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Sequencing the Trellis: the Production of Race in the New Human Genomics

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Sequencing the Trellis: the Production of Race in the New Human Genomics Sequencing the Trellis: The Production of Race in the New Human Genomics Brady Dunklee In partial completion of the requirements for honors. Brown University. December, 2003. Chris Amirault, advisor. Sequencing the Trellis: The Production of Race in the New Human Genomics Brady Dunklee In partial completion of the requirements for honors. For the independent concentration “Productions of Biological Knowledge.” Chris Amirault, Ph.D., Departments of Education and Modern Culture and Media, Director Brown Fox Point Early Childhood Education Center. Brown University December, 2003 ________________________________________________________________________ Cover Illustration: Composite images from -United States. National Institutes of Health (NIH). National Human Genome Research Institute. Internet video: “Exploring Our Molecular Selves.” February, 2001. Component of NHGRI’s educational resources. Available at http://www.genome.gov/10000002. 2/14/03. - Risch, N., Burchard, E., Ziv, E., Tang, H. “Categorization of humans in biomedical research: genes, race and disease.” Genome Biology 2002. 3:7. http://genomebiology.com/2002/3/7/comment/2007.1 Note on the Title: “Trellis” refers to an analogy that NHGRI director Francis Collins uses to describe race and human evolution, emphasizing mixture between “races,” in opposition to evolutionary trees which emphasize divergence. “Sequencing” refers to the main activity of recent genomic research, and is meant to suggest both this activity and the differentiation of groups of people, which is the subject of this thesis. 2 For Caitlin Dunklee, who is dangerous and knows it. 3 Acknowledgements This thesis owes its life to Chris Amirault, friend of clarity, enemy of obfuscation and textual defibrillator extraordinaire. I owe my education at Brown to his teaching, generosity and friendship, and don’t know how to thank him. Thanks to Jennifer Reardon for her readership, her scholarship, and for being who I want to be when I grow up. Her work is a rising threat to simplistic thinking and irresponsible science everywhere. Biologists, science studies scholars, and members of any number of sexes and genders owe Anne Fausto-Sterling a debt of gratitude for her work. I take her readership as a great honor, and thank her for it. I thank Joan Richards, Peter Heywood, Lundy Braun, Rachel Morello-Frosch and Barbara Herrnstein Smith, for their professorship, which has made my education at Brown wonderfully difficult. Thanks to Paula Kavathas, Shing Kwok, Latha Narayanan, Peter Glazer, and Barbara Beitch for old favors that have gotten me far. Thanks to Mike “aborted coda” Jackson, revolutionary and shining example of how to write a thesis. Thanks to Alison Barnstable, who has been my friend for three or four lifetimes and has survived all of them with me somehow. Much respect to Jackie Mahendra, Kara Wentworth, Adeline Goss, Sam Solomon and Jess Stites, friends and organizers of science studies at Brown. Thanks to my sister, to whom this thesis is dedicated. Thanks to my mother and father, who should know by now how grateful I am and how much I love them. 4 Table of Contents Title Page…………………………………………………………………………………2 Dedication………………………………………………………………………………...3 Acknowledgements…………………………………………………………………….…4 Table of Contents…………………………………………………………………………5 Table of Figures…………………………………………………………………………..6 Inscriptions………………………………………………………………………………...7 Thesis Statement………………………………………………………………….…….8 Introduction……………………………………………………………………………..9 I. Unifications………………………………………………………….………..9 II. Divisions…………………………………………………………….…….…18 III. Contexts…………………………………………………………………...…20 IV. Materials and Methods………………………………………………………35 Chapter 1: Categories and Keywords in the Genomics of Race…………………40 I. Transferals…………………………………………………………..…….….40 II. “Race” and “Ethnicity”………………………………………………………44 III. Populations, Groups and Communities……………………………………..55 IV. “Minorities” and “Inclusion”………………………………………….…….68 V. Geographic Ancestry………………………………………………………..74 VI. Chapter Summary……………………………………………………………76 Chapter 2: Formal Configurations: Nested Proxies & Perspectival Phasing…78 I. Theoretical Framework………………………………………………………78 II. Making Difference Within Race…………………………………….………86 III. Making Difference Around Race…………………………………………..105 Chapter 3: Instability and Discourse………………………………………………117 I. Reading and Writing………………………………………………………..117 II. Articulate Instability………………………………………………….….…123 Chapter 4: Epistemology……………………………………………………………132 I. Definitions and Methods…………………………………………………...132 II. One Drop………………………………………………………………...….134 III. White Normativity………………………………………………………….148 IV. Racial Essentialism……………………………………………………....…152 V. Three Spaces…………………………………………………………..……156 Conclusion………………………………………………………………………….…161 Bibliography………………………………………………………………………...…175 5 Table of Figures Figure I-1— Craig Venter of Celera Genomics, left, shakes hands with Francis Collins of NHGRI, right, at a ceremony at the White House, June 2000. Figure I-2 — Cover of Nature, February 15, 2001. The mosaic includes the faces of Mendel, Watson and the Beatles. Figure I-3 — Stills from “Exploring Our Molecular Selves,” a film produced by NHGRI as part of a free educational toolkit for high school students. Figure 1-1 — “Populations” and Race: “Not everyone’s smiling. A plan to study haplotypes in these populations is prompting angry words.” Figure 2-1 — Diagram of racial schema in Risch, et al. (2002). Figure 2-2 — Perspectival Differentiation in Collins (2003). Figure 4-1 — One Drop Rule and Founding Populations in genomics. 6 ♦ —We are also bound to seek perspective from those points of view which can never be known in advance, which promise something quite extraordinary, that is, knowledge potent for constructing worlds less organized by axes of domination. — DONNA HARAWAY —With whose blood were my eyes crafted? —DONNA HARAWAY —Foucault says knowledge wasn’t made for understanding, but for cutting. For the Wendy’s worker, that’s especially true. The Wendy’s worker knows […] and his knowledge is alive with results. It is only for us to understand. In understanding, we construct, justify, and secure ourselves above work. This is how we conceal the knives and restrict their use to the production of delicious results. —JOE WENDEROTH, from LETTERS TO WENDY’S —He has his mother’s mitochondria, but his father’s centrioles. —PETER HEYWOOD, considering a birth announcement for his son ♦ 7 Thesis Statement Human genomic science has emerged in the past decade as a powerful new biological field, combining molecular and population genetics with advanced information technologies, allowing DNA sequencing and analysis in a rapid, high throughput fashion. In addition to producing a vast quantity of scientific data, the Human Genome Project and other efforts in human genomics have produced claims about the social implications of their work. The result has been a complex expert discourse on the nature of the human. A particularly rich subset of this discourse has addressed the meanings, use and reality of race and ethnicity in light of new genomic knowledge. A great variety of positions on racial and ethnic difference have been put forth, best known of which is the contention that race is biologically meaningless. This thesis shows that this claim is not the whole story. Genomic discourse has, since its beginnings, deployed and produced race in a constant, if variegated manner. A “technology of difference” has been produced, a set of terms, meanings, and ways in which knowledge is structured and authorized, whose collective action is to differentiate people racially and ethnically. This thesis examines this technology of difference, showing that genomics is in fact making race, and demonstrating some of the ways in which it does so. My approach is an analysis of discourse, which addresses terminology, formal configurations and epistemology in the literatures produced by genomic scientists. The dominant characteristic in this discourse is instability. Meanings, forms, and claims shift and change on a variety of levels. This thesis shows that surprising patterns can be seen in this instability, and that instability is itself a constitutive factor giving strength and cohesion to the genomic production of human racial and ethnic difference. I suggest, further, that now is a crucial time for interventions to be made in the genomics of human difference. Those who want an end to race, or who want positive, livable transformations of race, can find both opportunity and danger in these new differentiations. 8 Introduction I. Unifications In late June, 2000, the publicly financed Human Genome Project (HGP) and its rival, the private corporation Celera Genomics announced simultaneously that they had completed working drafts of the human genome. Although it would take HGP until April 2003 to produce a full reference edition, the 85% draft was widely hailed as revolutionary. Comparisons to the moon landing and the Manhattan Project were frequently made. The Human Genome Project was planned in 1988 through the National Institutes of Health (NIH), funded by NIH and the Department of Energy (DOE) in 1990, and given full institutional status as the National Human Genome Research Institute (NHGRI) by the Department of Health and Human Services (DHHS) in 1997. By 2000 the public Project had “read” eighty-five percent of “The Book of Life,” far ahead of schedule. In most accounts, the speed with which a working draft was achieved is attributed to the pressure exerted on the public consortium
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