s decision to allot free broadcast time was another step taken towards going to the elections with equal opportunities and holding just and transparent elections. The pre-election propaganda stage requires special preparation. The method of its application, proper evaluation of resources, the preference of propaganda forms, the adequacy of all these both to the image of the party (block, candidate) and the realities of the represented district or development of the country need to be thoroughly discussed in advance. An examination of this campaign stage demonstrated that it is not necessarily the case for all of the parties. Among the electioneering methods used, election slogans are irreplaceable in conveying concisely and directly to voters the strategy, tactics and the political force behind a candidate. Along with new ideas, positions, programs and platforms presented by candidates with regard to actual and potentially critical issues, the voters tend to remember election slogans best of all. At the time of the official launch of the campaign stage it turned out that certain election blocks and parties had neither election slogans nor symbols in place, some of the parties and blocks had just started to identify their slogans and others did not even deem it necessary to have any slogan at all. Unlike the others, YAP, which was the last to disclose its candidate list, was one of the first parties to announce its election slogan. Executive Secretary of the Party A. Ahmadov states that, “The Party sets forth goals emerging out of the general statehood program as a whole. Therefore our slogan is “Strong State, Increased Prosperity”. This ruling party of Azerbaijan is capable of and is achieving these goals. The other parties’ programs are still exhibiting populism as in the previous years.14

Political Parties and Blocks Election Slogans The New Azerbaijan Party (YAP) Strong State! Increased Prosperity! “APFP-Musavat” Block APFP-Musavat – two wings of the nation “Reform” Block The Block does not have a common slogan;implementation of reforms, especially constitutional reforms is a priority “Democracy” Block Freedom, Responsibility, Tolerance, Social Justice, Equal Opportunities “Karabagh” Block Vote for Karabakh!

"For the sake of human " Block Human is the end, not the means Azerbaijan National Sovereignty Party (AMİP) Form Sovereignty to Bright Future Democratic Azerbaijan World Party(DADP) Our path is a path of justice, path of Heydar Aliyev, path of the nation Azerbaijan Social Democrats Party (ASDP) We are here with you in our minds Azerbaijan National Democrats Party (AMDP) Strong Nation is a Strong State.

The Program of the New Azerbaijan Party is said to set forth adequate and real objectives in terms of presenting logical continuation of the works undertaken in the previous years and outlining the contours for the country’s future development. Deputy Chairman, Executive Secretary of the YAP Party A. Ahmadov states that, “the priority target of the Party’s program is to make Azerbaijan more powerful and to enhance living standards of every citizen. Protection of stability, democracy and human rights, stretching the state control and the provision of national security are identified as significant targets. Also included are the application of innovations in the economy, application of advanced technologies, opening new processing enterprises for the purpose of enhancing the effective results of the oil strategy and the establishment of companies owning high technologies, which apply the latest achievement in the science”.15 The propaganda campaign stage of the YAP Party was a success also from the so called “company’s agenda of issues” point of view. “Company’s agenda of issues” means processes concurrent with the elections that might prejudice the image of the government. Form this point of view, the support to Azerbaijan in resolution of the Karabakh conflict, strengthening of the army, advancement in the world economic growth ratings against the background of the global crises, consistent recognition of the country as the leading state in the region and other events coincided with the period in question and the political agenda provided the ruling party with opportunities for advantageous propaganda. In the meantime efforts undertaken by some international NGOs to make a biased presentation of the “company’s agenda of issues” resulted in failure. Failure by the opposition to demonstrate a consolidated position and the smear campaigns undertaken against each other increased in an unprecedented manner the resource potential of the YAP Party. One of the founders of “Karabakh” Election Block, Chairman of the ADP Party S. Jalaloglu made the following statements in an interview he gave to “Azadlig” Radio: If we had taken a right decision on time, there would have been one ruling block and one opposition block in Azerbaijan. Nowadays there isn’t a single party in the opposition, which has not been subject to grave accusations such as treason against the fatherland and corruptibility by the ruling party. Such propaganda is a natural phenomenon in politics. But the most horrible and the greatest damage to democracy is engagement of the opposition parties in internal smear campaigns against each other. The opposition itself makes accusations not voiced by the ruling party.16 The ruling party usually becomes a special target for counterpropaganda by the opposition, i.e. the first defamation target is the YAP Party. Also, the network resources of the Party provide advantages in the information realm. The main network resources are: http://www.yap.org.az/view; http://www.yeniazerbaycan.com; http://www.azerbaijan-news.az and etc.

Programs of the Blocks and the Parties

In the information given to “SIA” Information Agency the Musavat Party stated “its serious preparation for the next parliamentary elections and the involvement in this work of independent experts in the field of election technologies. In the opinion of the Musavat Party the slogan of the campaign should be chosen to accurately express the aspirations of the Party as well as to create psychological pressure effect for the ruling party. The Musavat Party is inclined to apply the slogan “two keys per person”, which constituted the main promise to the voters of “Dogru Yol” Party in the elections in Turkey in 1991”.17 Formation of the election block jointly with APFP changed these plans, which changed the slogan accordingly. The APFP-Musavat Block, which secured the second position as per the number of registered candidates, also refrained from using the orange color, which it held as its symbol in the previous election and created a new logo. The efforts to stay far from not only the orange color, but also radical claims and extremism in general demonstrates that the opposition has clearly realized that the people are cautious about statements along these lines and identifies radical slogans with instability, which might frighten liberal minded voters as well. Panah Huseyn states in this regard that “If the Azerbaijan opposition did not boycott the election, this is also one of the outcomes of our work. This is a serious indicator on what we could achieve in the five years”.18 Unlike this, the platform the Parties had set forth in the previous elections for the “Azadlig” Block, has not undergone any major change whatsoever, only some provisions have been amended during the past five years. In every election platform of the opposition one may encounter different variations of provisions on the Karabakh conflict, establishment of a democratic society, exaggeration of the social problems and provisions regarding fighting corruption. The difference with regard to the conflict is in the issue of supporting its peaceful or military resolution. The Election Block also set forth ten targets, which it intended to convey to the voters: “Freedom to Karabakh!; No to Corruption; Oil is for Every Citizen; Bread for the Poor, Jobs for the Unemployed, Opportunities for Businessmen; Gas, Electricity, Water for Every House; Return Savings; Every Person’s Property is Inviolable; Motherland for those on Foreign Land! Freedom to Political Prisoners; Legitimate Parliament, Independent Court, Free Press”. The APFP-Musavat Block also attempted for its propaganda purposes to make use of summons for consolidation, the issue of representation in the Central Election Commission and registration of candidates as a result of complaints. As for the leader of APFP, the efficiency of his campaign is hardly tangible and is almost closed to the media. Shortage and inconsistency of information on the opinions of the Block leaders in general, the Musavat Divan’s members severing themselves from the Party and joining the election processes as independents voicing varying positions, about allies and rivals, which exclude each other, is a mark of uncertainty of the Block’s near future. The common jingoism and aggressive social rhetoric seem to be addressed not to the voters, but rather to the media and analysts. The attempts to strike each other at such a vital stage in the campaign demonstrate the absence of political perspectives of the opposition’s twenty-year-old existence. The doubts as to how the politicians, who cannot proceed from a consolidated position even in one small district, will be able to act unanimously in the statehood issues strikes the minds of the nation. The real panorama of internal relations and the lack of understanding of what it means to be a citizen render the word “democracy” - so often repeated in this camp - into a meaningless expression. The election platform of the “Democracy” Block and Asim Mollazadeh has its roots in such human values as freedom, responsibility, tolerance, social justice and equal opportunities. Application of these principles creates the basis for a strong civil society, free market and international cooperation. Enhancement of effort in all directions to resolve the Karabakh conflict, return of the refugees and internally displaced persons to their homes is deemed essential. Formation of the basis for market economy, effective collection and distribution of national resources are on the priority list. 19 As seen from the “Karabakh” Block’s name and slogan “Vote for Karabakh!” this Block dedicated the vast part of its platform to its view on the ways to resolve the conflict. Chairman of “Aydinlar” Party represented in “Karabakh” Block, G. Alibayli, believes that Azerbaijan’s most serious problem is the Karabakh conflict. Participation in the election under the Karabakh slogan is more appropriate. Therefore the Karabakh Block deemed it necessary to join the election in this election block. 20 Hasty development of the programs and platforms of the Block - i.e. lack of substantial proposals in them, declarative nature of their provisions and lack of adequate concepts of social and economic specifics of their represented districts - eliminates the need to dwell on them separately. The Azerbaijan National Sovereignty Party (AMİP) adheres to a different opinion with regard to resolution of the Karabakh problem. Taking into consideration the fruitlessness of the long-lasting negotiations, the party deemed the military-political method of settlement of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict as appropriate and believes in the need to stop the ongoing negotiations in this direction in the framework of the OSCE. The Party’s program reflects different views on other issues as well.

Debates: short of time or lacking experience and professionalism

Prior to the famous decision of the Central Election Commission on granting free broadcast time, the opposition blocks and parties made so much commotion complaining about the absence of propaganda opportunities and costly air time. After the decision the paradoxical attitudes continued: first they used to complain about the lack of air time and described this decision as “still the result of purposeful policy, next tactics” of the government. In spite of this, after granting the four-minute air time the political campaign became lively and rigorous21. According to the words of a representative of the Public Television, Tahir Mammadov, the broadcast time for candidates was increased from ten hours per week to fourteen hours per week during the pre-election campaign. Given that each registered candidate is granted four free minutes air time, this totals fifty hours, which by far exceeds the time spent on any other election ever held in Azerbaijan. The diverse reasons for which about twenty various candidates, beside those from the YAP Party, refused to avail themselves of the free broadcast time became the focus of attention of the media. At round tables the candidates little known to the public, having no idea about why they wish to run for a seat in the Parliament, had the opportunity to speak together with the prestigious candidates renown in the whole country. One thing is clear: that although many individuals may “became famous” on social network pages they are not capable of becoming parliament members. Major emphasis in the debates fell on service to statehood, patriotism, social and aggressive rhetoric. Nothing new was propagated and instead of prospective ideas many candidates were guided by the aim to use any means to be elected at all costs. Due to the lack of ideas and programs, the logic of advertisement was widely applied. Those gaining points by referring to limitation of communication and meeting opportunities with voters, found the open debates very challenging. Many candidates became aware that they had no idea of the significant changes in the Azerbaijani voter regarding their intellectual and political maturity. Therefore those, who did not realize the importance of close communication with the voter and serious preparation, faced an unpleasant situation. The absence of specific principles and lack of accurate presentation and mechanisms for problem solving did not promote them, but rather revealed their unprofessionalism. This demonstrated that the programs and platforms were prepared superficially in haste. The candidates realized that in order to obtain the voter’s support it is necessary to constantly work, change, develop one’s personality and position. It is necessary not to overestimate one’s resources, but rather face reality and use multiple opportunities for winning the respect and confidence of voters.

Mass actions off the agenda

Experience suggests that mass actions or rallies are events that require hard work and are associated with risks as far organizing and presenting them is concerned. In the case where people do not turn up for an event (and this is reported by rivals to the public) such events will directly reflect weakness and failure of the candidate. Therefore at the campaign stage in the majority of cases preference is given to holding live meetings with voters in allotted spaces. Prior to the start of the campaign stage the majority of candidates in different camps provided information about their plans to hold mass actions. According to Ali Ahmadov, The New Azerbaijan Party’s view on this issue is: “Up to now we have not deemed it necessary to hold mass actions. Also the people give preference to face-to-face communication forms. If it becomes necessary, we may use this form of interaction as well”. Provision of opportunities and allocation of special venues for meeting of all candidates with voters in the course of the campaign in itself proved unnecessary. Slow-down in the use of mass actions as a rule is a mark of the development of civil election technologies. Saida Gojamanli, a human rights activist says, “In my opinion the rally mechanism needs to be reviewed. Constant repetition of the same slogans in a rally is also somewhat a little irritating. The slogans voiced in the rallies need to be changed. In Europe the rallies are organized as a show. They are able to attract the attention of the surrounding people. But we hear the same fifteen-year-old slogans. In general, the society, the people lost their interest in rallies”. 22 The meetings and mini rallies held at this stage take place as picketing. Such methods as broadcasting slogans via a loud-speaker and distribution of propaganda materials among the participants and passers-by were widely used. The practice of organizing events of such size and scale is time efficient and widely used throughout the world. Usually the wave of first meetings coincides with the beginning of this stage; the last wave is concurrent with the last moments before voting. There were no major differences in organization of the campaign process of the candidates; the same scenarios were applied. As far as application of new election technologies is concerned, this time there was a sufficiently large number of candidates who were keen to use the immense opportunities of the networking resources, electronic media and social networking facilities in the course of the elections.

The printed and electronic mass media are the major propaganda and campaign resources adopted by the opposition. From this point of view, the claims about their limited opportunities are not grounded in reality. So, “according to the opinion polls, the circulation and the number of readers of Azerbaijan’s opposition newspapers is greater than those of the ruling party. Judged from this point of view the opposition’s resources are by far exceeding the ruling party’s. The printed and electronic media is the area in which the opposition has advantages”. 23 Social networking was another resource actively used by the opposition candidates. More than 300 thousand people in Azerbaijan have personal accounts in “Facebook”. In the campaigning stage the opposition had the upper hand thanks to the electronic media and printed media, and logically gained a lot in the field of advertising. The opposition candidates were more energetic in this domain as well; the ruling party, on the other hand, did not attach much significance to it. Among the opposition candidates Isa Gambar is the most active “Facebook” account holder. There are 3,154 users in the Müsavat Party leader’s personal page, the Chairman of the Umid Party Igbal Agazade has 671 users, Avaz Temirkhan, the new chairman of the Azerbaijan Liberal Party has 4,917 visitors, and the chairman of the Democratic Reforms Party Asim Mollazade has 3,522 visitors in this social network. The management and functionaries of the New Azerbaijan Party are not subscribers to the social network. 24

Conclusions

The preliminary results of the propaganda and campaign stage of the 4th convocation Parliament in 2010, provides the basis for drawing certain conclusions. Normal social and political stability, so important for holding the elections and the citizens’ free voting, have been provided. Strict compliance with the laws and the Election Code in running the election campaign is strictly controlled. By pursuing large-scale public awareness activities the Central Election Commission creates conditions for getting on track and pushing forward these processes. Timely and unbiased processing of all complaints received is ensured by the Commission. Allotting free broadcast time to the candidates for the purpose of propaganda opens an arena for civil struggle to reach the voter. No instance of a serious law violation was reflected in the assessments and reports of the international and local observer missions with regard to the course of the propaganda campaign. One issue, namely the existing stability and meetings of the opposition with voters in especially allocated venues and not in mass actions as in the previous years’ noisy elections, is assessed as a loss of the people’s interest in the elections - resulting from apathy, indifference and other reasons. In fact if one looks at the countries with vast experience in democracy it becomes evident that this is a natural process. As a matter of fact, the conformity of the course of the to the real state of affairs and not to the expectations of some should not be surprising. The scenario of “Orange Revolution” was also a disappointment for its aspirants. From this point of view, the Head of the Administration of the President Ali Hasanov’s opinion is noteworthy: “Those who anticipate an election show in Azerbaijan are delusionary. The country is going through a normal election process”. In fact, both domestic and international realization and analysis of decreasing radical rhetoric and “resignation” slogans, the prevalence of focused problems in the discussions, recognition of development in the debates, even by the opposition candidates, and voicing of statements in support of the head of state’s policy all require time. One of the outcomes of the campaigning stage was also the revelation of the change, which had taken place in the voter in Azerbaijan. This voter already left behind all imaginable and unimaginable methods of the previous elections and its stages, has gathered experience, and can distinguish between black and white. As a summary of the 20-year-old election experience one can state with assurance that the great contribution of non-recognition and rejection of radicalism as an acceptable method was made - namely by the voter. The enhancement of the voter’s political education and ability to properly assess current changes and trends in the country and in the world is sensed more vividly during the campaign stage. Another major conclusion is the voter-citizen’s decreased inclination towards and outright rejection of ideological and political polarization. One can regard this also as strengthening of the centrism ideology. The voter refuses to understand and think of words like “rightist-leftist” and “ruling party-opposition” in the sense of extreme confrontation. The voters give much importance to such notions as consistency, personal qualities, professionalism, competence and intention. Today the voters are more interested in polices aimed at enhancement of their living standards and conditions than in pure ideological conversations or the excellence of one candidate over another. They are interested in the candidates, who are capable of solving such problems. The modern Azerbaijan voters have for the past twenty years become well acquainted with the capabilities of the Parties. The live TV debates, radio discussions and statements published on the Internet revealed the strengths and weaknesses of the candidates. Every block, party or candidate was provided an opportunity to present “unique” characteristics. The debates were an opportunity to witness society’s opinions about the candidates’ election programs and platforms and ideals about the parliament. The predominance of emotions as compared with logic and intellect in some of the candidates revealed their mere narrow-mindedness and inexperience, non-professionalism and biases as opposed to what they claimed. These elections revealed a quality difference, more precisely a gap between real and utopian objectives set, the experience, intellect and ignorance of the candidates. First of all this difference demonstrated the extent to which the candidates are able to benefit from the available time. Though the opposition had exhausted its organizational potential, it demonstrated its intention and resolution to renew its political potential. Its characteristic features such as the inclination towards splitting and the leaders’ habits of confrontation made the electorate resort to centrism and rightist positions, which in turn made the opposition camp change its orientation accordingly. The information policy of the mass media has been more or less tolerant and smear campaigns did not take on extreme forms. The mass media attempted to comply with the principle of providing equal opportunities in highlighting the activities of the candidates representing various forces. At the same time some of the mass media would treat different candidates either neutrally or negatively. The voting day is at hand. There isn’t a great chance that the candidates will demonstrate extraordinary propaganda by applying the “final strategy of the candidates” and the voter already has his or her opinion formed. The campaign stage may be regarded as a major experience for both the society and the candidates towards making the right choice on the 7th of November and towards maturity in building a democratic society. The campaign process demonstrated that there are special requirements regarding the criteria imposed on those involved in the political struggle such as political experience, professionalism and intellect.

Electronic sources

1. http://www.az.apa.az/xeber_ 04.11.2010 2. http://www.1news.az/politics/elections//28.10./2010/ 3. http://az.trend.az/capital// 01.11.2010 4. http://www.az.apa.az//17.10.2010 5. http://deputat.az/news.php//25.10.2010 6. http://www.cec.gov.az/2010/10/18 7. http://www.azerbaijan-news.az/18.10.2010 8. http://www.cec.gov.az 9. http://www.cec.gov.az 10. http://az.trend.az/news/elections2010/ 04.11 11. http://www.modern.az//27.10.2010 12. http://www.azadliq.org/new/2010/10/21/ 13. http://www.yap.org.az/ 14. http://www.yap.org.az/view.20.10.2010 15. http://www.azadliq.org/content 01.09.2010 16. http://www.axar.az/index.ph//23.03 2010. 17. www.bizimyol.az /23.10.2010 18. http://qafqazinfo.az/_20.10.2010 19. http://www.sherg.az/2010/09/04/get=29929 20. www.mediaforum.az//2010-10-13 21. http://www.axar.az/06.08. 2010 22. www.analitika.az 23. http://www.modern.az/ 30.10.2010