The Localization of Ellipi*
Iranica Antiqua, vol. XXXIV, 1999
MEDIA AND ITS NEIGHBOURS I: THE LOCALIZATION OF ELLIPI*
BY I.N. MEDVEDSKAYA
The Kingdom of Ellipi is mentioned in Assyrian sources from the time of Shalmaneser III to the reign of Esarhaddon1. While in the first hundred years it appears for the most part as an object of plunder and the source of tribute, later, from the time of Sargon II, it becomes a powerful seat of resistance against the Assyrian military penetration to the East. The relative location of Ellipi is precisely enough established in the Assyrian cuneiform texts. In the south it was bordering upon Elam. In the west and north-west it was in close proximity to three lands: Îalman, Tuglias and Bit-Îamban. Araziash, ÎarÌar and Media were bordering upon Ellipi in the east and north-east. The center linking these two triads was Ellipi, in several cases specifically one of its provinces — Bit-Barru(a). Only in one text of Sargon's time there is a direct indication of the com- mon frontier between Ellipi and Elam. While the Display inscription: KUR madai ruquti sa pa† sad bikni adi KUR ellipi KUR rasi sa ite elamtu…, leaves it uncertain whether only Rasi or both Rasi and Ellipi (mentioned before it) were bordering upon Elam2; another version of this text presents a different order of these place-names, so that Ellipi appears to be the land bordering upon Elam3. At the time of the growing Assyrian aggression to the east Ellipi’s proximity to Elam determined its pro-Elamite orientation, most vividly revealed in the reign of Sargon and Sennacherib. It coincides with the new growth of Elam's power, and, at the same time, with the increase of Ellipi's authority in the Zagros. As early as 744 B.C., Tiglath- pileser III captured the land of Bit-Barru(a) and annexed it to Assyria (evi- dently it was included into the newly founded province of Bit-Îamban;
* Financial support for this work was provided by the Russian Humanitarian Science Fund, project No. 97-01-00-286. 1 S. Parpola, 1970, 123-124. 2 L.D. Levine, 1974, 104. 3 H. Winckler, 1889, 85, 23. 54 I.N. MEDVEDSKAYA another province founded at the same time was Parsua, located northwards). From the texts of Sargon we know, that Bit-Barru(a) was a province of Ellipi. It is possible, that by the time of Sargon Ellipi had increased its possessions becoming a prominent land in the region. Sennacherib is call- ing it a wide land — KUR rapastu 4. This could explain, on one hand, the behavior of other rulers in the region (the ÎarÌarites, for instance, expect- ing an Assyrian invasion in 716 B.C. were seeking to become the subjects of Ellipi5), on the other it made Sargon attempt “to bow to the yoke of Ashur” on to Ellipi, the ally of Elam, whose power was increasing at that time. In 720 B.C. Sargon was defeated by the Elamites at Der6. The king of Elam, Sutruk-Nahhunte II probably moved to the region of the Khorasan road, where he captured Karintash/Karind. He managed to block the main highway over the Zagros7. In Sargon’s time the main front was the eastern one, where new lands were conquered and new provinces created. It was necessary to secure and to safeguard the Khorasan road. The struggle with pro-Elamite Ellipi was a necessary part of this process. Though Sargon claimed that he had subjugated Ellipi, it was not actually quite true, Bit-Barru(a), for example, again became the possession of Ellipi. Partly for that reason, Sargon's son Sennacherib concentrated his efforts on the southern front, where his principle adversaries were Babylon, Elam and Ellipi8. The pro-Elamite orientation of Ellipi constantly revealed itself. In 706 B.C. after the death of Talta, king of Ellipi, his sons quarreled over the throne. Nibe applied for support to the king of Elam. Assyrians interfered and enthroned Ishpabarra, another son of Talta9. In 702 B.C. Sennacherib ravaged Ellipi, and once more annexed Bit-Barru(a) along with a number of Ellipean towns, adding them to the Assyrian province of ÎarÌar10. In spite of everything, anti-Assyrian feelings in Ellipi had not been sup- pressed. In 691 it joined a new anti-Assyrian coalition, resulting in the bat- tle of Halule on the Tigris11. The last mention of Ellipi is connected with
4 D.D. Luckenbill, 1924, 28, 1.15. 5 ARAB II, §11. 6 A.K. Grayson, 1975, Chronicle Ii, ll. 33-37. 7 W. Hinz, 1964, 118; I.N. Medvedskaya, 1995, 151-152. 8 L.D. Levine,. 1982, 28-55. 9 ARAB II, §47, 65, 79, 118, 212. 10 D.D. Luckenbill,1924, 28, ll. 11-32; L.D. Levine, 1982, 38 11 L.D. Levine, 1982, 48-51. THE LOCALIZATION OF ELLIPI 55 the Median rebellion under Esarhaddon. Ellipi was evidently on the side of the rebels12. The location of the two triads mentioned above determines the location of Bit-Barru(a) in the region of the Khorasan road and the borders of Ellipi in general. ÎarÌar is mentioned in the itineraries of the Assyrian kings in connec- tion and after Media from which the Assyrians were coming back home along the highland section of the Khorasan road (campaigns of 834, 820, 716; the expedition of Adad-narari III to Media was probably followed the tracks of the campaign of 820 B.C13.). ÎarÌar lay on the highland part of the road between the descent to the Hamadan plain and Behistun. It is proved by the following. In 716 B.C., according to the annals, Sargon erected only two stelae, which meant the foundation of two new provinces — Kishesim/Kishesu and ÎarÌar14. The ÎarÌar stele was found by the Khorasan road in the Asadabad valley, 15 km to the east of Kangavar. Asadabad is the last mountain pass before the descent to the Hamadan plain. The text of the stele, contrary to the annals, gives a detailed descrip- tion of the road taken by Sargon in 716 B.C., of the process of the found- ing of the province of Kishessim and of the setting up of the stele; another stele, according to the text, was set at the end of the campaign in the land of Urattus, not in ÎarÌar15. There is nothing unusual in it: it is known that the foundation of new provinces was connected with the annexation of neighbouring lands. According to the annals of 716 B.C. six new territo- ries were added to ÎarÌar16; in the annals of 715, however, just five are mentioned, only three of them coinciding with the names in the previous list17 (v. infra). One of these discrepansies may be the omission of the name of the small country of Urattus which became part of ÎarÌar. Nev- ertheless, the authentic facts are: the making of two provinces in 716 B.C. and the discovery of the stele (weighing about 2 tons) practically in situ, in the vicinity of the Asadabad pass. It is evident that the limits of Media under Sargon, bordering upon ÎarÌar, did not go beyond the Hamadan
12 SAA IV, No. 79-80. 13 Adad-narari III mentions, between Gizilbunda and Namar, the lands Media, Mesu, Arazias, ÎarÌar, Ellipi: A.K. Grayson, 1996, A.O. 104. 8, 11. 5b-7. 14 ARAB II, §10, 11. 15 L.D. Levine, 1972, ll. 39-40, 68-70. 16 ARAB II, §11. 17 ARAB II, §14. 56 I.N. MEDVEDSKAYA plain. The route taken by Tiglath-pileser III in 744 B.C. makes us think that the western limits of ÎarÌar did not reach Behistun. In that year the Assyrians, who had been to the east of Parsua — in Îundir (Karkarihun- dir) and Bit-Kapsi — turned directly to the south, most probably taking the Sanandaj — Behistun road18. The ruler of Araziash, Ramateya, fled to the mountains on learning about the Assyrian's approach19. Evidently, of the lands added to ÎarÌar in 716 — the upper canal of Arazeshu and the lower canal of Bit-Ramatua — which probably had been two parts of Ramateya's possessions in 744 — should be located to the west of ÎarÌar, in the region of Behistun. At the same time Tiglath-pileser III captured the rebellious city of Erinziashu; this city, under the name “Elenzash” is men- tioned in 702 B.C. by Sennacherib as the royal city of the district of Bit- Barru(a)20. Moving to the south, towards Erinziashu and to Bit-Barru(a), Tiglath-pileser III passed to the left of both Kishesu (located to the north of ÎarÌar, between the sections of the roads Sanandaj-Hamadan and Sanandaj-Behistun), and also of ÎarÌar. He did not touch the possessions of Ramateya, which, judging by his behaviour, were closer to the route taken by Tiglath-pileser III than the lands of ÎarÌar. Let us compare the routes of 744 and 716. Both kings were moving from Parsua through Îundir, but Sargon went not to the south, but to the south-east, to Media. Before Media he came to Kishesu, and then, from the western border of Media (from Sagbat/Hagmatana), he penetrated to ÎarÌar. So, if the Assyrians were not going through Media, they were not getting to Îar- Ìar. For this reason it is impossible to locate ÎarÌar “in the Kerman- shah valley or the eastern Mahidasht”21. Those valleys, through which the Khorasan road ran, were inevitably visited by the Assyrians on their way home. It is possible to think that Bit-Barru(a) was located by the Khorasan road between Behistun and Kermanshah. In 702 B.C. on becoming part of the ÎarÌar province, Bit-Barru(a) was in fact added to Araziash which had
18 Straight from Parsua it is possible to go to the south along the Paveh-Kermanshah road; Bit-Kapsi, however, towards which Tiglath-pileser III was moving, was located further to the east of Parsua, near Media, because in 737 B.C. it had been named in the list of Median tributaries (vide infra). 19 H. Tadmor, 1994, Ann. l2, ll. 1-2. 20 H. Tadmor, 1994, St. IB: 5’-12’; Ann. 11, l. 12; note 12; D.D. Luckenbill, 1924, 28, ll. 25-28. 21 L.D. Levine, 1987, 230. THE LOCALIZATION OF ELLIPI 57 been included into ÎarÌar earlier, in 716 B.C. The western limits of Bit- Barru(a) were bordering upon Bit-Îamban into which it had been included in 744 B.C. In 716 Sargon added six districts to the new province of ÎarÌar: two districts of Araziash, the lands of Urikatu, Sikris, Saparda, Uriakku/ Uriyaka. In 715 the annexed districts rebelled, but only five of them, how- ever, are mentioned. Moreover, only three names coincide with the list of 716: Uriakku, Saparda and Sikris22. The comparison of the lists of lands on the stele of 716 and on Prism A, which also should be dated to 716 B.C23. reveal the coincidence of only four names on the section of Sargon's route from Saparda to Bustus: Sikris, Ukuta, Upurya and Bustus itself. The route of 713 B.C., from Ellipi and further to the east coincides with the route of 716 in three points: Uriakka, Upurya and Bustus. If we accept the emenda- tion suggested by I.M. Diakonoff in the list of 713: [Sigri]su before Ba'it-ili24, then Sigris appears in all three lists: of 716, 713 and in the annals of 716 and 715. Evidently, these lands were the most significant ones in this small region. The districts between them were probably so small, that there was no reason to specify their names in the list or to visit them again. The lands of Sikris, Uparia/Upurya, Saparda and Uriakka are important for the definition of the border between Ellipi and Media. The first three names appear in the list of Median tributaries in 737 B.C25. This list, it seems, can help to verify the south-western borders of Media. While in the region of Sagbat/Hangmatana its western borders were not going beyond the Hamadan plain, towards the south its possessions were spreading to the Zagros, to the south of the Khorasan road, but not to the west of the Kuh-i-Garin range. It follows from the location of ÎarÌar on the Khorasan road from the Asadabad pass and, adding Araziash, up to Behistun, that we may suggest the annexation of Saparda, Sikris, Uparya and Uriakku only on its southern side. For the good reason that these districts were near or ever bordering upon Ellipi. It was enough just for one of these lands to have a common border with ÎarÌar. Most probably it was Saparda. If, by
22 ARAB II, §11, 14. 23 The principal points of the two lists coincide; their identity in the final parts of the lists are especially important. Meanwhile in 713 after Bustus (the common point for all lists) the route went to the inner Media through the lands of Agazi, Ambanda, Dananu unknown in 716. 24 ARAB II, §23; I.M. Diakonoff, 1956, 219. 25 H. Tadmor, 1994, St. IIB: 25’- 43’; Sikris named here Sikra. 58 I.N. MEDVEDSKAYA mistake, in the query to god Samas instead of Sa-par-du it is written Sa- an-du26, then ÎarÌar and Saparda were linked by a mountain pass blocked on the side of ÎarÌar by the city of Kilman. Their common border is sup- ported by the fact, that before the Median rebellion under Esarhaddon Saparda was a part of ÎarÌar, whence from squadrons collecting tribute were dispatched to the inner regions of Media27. At the time of the rebel- lion the cities Kilman and ∑ubara were besieged by rebel troops from Saparda28. Sikris and Upurya were probably no more included again into ÎarÌar in 714, i.e. after the rebellion of 715; they are missing in the list of Assyrian tributaries29. Under Esarhaddon troops were dispatched to Sikris to collect tribute, which was a difficult task30. It testifies probably, that even at a later time Sikris did not belong to Assyria. In 716 B.C. Sargon penetrated from Upurya through the mountain pass of the same name to the plain, marching against the cities of Bustus. The description of this route is the only case where both the plain and the mountain pass are taken into account31. In view of the location of ÎarÌar, it is possible to suggest, that Sargon described the exit to the Malayer- Jowkar plain, on the borders of Hamadan, where the Median site Tepe Nush-i Jan with a fire-temple is located. In this case the lands through which Sargon passed in 716 after ÎarÌar, in 713 after Ellipi, moving towards Bustus were occupying the area between the Kuh-i-Garin range — in the valley of Nehavend and in some part of the Burujird valley — and the plain of Hamadan. In the list of Median tributaries of 737 the dispersal of the named Median provinces is quite significant, it probably defines the borders of the western part of Media from ∑ibar and Bit-Kapsi on the north and north-west (in the 9th-8th cent. B.C. ∑ibar belonged to Gizilbunda and in 714 B.C. Bit-Kapsi was a unit independent from Media) through Sad- bat/Sagbat to Saparda, Uparya and Sikra/Sikris on the south. The Kuh-i- Garin range in the 8th cent. and probably till the Median rebellion of the 670s remained the south-western border of Media, for the reason that
26 I.M. Diakonoff, 1951, 229, n. 16; SAA, IV, No. 51. 27 SAA IV, No. 65, 71. 28 SAA IV, No. 48, 51. 29 ARAB II, §147. 30 SAA IV, No. 65. 31 L.D. Levine, 1972, 42, ll 56-57. THE LOCALIZATION OF ELLIPI 59 further to the west, up to the Kuh-i Sefid range the culture of the Baba-Jan III type painted pottery is located. It can not be Median because it is quite different from the pottery found at Nush-i Jan, which, in its turn is defi- nitely Median because of its location32. The penetration of Median pottery to the west of Kuh-i-Garin starts from the 7th cent. B.C33. It is difficult to say, to what extent changes in material culture reflect political events, though in this particular case some connection may be traced; it is the period of the victory of the Median rebels and the beginning of Median expansion of the 660s B.C34. The part of Media described here bordered upon Ellipi. In the course of the Median rebellion of the 670s the capture of ÎarÌar was one of the strategic tasks of the rebels — it was necessary to cut the principal Assyr- ian line of communication in the Zagros. One of the directions of this blow was from the south, through the rebellious Saparda. It resulted in the involvement of the neighbouring Ellipi into the struggle35. The proximity of Uriakka and Ellipi, or even the presence of a common border is evident from the context of three letters of the time of Sargon36. These were obvi- ously written in ÎarÌar (in Kar-Sharrukin) during a comparatively peace- ful time, when “all neighbours” or “the Medes who are round about us are quiet”. This situation became possible after 713 B.C., when Uriakka finally became a part of ÎarÌar and had to pay tribute regularly, which, according to one of the letters, was controlled by Assyrian officers. Ba'it-ili, possibly neighbouring upon Sikris (v. supra) had a common border with Ellipi. It was captured by Sargon in 713 B.C.37. We shall return to Sikris later, in connection with the southern border of Ellipi. The location of the western triad of lands — Bit-Îamban, Îalman and Tuglias depends upon the location of Namar bordering upon all these three countries. In 843 Namar came under the jurisdiction of Bit-Îam- ban, Tuglias had formerly belonged to Namar38. In 702 Namar along with Îalman came under the power of Arrapha, both countries appear
32 I.N. Medvedskaya, 1992, 73-75. 33 C. Goff, 1978, 36-38. The location of Baba Jan cultural area between Kuh-i Garin and Kuh-i-Sefid see on pp. 34-35. 34 I.N. Medvedskaya, 1992 a, 102; ABL No. 434. 35 SAA IV, No. 76, 79, 80. 36 ABL No. 645, 713, 1046. 37 ARAB II, §23, 58. 38 A.K. Grayson, 1996, A.O. 102.6, iv, ll. 13-15, A.O. 102.14 ll. 93b-95. 60 I.N. MEDVEDSKAYA here correspondingly under the names “the land of Kassites and the land of Yasubigallai”39. The location of Namar between the Jebel Hamrin and the Basian ranges, where the Basian is cut by the Diyala river and where there was a moun- tain and the Îashmar pass known to the Assyrians, leaves no doubt40. In standard descriptions of Ashur-nasir-apli's conquests it is usually said: “from the pass of the Mount (or city) Babitu to the pass of the Mount Îashmar”41. In one case, however, Îashmar is replaced: “from the pass of the city Babitu to the land Namru”42. It means, that the territory of Namar included the mountain Îashmar, the mountain pass and the district of the same name. It appears, that in the location of Namar the question of the belonging of the left bank of the Diyala is not taken into account. Mean- while the neighbourhood of Îalman, which is definitely located in the highland area of Sar-i-Pul-i-Zuhab43 and which did not include the lower bank of the Diyala44 suggests that this territory belonged to Namar. The proximity of Namar and Bit-Îamban also requires this condition. Since Bit-Îamban was bordering also upon Tuglias on the south or south- east, then the only territory left where it could be located is the Mahidasht plain with neighbouring territories. Thus the location suggested by J. Kin- ner Wilson — from the Sirwan river, the name given to the upper reaches of the Diyala, to the region of Kermanshah is the most convincing45. In the northern part of this plain L. Levine located Parsua46. Though his location
39 D.D. Luckenbill, 1924, 27, ll. 2-6. 40 L.D. Levine, 1973, 19, 22, 23, notes 84, 103, 104. 41 A.K. Grayson, 1976, §560, 589, 651, 676, 729, 762. 42 A.K. Grayson, 1976, §716. 43 L.D. Levine, 1973, 24-27. 44 According to the text on the “Black Obelisk” in 828 B.C., the Assyrian troops “
47 L.D. Levine, 1972a, 71. 48 P. Calmeyer, 1989, 611. 49 E.A. Grantovskij, 1970, p. 107. 50 J.V. Kinnier Wilson, 1962, 113-114. 62 I.N. MEDVEDSKAYA linked through the Sumurzu district. In 843 B.C. it belonged to Tuglias which, in its turn, was within the authority of Namar51. Later, however, Sumurzu became independent of Tuplias; in 744 B.C. Sumurzu is named among the conquered territories along with Bit-Barru(a) and Bit-Îamban, separately from the city of Niqu of the land Tuplias52. At that same time Sumurzu was conquered and adjoined to Assyria53, to the province Bit- Îamban, like Bit-Barru(a) (v. supra). Sumurzu in this way should be located to the north-east of Mandali, at least somewhere in the area of the Shahabad valley. Somewhere there could be the pass in the land Tuglias where in 843 B.C. the Assyrians received tribute from Baru, the Ellipean. With his name the name of the land Bit-Barru(a) is connected, bordering on Bit-Îamban somewhere near Tuglias. There is nothing pointing directly to any common border between Tuglias and Ellipi. As for the region of Der, it is unlikely that it belonged to the land of Tuglias. First of all, Der was a frontier area between Elam and Babylo- nia54. Military conflicts between Babylonia, Elam and Assyria often took place there, Tuglias is never mentioned in this connection. Then, in the lists of officials of Nebuchadnezzar II officials from Tuglias and Der are listed separately55. It proves, that Tuglias and Der were two distinct administra- tive units, at least at the end of the 7th cent. B.C. There is some uncertainty in the localization of the river Tuplias and in its relation to the land Tuglias. In 710 B.C. Sargon reports, that after he had conquered six provinces of Gambulu in the south-east of Babylonia, tribes from a number of (neighbouring?) provinces fled at night towards the stormy river Uqnu (Karkeh)56. Then follows: “The Tuplias, a river of their defence, I blocked with piles of earth and reeds”57. Obviously, the events described here took place further to the south of the land Tuglias. W.F. Albright solved this difficult problem in the following way. He wrote: “The Uqnu is here called “River of Tuplias” because it flows down from
51 A.K. Grayson, A.O. 102.6, iv, ll. 13-20. 52 H. Tadmor, 1994, Ann. 16, l. 5; Summ. 1, l. 17; Summ. 11, l. 20; Summ. 2, l. 18; Summ. 3, 1.4’-5’; Summ 7, ll. 29, 34-35. 53 H. Tadmor, 1994, Ann. 12, ll. 4, 6. 54 J.A. Brinkman, 1986, 200. Unlike W. Hinz J. Brinkman does not include Mandeli into the Elamo-Babylonian frontier area: W. Hinz, 1964, 99. 55 E. Unger, 1970, No. 26, IV, 23, 26. 56 S. Parpola identifies the Uknu with the river Karun: S. Parpola, 1970, 406. 57 ARAB II, §32; H. Winckler, 1889, Ann. ll. 265-266. THE LOCALIZATION OF ELLIPI 63
Tuplias, just as Euphrates is also called “River Sippar…”58. He came to the conclusion, that the land Tuplias lay somewhere in the upper flow of the Uqnu/Karkeh, about 65 km to the north-east of Mandeli, i.e. it could be the basin of the northern tributaries of the Saimarreh to the south of Sha- habad. It would have been in conformity with the suggested location of Sumurzu. J.A. Brinkman, however, as well as S. Parpola, think that Uqnu and Tuplias were two distinct rivers. The Tuplias river is placed by them in the Elamo-Babylonian frontier area. Parpola calls the left tributary of the Tigris Nahr a†-™ib59. What is then the land of the river Tuplias, the chiefs of the king of which reporting to Assyria about their support of the Assyrian king? Among the names one Nabuushallim is mentioned; he (probably in reward for his support) was appointed the governor of the Babylonian province Bit-Dakkuri by Esarhaddon60. This appointment is mentioned in the text of Cylinder A, where Nabuushallim is called the son of Balasu61. That Balasu was the ruler of Dakkuri under Tiglath-pileser III62. In the Achaemenid time the river dup-li-ja-is and a land of the same name are mentioned in connection with the temple of Eanna in Uruk. In one case it is said about grazing temple cattle on the river, in another one a representative of Dublias was commissioned to perform certain tasks by the administration of the temple63. These facts leave no possibility to connect the river and the land Dublias with the Tuplias considered above. The former Tuplias was further to the north of the Elamo-Babylonian frontier area64. So, the location of the western triad of lands — Bit-Îamban, Îal- man and Tuglias, and of the eastern one — Araziash, ÎarÌar and Media, allows us to suggest, that Ellipi was in Pish-i Kuh. It is a small highland country to the east of the impassable range of Kabir-Kuh and limited on the east by the Kuh-i-Garin range. It is divided into the eastern and the western part by the Kuh-i-Sefid range. Its lower western part are the Garm- sir winter pastures, the eastern one — the well-watered Sardsir summer
58 W.F. Albright, 1925, 216-217. 59 J.A. Brinkman, 1986, 200; S. Parpola, 406, map. 60 ABL No. 906, 1112; RCAE III, 302. 61 ARAB II, §535. 62 H. Tadmor, 1994, Summ. 7, l. 26; Summ. 11, l. 18. 63 M.A. Dandamayev, 1966, 27 (YOS 3, 117, YOS 7, 86). 64 J.A. Brinkman, 1968, 275, note 1773. 64 I.N. MEDVEDSKAYA pastures65. C. Goff emphasised the cultural differences of Garmsir and Sardsir. Only in the last one there flourished in the 8th-7th cent. B.C. the Baba Jan III-II type culture of painted pottery66. Cultural differences, how- ever, do not exclude the presence of a single state. Ellipi, probably, was formed by several districts, of which only Bit-Barru(a) is known. A political union in this area did not necessarily mean a cultural integration (or there was just no time for the last one to take place). Besides external factors the political unification of Ellipi provided a solid natural base for transhumance. This land was an exclusive economic area. As it was mentioned earlier, on the south Ellipi bordered on Elam. To specify this frontier the complicated and disputable question of the loca- tion of the Elamite district Simaski/Simaski should be considered. It was placed to the north of Susiana in Luristan, in the region of Khorramabad, this suggestion made by W. Hinz was accepted by many scholars. A different location, also between Susa and Ispahan, to the south-east of Khuzistan and to the north of Khuzistan and Pars was suggested. Recently F. Vallat proposed to place Simaski in the region of Kerman67. It should be taken into account, that according to his own historical map Elam is consider- ably moved back from Mesopotamia. Only Susa is left in its old place, all other districts are shifted to the east or south-east68. The decisive argument in favour of the new location of Simaski were, according to Vallat, archae- ological finds in the province of Kerman (proto-Elamite tablets, pottery, iconography)69. There is no place here to survey all suggested localizations, let us con- sider only the decisive, in my opinion, arguments provided by M. Stolper. These exclude the eastern localization of Simaski and allow to place it to the north of Susiana. First of all, Simaski was within the range of frequent con- tacts with Ur and was close to the territory directly controlled from Ur, even though the extent of this political control can be estimated differently70.
65 C. Goff, 1968, 105-108. In other place C. Goff calls the regions of Rumishgan and Kuh-i Dasht “summer pastures” and the environs of Nurabad — “winter pastures”, C. Goff, 1971, 133. 66 C. Goff, 1978, 34-35. 67 F. Vallat, 1993, CXIIIf., CXVIIf., 243 (with previous literature); F. Vallat, 1985, 49-54. 68 F. Vallat, 1993, map. 69 F. Vallat, 1993, CXIV, CXVII f., 243. 70 M.W. Stolper, 1982, 45, note 15. THE LOCALIZATION OF ELLIPI 65
Then, the Su-Sin inscription of the late 3rd millennium specifies, that Simaski included six lands, among them Zabsali and Sikris. The identi- fication of Sikris with Neo-Assyrian Sikris is now generally accepted. Though Vallat underestimates the importance of this document suggesting that the inclusion of these lands was not permanent, just a temporary conquest71, in any case Simaski could not be too far from them. Earlier we have verified the position of Sikris to the south of the Khorasan road; Ker- man was too far from it. But the most decisive of Stolper's arguments against the eastern location of Simaski is a Sumerian royal Hymn com- memorating the deeds of Isbi-Erra of Isin. There the ultimate limits of Elam are described from Basime/Pasime on the seacoast (…) to the bor- ders of Zabsali; from Arawa/Urua, the bolt of Elam (…) to the borders of MarÌasi72. Two axes are reflected here: south-north Basime — Zabsali and west-east Arawa/Urua — MarÌasi. P. Steinkeller brought forth argu- ments to locate Pasime/Misime on the north-eastern coast of the Per- sian Gulf and Arawa — in the west of Elam. Arawa, which became the province of the IIIrd dynasty of Ur, held a strategic position on the pass from southern Babylonia to the Susiana plain — the one described as sag-kul-Elam — “the bolt of Elam”73. Thus one of the lands named in the Su-Sin's text as belonging to Simaski — Zabsali — is located on the north of Elam, Sikris/Sikris being not far from it. This Hymn makes us reject the localization of MarÌasi on the north-west of Elam demanding to place it on the east, though not on the south-east, as suggested by Vallat. Both axes, it seems, are not applicable to the historical map of Elam suggested by Vallat and loose all sense. It is noteworthy, that Vallat does not comment on the text of the Hymn in connection with his attribution of Simaski, though he mentions it when transferring MarÌasi to the south-east of Elam. The region of Khorramabad suggested by Hinz to locate Simaski remains preferrable. First of all, it corresponds to the Basime — Zabsali axis and is not far from Sikris. Then, this territory is neighbouring on Susiana, with all the resulting consequences after Stolper. Third, the tributary of the Karkeh, Kashgan, which flows across the Khorramabad valley, is a natural border between Pish-i Kuh, and the highland to the south of Kashgan,
71 M.W. Stolper, 1982, 45; F. Vallat, 1993, 243 72 M.W. Stolper, 1982, 46; P. Steinkeller, 1982, 240-246. 73 P. Steinkeller, 1982, 239-246 66 I.N. MEDVEDSKAYA between the Karkeh and the Diz rivers to the north of Susiana. Judging by archaeological data, this watershed was also a cultural frontier. It could be a natural border between Ellipi and Elam. Certain cultural ties between Susiana and the mountain peoples are still traceable at the beginning of the 3d millennium B.C. (speaking about territories to the west of the Kabir Kuh range — Pusht-i Kuh and Deh Luran). Towards the end of the 3d millennium, however, Susiana becomes more and more western orientated74. At that same time Elam comes under the rule of the Simaski royal dynasty. The area covered by sites of the Godin III type (2600-1600 B.C.) from the Malayer plain and Kangavar on the east and Kabir Kuh on the west does not spread directly to the south of Kashgan, though limited parallels in the painted pottery of Susa are present75. R. Henrikson suggests that the Elamite district of Simaski corresponded to the area of this ceramic tradition. “During the Ur III period a number of (semi-) autonomous polities formed a network of alliances to resist Ur III military and political pressures. This led to the formation of a loosely con- federated state”76. This general rule is applicable to any highland region to the east of Mesopotamia. The archaeological material may not necessarily be the main argument for localization of a land, especially during such a dark period in the history of Iran as the 3d-2nd millennia B.C., it can serve only as additional proof. In the Neo-Assyrian period the historical districts of Elam, though most of them lost their former significance, continued to occupy the same terri- tories. There is no reason to think, that Elam had any approach to the Kho- rasan road, which would have followed from the localization of Simaski in the area of Godin III ceramic tradition. Assyrian kings struggled to take control over this road fighting against secondary state formations all the names of which are known. This struggle had been started by Tiglath- pileser III by creating the province of Bit-Îamban and was formerly com- pleted by Sargon, who formed the province of ÎarÌar and “laid the yoke of Ashur on the land of Ellipi”77. The last statement may not have been a direct reflection of the real state of things, rather the reflection of the necessity to fight against this pro-Elamite country.
74 E. Carter, 1985, 45-47. 75 R.C. Henrickson, 1984, 98-122, figs. 1-4. 76 R.C. Henrickson, 1984, 100. 77 H. Winckler, 1889, 83, l. 8. THE LOCALIZATION OF ELLIPI 67
In connection with a temporary defeat of Ellipi under Sargon I would like to take notice of one toponym marked by Sargon as the limit of his conquests. Usually strategically and politically important places, cities and lands are named as such limits. It is is-tu KUR Îa-as-mar a-di KUR ∑i-mas pat-ti KUR ma-da-a-a rûÈûtê sa Òi-it sam-si — from Îasmar to ∑imas, the land bordering on the far-off Medians of the East78. From what is said above it could follow that the narrative concerns Sargon's con- quests from Hashmar — an important mountain pass along the Diyala through Namar to Parsua — to the borders of Simaski or of Elam. This axis ran through the countries listed directly after the cited passage: Namar, Ellipi, Bit-Îamban, Parsua. The valleys of Mahidasht, Khorram- bad and Pish-i Kuh lie along this axis. Sargon placed ∑imas on the border of Madai rûÈûtê, (nage rûÈûtê, “far-off districts” that is how he denotes South-West Media: Sikris, Saparda, Zakruti, etc., it in his stele of 716)79, located on the eastern border of Ellipi. This region was bordering upon the Khorrambad valley and the neighbouring territories, where we may locate Simaski/∑imas. On the basis of the historical-geographical investigation presented above it is quite possible to identify Simaski of the 3d-2nd millennia B.C. with ∑imas of the Neo-Assyrian time80. From the linguistic point of view such identification is not improbable81. It is known that the correct reading of the toponym — Simaski or Simas had for a long time been a disputable subject among scholars, and that the reading Simaski has been established quite recently. If we take into account that in the original of Sargon's text the name ∑imas is preceded by determinative of land — KUR, therefore it is possible to suggest that the scribe took the ending -ki for the determi- native ki of a similar meaning, namely “district, settlement”, though it was less generally used than KUR applied before all geographical names in this passage, and omitted it. Second, there was probably an additional affricate *c in Elamite, its quality, however, still unclear82. For this reason it could be differently perceived by Akkadian-speaking people. Thus the
78 D.G. Lyon, 1883, 3, l. 14. 79 L.D. Levine, 1972, 40, ll. 47-48. 80 Their identity was obvious for E. Herzfeld, though he never considered this question specially: E. Herzfeld, 1968, 180. 81 I would like to express my most profound gratitude to I.M. Diakonoff and V.A. Jakob- son who shared some of their philological observations in support of this identification. 82 I.M. Diakonoff, 1978, 41. 68 I.N. MEDVEDSKAYA name of the Elamite king Siwe-palar-huhpak in Akkadian texts sometimes appear with initial ZÍ = [∑i] and even (in the texts from Mari) with the initial SE83. Therefore it is possible to assume that in the Neo-Assyrian dialect of the Akkadian language the transcription of this Elamite toponym through the sibilant ∑ (i.e. [c, ts]) was a close rendering of what the scribe had heard.
Bibliography
ALBRIGHT, W.F., 1925: “A Babylonian Geographical Treatise on Sargon of Akkad's Empire”, Journal of the American Oriental Society 45, 193-245. BRINKMAN, J.A., 1960: A Political History of Post-Kassite Babylonia, 1158-722 B.C. (Analecta Orientalia 43), Rome. BRINKMAN, J.A., 1986: “The Elamite-Babylonian Frontier in the Neo-Elamite Period, 750-625 B.C.”, Fragmenta Historiae Aelamicae, Mélanges offerts à M.-J. Steve, Paris, 199-207. CALMEYER, P., 1989: “Gute Geister”, Archaeologia Iranica et Orientalis, Miscel- lanea in honorem Louis Vanden Berghe, Gent, 605-621. CARTER, E., 1985: “Notes on Archaeology and the Social and Economic History of Susiana”, Paléorient 11/2, 43-47. DANDAMAEV, M.A., 1966: “Temple and State in Later Babylonia”, Vestnik Drev- nej Istorii 4 (in Russian), 17-39. DIAKONOFF, I.M., 1951: “Assyro-Babylonian Sources for the History of Urartu”, Vestnik Drevnej Istorii 3 (in Russian), 207-252. DIAKONOFF, I.M., 1956: The History of Media, Moscow-Leningrad (in Russian). DIAKONOFF, I.M., 1979: “The Elamite Language”, in: The Languages of Asia and Africa, Moscow (in Russian), 37-49. GRANTOVSKIJ, E.A., 1970: The Early History of Iranian Tribes in Western Asia, Moscow (in Russian). GRAYSON, A.K., 1975: Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles (Texts from Cunei- form Sources V), Locust Valley. GRAYSON, A.K., 1976: Assyrian Royal Inscriptions 2, Wiesbaden. GRAYSON, A.K., 1996: Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium B.C., II (858-745 B.C.), (The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Assyrian Periods 3), Toronto, Buffalo, London. GOFF, C., 1968: “Luristan in the First Half of the First Millennium B.C.”, Iran VI, 105-132. GOFF, C., 1971: “Luristan before the Iron Age”, Iran IX, 131-152.
83 M.W. Stolper, 1982, 60, M-693; W. Hinz and H. Koch, 1978, s.v. THE LOCALIZATION OF ELLIPI 69
GOFF, C., 1978: “Excavations at Baba Jan: the Pottery and Metal from Levels III and II”, Iran XVI, 29-67. HARPER, R.F., 1892-1914: Assyrian and Babylonian Letters, London and Chicago [= ABL, RCAE]. HENRICKSON, R.C., 1984: “Simaski and Central Western Iran: The Archaeologi- cal Evidence”, Zeitschrift für Assyriologie 74/1, 98-122. HERZFELD, E., 1968: The Persian Empire, Wiesbaden. HINZ, W., 1964: Das Reich Elam, Stuttgart. HINZ, W. and KOCH, H., 1987: Elamisches Wörterbuch (Archäologische Mittei- lungen aus Iran, Ergänzungsband 17), Berlin. KINNIER WILSON, J.V., 1962: “The Kurba'il Statue of Shalmaneser III”, Iraq 24/2, 90-115. LEVINE, L.D., 1972: Two Neo-Assyrian Stelae from Iran (Occasional Paper 23, Royal Ontario Museum), Toronto. LEVINE, L.D., 1972a: “Îamban”, Reallexicon der Assyriologie IV, Berlin and New York, 71. LEVINE, L.D., 1973: “Geographical Studies in the Neo-Assyrian Zagros”, Iran XI, 1-27. LEVINE, L.D., 1974: “Geographical Studies in the Neo-Assyrian Zagros”, Iran XII, 99-124. LEVINE, L.D., 1982: “Sennacherib's Southern Front: 704-689 B.C.”, Journal of Cuneiform Studies 34/1-2, 28-58. LEVINE, L.D., 1987: “The Iron Age”, in F. Hole (ed.): The Archaeology of Western Iran. Settlement and Society from Prehistory to the Islamic Conquest, Wash- ington, 229-250. LUCKENBILL, D.D., 1924: The Annals of Sennacherib (Oriental Institute Publica- tions II), Chicago. LUCKENBILL, D.D., 1926-1927: Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia, I-II, Chicago [= ARAB]. LYON, D.G., 1883: Keilschrifttexte Sargon's Königs von Assyrien (722-705 v. Chr.), Leipzig. MEDVEDSKAYA, I.N., 1992: “The Question of the Identification of 8th-7th century Median Sites and the Formation of the Iranian Architectural Tradition”, Archä- ologische Mitteilungen aus Iran, 25, 73-79. MEDVEDSKAYA, I.N., 1992a: “The Periodisation of the Scythian Archaic Period and the Ancient Orient”, Russian Archaeology 3 (in Russian), 86-107. MEDVEDSKAYA, I.N., 1995: “Have the Assyrians Been in Ecbatana?”, Vestnik Drevnej Istorii 2, (in Russian) 147-155. PARPOLA, S., 1970: Neo-Assyrian Toponyms (Alter Orient und Altes Testament 6), Neukirchen-Vluyn. READE, J.E., 1978: “Kassites and Assyrians in Iran”, Iran XVI, 137-143. RUSSEL, H., 1984: “Shalmaneser's Campaign to Urartu in 856 B.C.”, Anatolian Studies 34, 171-201. STARR, I., 1990: Queries to the Sungod (State Archives of Assyria IV), Helsinki University Press [= SAA IV]. 70 I.N. MEDVEDSKAYA
STEINKELLER, P., 1982: “The Question of MarÌasi”, Zeitschrift für Assyriologie 72/2, 237-265. STOLPER, M.W., 1982: “On the Dynasty of Simaski and the early SukkalmaÌs”, Zeitschrift für Assyriologie 72/1, 42-67. TADMOR, H., 1994: The Inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser III King of Assyria, Jeru- salem. UNGER, E., 1970: Babylon, die heilige Stadt nach der Beschreibung der Babylo- nier, Berlin (reprint). VALLAT, F., 1985: “Eléments de géographie élamite (résumé)”, Paléorient 11/2, 49-54. VALLAT, F., 1993: Les noms géographiques des sources suso-élamites (Repertoire géographique des textes cunéiformes 11), Wiesbaden. WINCKLER, H., 1889: Die Keilschrifttexte Sargons, I, Leipzig.