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, CENSUS OF , 1951

DIGEST· , ';' t OF , I' , THE 1951 CENSUS ~EPO*T · ' " I FOR . '~ , ' BOMBAY, SAURASHTM :AND KUT<;H

I

B11

! J. B. BOWMAN, / I of the Indian Civil Service, Superintendent of Census Op~ratior1s for Bombay, anI Kutch I ' ,

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.1 BOMBAY, SAURASHTRA AND S shOW'?1 Di511'icl and Ta/uka 6olJf1"~" N

Ld 20 4Q 60 80

I(ty TO MAP

I!IUAL NAME OF DISTRICT NUMB! R 1 GIUATE'" BO/'fSAY 2 8AIIASI

(j. pr .f' POONA , I,S) +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++t++++++++++++++t++++++++++ CONTENTS +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++t+++t+++++++++++++++++++

PAGE CHAPTER I-General Population ." 1 CHAPTER II-Rural Population ...... 7 \ CHAPTER nI-Urban Population 12

CHAPTER IV-Agricultural Classes 1~

I CHAPTER V-Non·Agricultural Classes ." 26 CHAPTER VI-Families, Sexes and Principal Age Groups 31

... ~ ~ . , CHAPTER VII-Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other "Backward Classes 35 CHAPTER VIII-Displaced Persons .. , 37

CHAPTER IX-Literacy tit " . 38 ,,, CHAPTER X-Languago ... '" 39

CHAPTER XI-Reljgion " , ,II , .. 40

MAPS

Map showing District and Taluka boundaries " Fronti8piece

Map showing Density of Population .1 •• ... facing page 2

Digest of the 1951 Census Report for Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch CORRIGENDUM• Page. Column. Line. For Read 27 :7. 20 being self·stlPporting being self-supporting persons with a persons without a secondary sec()n~ary A Bk Ye 1 Many busy people will lack the time to read the Census Report. For their benefit this summary has been prepared, CHAPTER I ++++++++++++++++++++++++++t+++++++++++++++++++++++t++++++++++++t+++tt+ GENERAL POPULATION +++t++++'++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++t+++ttttttt+tt+ttttttttt SECTION 1

I PRELIMINARY REMARKS

During the decade 1941-51 the population of State of Kutch was taken over by the Govern­ as at present constituted increas­ ment of India in June 1948. '. ed by 23·2 per cent, that of Saurashtra by 16·2 Among the States of the Indian Union per cent and that of Kutch by 11·8 per cent. Bombay with a 1951 population of 35,956,150 Extensive territorial changes took place during and an area of 111,434 square miles was the the past decade. 176 of the former Indian fourth most POPwous and the fifth largest in States were merged in Bombay in 1948-49. area. None of the Part A'States recorded such Saurashtra was formed when the 202 States of a heavy increase in population as Bombay the peninsula covenanted into a new during the past decade. Union of States. The administration of the

SECTION 2

GENERAL DISTRmUTION AND DENSffY

It has been customary to examine the census Mahals, Baroda, Broach, , and , . . data with reference to what are called "natural having a combined population of 11,396,789 divisions" into which districts with roughly and an area of 33,136 square miles. The nve similar characteristics were grouped. districts of Saurashtra State, which constituted There were seven natural divisions in Bombay, a separate natural division, were RaJar, Madhya Saurashtra and Kutch at the 1951 census. The Saurashtra, Zalawad, Gohilwad and Sorath, Deccan Northern Division comprised the having a total population of 4,137,359 and an districts of West Khandesh, East Khandesh, area of 21,451 square miles. The State of Dangs, Nasik, Ahmednagar, Poona, Satara Kutch, with a population of 567,606, and an North, Satara South, , and Sholapur, area of 16,724 square miles, also constituted with a combined population of 12,364,735, and a separate natural division. Greater Bombay, an area of 45,155 square miles. The Deccan with a population of 2,839,270 and -an area of Southern Division comprised the three districts of , Bijapur and Dharwar, with 111 square miles, was a separate natural divi­ a combined population of 4,698,479 and an area sion and an exclusively urban area. The of 17,430 square miles. The Cujarat Division, natural division of the consisted of the like the Deccan Northern Division, comprised four districts of Thana, Kolaba, Ratnagiri and ten districts. They were Banaskantha, Sabar­ Kanara, having a population of 4,656,877 and kantha, , , Kaira, Panch an area of 15,602 square miles. A (Bk) Yc 1-1 GENERAL POPULATION

The density of the area that now forms mile. In the 25·24 square miles that formed Bombay State was 201 persons to the square Bombay City before the 'extension of its mile in 1921, 227 in 1931, 262 in 1941 and 323 boundaries during the decade the density was in 1951. The density of Saurashtra was 119 92,275. in 1921 and 193 in 1951. Kutch recorded a more modest rise from 29 in 1921 to 34 in 1951. Forest areas in Dangs and Kanara reduced Within the State of Bombay in 1951 the density the densities of these districts to 72 and 130. of was 344, of the Konkan 298, of the Kaira district had a density of 634 and Kolha­ Deccan Northern Division 274, and of the pur of 445. A fertile soil and, in Kolha­ Deccan Southern Division 270. Greater Bombay pur, a fairly assured rainfall, accounted for had a density of 25,579 persons to the square these high densities.

SECTION 3

GROWTH

Increase in population is determined only by highest increase ever recorded. Substantial three factors-births, deaths, and migration. increases in population were the rule. ihe India's population growth in modern times has eight districts of Greater Bombay, Thana, not been exceptional but close to average. The Poona, Ahmedabad, Banaskantha, Nasik, Ahmed­ population of Bombay State increased by 55 per nagar, and West Khandesh increased by more cent between 1872 and 1941, as against 120 per than 25 per cent, and only the five districts of cent in Japan, and 23 per cent in the U. S. A. Ratnagiri, Broach, East Khandesh, Kolaba and The growth of population in India exhibited Amreli recorded increases of less than 15 per marked Huctuations from decade to decade cent. Greater Bombay recorded a spectacular until 1921, due principally to the great famine increase from 1,695,168 in 1941 to 2,839,270 in of 1899 and the inHuenza epidemic of 1918-19. 1951. Banaskantha's unusual increase was Since 1921, however, Bombay not only shared largely due to the famine migrants of 1940 the increases at successive censuses, ,but record­ returning to their homes. Thana district, which ed increases above the aver~e for the country adjoins Greater Bombay, developed consider­ as a whole. - ably during the decade. Displaced persons from were settled in the new township The population of Bombay, Saurashtra and of Ulhasnagar in that district. Even Kanara Kut.ch---increased by 60 per cent between 1921 district, where the 1941 population was less than and 1951. The experience of districts varied. tbe 1901 population, had a 17·4 per cent At one extreme Greater Bombay increased by increase during the decade. DDT spraying 119 per cent, Ahmedabad by 98 per cent, revived the area where population had been in Ahmednagar and Dangs by 96 per cent, Thana decline because of malaria. by 80 per cent, and Poona by 77 per cent. At the other extreme Kutch increased by only 409,882 displaced persons from Pakistan were . 17 per cent, Ratnagiri by 26 per cent, Kananl found in Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch at the by 29 per cent and Kolaba by 34 per cent. census. It is clear that they were not the Greater Bombay, Ahmedabad, Thana and Poona major factor responsible for the increase in popu­ attracted migrants, while Kutch, Ratnagiri, lation during the decade. Kanara and Kolaba are emigrant districts. The spreading of the census enumeration During 1921-31 when the population of over as long a period as three weeks in 1951 Bombay State increased by 12·9 per cent, probably reduced the amount of under-enumera­ Greater Bombay increased by only O· 6 per cent. tion by comparison with previous censuses. The slump in trade caused workers to return Despite the longer enumeration period there is to their homes in the districts, and there was no evidencel of people being erroneously counted some under-enumeration at the census of twice in 1951. A sample verification carried Bombay City in that year. During 1931-41 the out by magistrates shortly after the census, and population of Bombay State increased by 15·6 another independent check by the Bureau of per cent, Greater Bombay increasing by 30-1 Economics and Statistics of the Bombay Govern­ per cent. During 1941-51 the population of ment, suggested that the head count was accurate Bombay State increased by 23·2 per cent, the within 1 per cent. BOMBAY, SAURASHTRA AND KU TCH STATES t1ap Sh()/JJi!~ lJensify oj' populini'on

<50

~o -/00 /00-200 200-300 300-450 450-[;50 >650 o 20 40 80 80 PERSONS PEP S~. HllE MILES

t;,P.l. P POONA ,1953 GENERAL POPULATION s

SECTION 4

MOVEMENT

Information about migration is derived mainly the movement of people was fairly. small. from the birthplace question at the census. 86·2 per cent of the population of Bombay, This is not an entirely accurate measure of the Saurashtra and Kutch in 1951 were enumerated extent of migration as a person's place of birth in the districts of their birth while fifty years may be unrelated to normal residence. A wife ago the percentage was 90·0. However in generally returns to her parents' house, which 1951 sweeping boundary changes had made may be across a district or state boundary, for most districts bigger, and the method of enume­ her first confinement. rating people at their normal residence provided Place of birth can give no indication of the they were there at any time during 20 days must number of moves an individual may make in his also have minimised the amount of recorded lifetime. In 1940 a large scale migration took movement of a short-term character. place to Sind from Banaskantha following In general the figures indicate a compara­ famine. These persons returned after the parti­ tively high degree of immobility. The popula­ tion of India and were enumerated in the tion is immobile because it is peasant, aI).d attach­ district of their birth in 1951. Yet so far as ment to the ancestral soil is a feature of peasant census figures go these persons might never societies everywhere. Early marriage and the ha ve moved. Again, 2,274 displaced persons assumption of adult responsibility ip the village from Pakistan were enumerated in Ratnagiri in community also tended in the past tb act as dis­ 1951, yet only 1,558 persons in the district were couragements to migration as did the caste and born in Pakistan. The clue to this riddle lay joint family systems, though the latter un­ in the mother tongue data. 2,251 displaced doubtedly cushioned the risks of migra~ion. persons in Ratnagiri district returned Marathi Migration ten~s to follow well-defined paths. as their mother tongue. They were Mahara­ R~tnagiri, Satara North and Kolaba are emigrant shtrians who had migrated to Sind and then districts. Ratnagiri had a population of 1,711,964 been displaced as a result of partition. in 1951, but 488,205 persons born in Ratnagiri There are various types of migration. Women were' enumerated in other parts of Bombay migrate for marriage and men for jobs, as State, and as many as ·410,999 of these were a rule. Hence in migration between adjacent enumerated in Greater Bombay. The Konkan districts females predominated. 11,626 males is a poor tract and the surplus population of and 22,484 females born in Kolhapur district Ratnagiri has always sought employment for its were enumerated in Belgaum, and 14,093 males brains and brawn outside the confines of its and 27,329 females born in Belgaum district home districts. Kolaba, Surat and Satara North were enumerated in Kolhapur. Where females also contributed considerably to Greater Bom­ predominate in a migration stream it is generally bay's population. marriage migration. In the migration stream The number of immigrants to Bombay State as a whole males predominate. The propor­ doubled between 1931 and 1951. A total of tion of females to males tends to fall progres­ 2,254,672 persons were immigrants to Bombay sively the greater the distance travelled because State from other parts of India in 1951, while most male migrants from 10ng distance leave only 437,021 persons born in Bombay State their wives behind. There were 1,395 females were enumerated in other States in India. In per 1,000 males among persons enumerated in 1931, by contrast, there were 1,072,867 districts of Bombay State and born in districts immigrants to Bombay State from other parts of the same natural division, but only 244 of India and 607,852 emigrants. The States females per 1,000 males among persons enume­ which contributed most heavily to Bombay's rated in Bombay State but born in other parts population were Saurashtra, Hyderabad, Uttar of India. Among displaced persons from Pradesh, Madras, , and Madhya Pakistan the migration was from a long distance Pradesh. The number of immigrants from but was a special type of migration involving Madras tci) Bombay State quadrupled by com­ whole families, hence there were as many as parison with 1931, almost tripled in the case of 734 females per 1,000 males. and and was is an area that attracts two and a half times as great in the case of migrants yet, in relation to the total population, Rajasthan. A (Bk) Yc l-la CENERAL POPULATION

Out of the 2,254,672 immigrants to Bombay immigrants to Saurashtra were displaced persons. State in 1951 338,096 were displaced persons Out of the 14,501 immigrants to Kutch 11,999 from Pakistan. 59,787 out of the 128,511 were displaced persons.

SECTION 5

BffiTHS

Growth of population is primarily due to agency. The food shortage compelled Govern­ excess of births over deaths. This is called ment to control distribution of food to the land­ natural increase. Arrangements for the regis­ less have-nots in villages. In many municipal tration of births and deaths now exist in every areas too the' efficiency of registration may have village in Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch. In deteriorated. villages information about births that have Even in 1921-30, when the registered birth occurred is reported to the police patel (head­ rate in Bombay State' was 35·9 and 1931-40, man) by the village servants, and he makes when it was 31· 2, a fair proportion of the a record. In municipal areas the municipal births escaped registration. Professor Kingsley authorities register births and deaths. The Davis estimated that 22· 8 per cent lof the births fact that an area is nominally under registration that took place in Bombay Province in 1926-30 of births and deaths or that a statutory obliga­ were omitted from registration,., and that the tion to report births has been imposed in most true birth rate was between 41.'8 and 44·5. municipal areas does not mean that all births The Census Actuary in 1951, Shri S. P. Jain, and deaths that occur are registered. using the methods of Differencing anp Reverse The Director of Public Health in Bombay Survival calculated by the first method that the State collects and publishes the birth and death birth rate during the past decade was 41· 0 and rates, i.e., the number of births and deathS per by the second method that it was 41· 8. He 1,000 population. The mean decennial register­ dstimated that the death rate during the decade ed birth rate in Bombay State was 35·9 in was 24·9 as against a registered death rate of 1921-30,37' 2 in 1931-40 and 32· 9 during the past 22·6. The mean decennial growth rate during decade. These figures suggest that the birth rate the past decade was 20·8. If displaced persons declined during the past decade while the· mean be excluded, the growth rate would be 19·9. decennial growth rate, contradictorily enough, The actuary estimated that 16·1 of the growth was higher than ever before, being 20·8. Has rate was accounted for by excess of births over there been a real drop in the birth rate or is deaths, and 3·8 by fresh migration during the the drop illusory and due merely to a decline decade. in the efficiency of registration during the past A birth rate in the region of 40 per 1,000 is decade? Certainly there has been no great by world standards extremely high. Thus, shift in the proportion of married women in the though there is soma evidence that the birth rate reproductive age groups during the decade. has fallen slightly since the turn of the century, In the absence of birth control on any but the it seems that a stage has been reached where minutest scale one would expect that the birth public health measures have already begun to rate would be determined mainly by the pro­ cut down the death rate even faster. No revo­ portion of married women in the age group lution in agricultural practice is in sight which 15-45. These constituted 22·24 per cent of the would usher in an era of abundance. In the total population in 1921-30, 22·47 in 193140 long run there is no solution but to control and 22·18 in 1941-50. It is possible that under­ births and, if this is not done, nature is likely registration of births was particularly heavy to solve the problem by the more horrifying during the past decade because of the extra alternative$ of famine and epidemics. load of other work placed on the registration

SECTION 6

DEATHS

Like the birth figures the death figures are The same machinery that registers births also also defective, though they are probably less registers deaths. The mean decennial death so than the birth figures. rate in Bombay State was 26·7 in 1921-30, GENERAL POPULATION 5

25·1 in 1931-40 and 22·6 during the past that the true death rate during the past decade decade. The trend is unmistakably downward, was 24·9. This figure represents the most and there seems little doubt that there has probable level of deaths during the decade, been a real fall in the death rate during the consistent with the other data of births and past decade. The Census Actuary estimated migration that we possess.

SECTION 7

LIVELmOOD PATTERN

Roughly three-fifths of the population of the In Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch 39·75 per area was returned at the census as principally cent of the general population belonged to dependent on agriculture, and the remaining livelihood class I (Cultivators of owned land two-fifths on non-agricultural means of liveli­ and their dependants), 9·56 per cent to liveli­ hood. The census split up the population hood class II (Cultivators of unowned land and into eight means of livelihood. 'The principal their dependants), 8·42 per cent to livelihood means of livelihood of a dependant, whether class III (Agricultural labourers and their earning or non-earning, was recorded as being dependantS), and 1· 95 per cent to livelihood that of the self-supporting person' on whom he class IV (Non-cultivating owners of land and or she, was dependent. '. their dependants). The agricultural classes thus comprised 59·68 per cent of the population. For an enumerator to distinguish between an The 40·32 per cent of the population who agricultural and a non-agricultural means of belonged to the non-agricultural classes were livelihood was easy. But for him to distinguish the persons (including dependants) who derived between the four agricultural means of liveli­ their principal means of livelihood from liveli­ hood was frequently very difficult. It is not hood class V-Production other than cultiva­ uncommon for.an agriculturist to own some tion (14·27 per cent), livelihood class VI-Com­ larid of his own and also cultivate land on lease; merce (7·98 per cent), livelihood class VII­ or to be the tenant of a piece of agricultural Transport (2·27 per cent) and livelihood class land and also work as an agricultural labourer. VIII-Other services (15·8 per cent).

A good deal too was dependent on how a The livelihood pattern disclosed differences person saw himself. He had to say which from region to region. The Deccan Northern means of livelihood provided the greater income, Division and the Deccan Southern Division were and here a subjective factor entered. Changes much more heavily dependent 011 agriculture of classification within the agricultural category than the other divisions in Bombay State. The· may thus be the result not only of economic shifts Konkan was notable for the very high propor­ and changes, but a change in how people saw tion of the population who were tenants (liveli­ themselves. The 1951 census returned almost hood class II). The higher percentage of agri­ two-thirds of the population dependent on agri­ cultural labourers and landlords (livelihood culture as belonging to livelihood class I (owner­ classes III and IV) in the Deccan Southern Divi­ cultivators), a not unusual result for a pre­ sion probably reHected the fairly extensive dominantly ryotwari area; yet at the 1931 census alienation of Government lands in the form of more persons were returned as agricultural inams that were a feature of the districts of labourers than as owner-cultivators. Probably Dharwar, Belgaum and Bijapur. the 1931 data were wrong because the 1921, 1941 and 1951 results were at variance with The non-agricultural classes constituted almost ,them. There may have beell. a tendency to two-fifths of the population of Bombay State. claim a superior category in 1951 and a person In Saurashtra and Kutch more than half the with any piece of land of his own, however population belonged to them. The reason for small, may have returned himself as belonging the higher percentage of non-agricultural classes to livelihood class I. But there is no reason to in Saurashtra and Kutch appears to lie in the suspect that completely landless persons :;eturn­ greater distances that separate the population ed themselves as owner-cultivators. Many centres in these States, leading to the satisfaction enumerators were village officers who knew the of non-agricultural needs by local effort. The persons they were enumerating and would have large number of separate states in the Kathiawar been able to correct any such tendency. peninsula before the integration of the States 6 GENERAL POPULATION there may also have tended to increase the means of livelihood is of vital importance, number of persons living in small urban areas because in a situation where practically all the and dependent on non-agricultural means of cultivable land is already under cultivation livelihood, relief and a better standard of living can only The relative proportions of the population come by the absorption of the surplus agricul­ dependent on agricultural and non-agricultural tural population in non-agricultural activities,

SEctION 8

CONCLUDING REMARKS

The most remarkable feature of the past ten thousand are possible, a birth rate of 40 per years was the very rapid growth of population thousand is by world standards extremely rugh. in Bombay State. For the first time since the The death rate has shown a tendency to fall. censuses began a decennial increase of over It is impossible to state with certainty what part 20 per cent in the population was recorded, of the unusually heavy population increase of Some part of the increase 'may have been due the past decade was due to a cutting down of to the slack in previous census enumerations the death rate, but Bombay State may have being taken up, since the circumstances of the already,entered on a cycle of rapid population 1951 census were very favourable to a complete increase based on a slightly lowe{ed birth rate enumeration, A part was undoubtedly due to but a greatly diminished death rate: a quickening in the tempo of immigration from 1921 marks the great dividing line in the outside the area. There is no evidence that the populatiop history of the area, Up t~ that time census count was inaccurate by reason of people populati6n rose or fell from census to census being erroneously counted twice, despite the as famine or disease stayed their hand or took fact that the enumeration was spread over their toll. From 1921 the history of the State twenty days and despite' the existence of ration­ has been one of rapid and accelerating growth, ing, generally believed to lead to a bogus ration The population of Bombay, Saurashtra and card holder problem. Kutch has increased by 60 pe~ cent since 1921. If one accepts the 1951 census figures as Apopulation forecast is always a hazardQus authentic it is clear that they pose a grave business, If, however, present trends continue, population problem. Though there is some a further increase of about 20 per cent in the evidence that a slight downward trend' in the population of Western India may be expected birth rate has occurred in recent years the true during the coming decade. Though this may birth rate during the past decade would seem eventually mean more hands to work) it means to have been somewh.ere in the region of 40 per more immediately more mouths to feed, thousand. Though birth rates as high as 50 per CHAPTER II .+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ RURAL POPULATION ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ SEGTION 1

. PRELIMINARY REMARKS i It is customary to examine the distribution There were 34,227 villages in Bombay State, of the population after the census according to 4,342 in Saurashtra and 964 in Kutch. The residence in rural· or urban areas. In general character of the villages in Bombay State is the term C< rural" connotes a population living in places with less than 5,000 inhabitants. extremely varied. In the open plains the 80· ° per cent of the population of Kutch, villages generally have only one village site, 68·9 per cent of the population of Bombay and but in jungle tracts numerous hamlets may be 66·? per cent of the population of Saurashtra grouped in one village. lived in rurat areas.

SECTION 2

GENERAL DISTRIBUTION; AND DISTRIBUTION AMONG VILLAGES CLASSIFIED BY SIZE OF RURAL POPULATION Saurashtra was the least rural and Kutch the per cent lived in large villages with 2,000 or most rural among the natural divisions in more inhabitants. Western India, if we exclude Greater Bombay Small villages were frequently found in forest which was entirely urban. Dangs, Sabarkantha, areas or in areas where the soil was compara­ Banaskantha, Ratnagiri and Kolaba were the tively barren and infertile, as in Dangs, Kanara, most intensely rural districts in Bombay State. Banaskantha and Kutch. Only 18·1 per cent of the rural population Large villages with 2,000-5,000 inhabitants of Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch lived in small were a feature of the districts of Belgaum, villages with less than 500 inhabitants. More Satara South, Kaira and Kolhapur, fertile than half the rural population-55·0 per cent­ districts where the open plains are favourable lived in medium sized villages with between to the growth of large villages. 500 and 2,000 inhabitants. The remaining 26'9

SECTION 3

GROWm The rural population is not a static and un· urban category took place. The rural popula- changing one. During the past decade a large tion increased by 13·1 per cent in 1921·31, number of promotions from the rural to the ,12·4 per cent in 193141, and 10·8 per cent in 8 RURAL POPULATION

1941-51. During the past decade, however, while normally, of course, the migration goes the urban population increased by 58·5 per from rural to urban areas. The rural popula­ cent, while the rural population showed a de­ tion of the Deccan Northern Division increased celerating rate of increase. This was due to by 17·9 per cent during 1921-31. During expansion in populatien of the existing urban 1931-41 it was Gujarat that recorded the areas and to the exceptional number of promo­ heaviest increase in the rural population, tions which took place to the urban category rivalled only by Saurashtra. during the decade. . During the past decade the rural population Demotion from the urban category to the of Gujarat increased by 15·5 per cent. Next rural being exceptional we can insulate the came the Deccan Northern Division with 12·0 figures from the effect of promotion of rural per cent, Kutch with 10·0 per cent, Saurashtra areas to urban during the past decade by seeing with 7·6 per cent, the Deccan Southern Divi­ how the lowest rural category fared. The areas sion with 6·0 per cent and the Konkan with in Bombay State that were rural in 1951 5·2 per cent. increased by 16·9 per cent during the past Since a rural population is predominantly decade, indicating that there was an above­ dependent on agriculture the density of the average increase in population even in the rural population is a matter of considerable population of those areas that were most importance. There were 239 persons to the rural. square mile in the rural areas of Bombay State The usual method of analysing the increase in 1951. A density of 279 was recorded in or decrease in the rural population is to trace Gujarat, Kaira district having the extremely the growth rate in the population treated as high density of 494 in its rural population. rural at successIve censuses. The decade Gujarat is the most fertile agricultural region 1921-31 was unique. The rural population in in Bombay State. The density in th€\ Konkan, that decade increased more than the urban as where much of the cultivation is of paddy, was many urban workers returned to their village 249, in the Deccan Southern Division 217 and homes because of the world slump in trade, in the Deccan Northern Division 214.

SECTION 4 MOVEMENT Immigration into rural areas is generally most· rural colonisation ceased long ago, and seasonal in character and limited in numbers. most of the movement of population that takes The rural population of some sugar growing place nowadays goes from the rural areas to talukas in rose fairly the urban. steeply during the past 20 years, but in general

SECTION 5 BmTHS

The rural birth rate is higher than the urban the Koukan tract where the villages f~equently birth rate. Because there are more men than consist of several hamlets seems principally women in the cities the urban birth rate tends responsible for the low Konkan birth rate. The to be artificially low, because birth rates are rural population of the districts of Broach, East calculated on the total population, while births Khandesh and Sholapur had registered birth occur only to women in the reproductive age rates of more than 40 per 1,000 during each of groups. the past three decades. The rural population I The mean decennial rural birth rate registered of the districts of the Deccan Southern Division in Bombay State was 39·8 per cent in 1921-30, have also recorded birth rates of about 40 con­ 40·2 in 1931-40, and 35·8 in 1941-50. During sistently. When one considers that some omis­ the past decade the birth rate registered by the sion of births from registration inevitably occurs rural population was 39·1 in the Deccan even in those districts where the registration Southern Division, 37·8 in the Deccan Northern arrangements are most efficient it seems clear Division, 36·2 in Gujarat and 28·8 in the Konkau. that the true birth rates in these areas must have No figures for Saurashtra and Kutch were avail­ been conSiderably over 40 per 1,000. able. More defective registration of births in RURAL POPULATION 9

SECTION 6

DE~THS

The mean decennial registered death rate rates were highest in the Deccan Southern Divi­ among the rural population in Bombay State sion and lowest in the Konkan. East Khandesh was 27·5 in 1921-30,26·2 in 1931-40, and 24·5 district has conSistently recorded high death in 1941-50. When birth rates are high death rates. The most noticeable decline in the rural rates also tend to be high because almost half death rate during the past decade took place the total deaths are among children under five in Kanara district. ' years of age. The death rates like the .birth

SECTION 7

LIVELllIOOD PATTERN

Four-lifths of the rural population of The circumstances leading to the creation of Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch be10nged to the a class of tenant cultivators would vary. agricultural classes. The livelihood· pattern of A man might let out land to tenants because the rural population differed from region to he was a large landholder who could not region. cultivate personally all the land he held. By the same token a tenant might take the land Livelihood class I on lease because he would otherwise have no More than half the rural population of land to cultivate, or because the income which Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch derived their he secured from the cultivation of his own land livelihood from the cultivation of their own or {rom agricultural labour or some other land. The proportion was highest in the Deccan occupation was insufficient to maintain him. Northern Division where 65·5 per cent of the The ratio of livelihood class II to livelihood rural population were returned under liveli­ class IV does not give a full picture because of hood class I as compared with 54· 3 per cent the very varying circumstances under which land in the Deccan Southern Division) 54·2 per might be leased to tenants. Where, however, cent in Gujarat, 44·9 per cent in Saurashtra, as in Thana, Kolaba, Kanara; Banaskantha, 33·7 per cent in the Konkan and 33·5 per cent Panch Mahals, Surat, KoThapur and Belgaum in Kutch. A very high' percentage of owner­ districts the proportion of those in livelihood cultivators in the population, as in Dangs and class II was high compared to the proportion Panch Mahals while indicative of a healthy in livelihood class IV it suggests a situation social trend, is not necessarily an indication of where a class of big landlords let out land to agricultural prosperity. The high percentage tenants, and this accords generally with' the of owner-cultiyators in these two districts was situation in these districts. due to the large number of Scheduled Tribes in their populations. Livelihood CUlSS III Livelihood class II The 1931 census ligures of Bombay State gave the peculiar result that most agriculturists Kanara, Kolaba, and Thana districts in the were returned as labourers. The de£nitions Konkan were the only districts where the employed at successive censuses have varied, percentage of the rural population dependent but not to such an extent as to warrant this on the cultivation of unowned land Oivelihood result. The legislation of the past decade has class II) exceeded the percentage in livelihood probably led to a more acute awareness of the class I. Next to the Konkan where 35, 3 per distinction between a cultivating owner, cent of the rural population belonged to a cultivating tenant, and a labourer. Inevit­ livelihood class II came the Deccan Southern ably the bias would be towards claiming to be Division with 12·6 per cent, Saurashtra with an owner-cultivator (livelihood class I), and 12, 0 per cent, Gujarat with 12· 3 per cent, probably in the case of those who combined while in the Deccan Northern Division, where agricultural labour with the cultivation of their so many persons belonged to livelihood class I, own land there was a tendency to claim that there were only 4·7 per cent. they ,were primarily cultivators of owned land. A (Bk) Yc 1-2 It RURAL POPULATION

11·0 per cent of the rural population of Livelihood class V Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch were retume? Persons belonging to 'livelihood class V as dependent on livelihood class III (CultI­ • (Production other than cultivation) in the vating labourers), the proportions being 17·4 rural areas would include carpenters, potters per cent in the Deccan Southern Di~i~i?n, and blacksmiths as well as spinners, weavers, 13·2 per cent in the Deccan Northern DIVISIOn basket makers and other craftsmen., The and 10·5 per cent in Gujarat, but only 5·9 per livelihood class also included herdsmen and cent in the Konkan, 3·4 per cent in Kutch and shepherds. If a very small proportion of the 5 .3 per cent in Saurashtra. population of, a district belonged to livelihood The circumstances leading to the creation class V, as happened in Dangs and Panch of a class of landless labourers require analysis. Mahals, it would be prima facie evidence of Under circumstances where population relative backwardness, though the converse would not to the land available was sparse, everybody hold good. Kutch, a rather poor region, had could have land of their own, if not for the more adherents of livelihood class V than any asking, at least for payment of the assessment. other district, and th,e proportion was also high Within the time of recorded history, however, in Saurashtra. Greater distances separate the a class of landless labourers had grown up in villages in Saurashtra and ~utch, necessitating most areas. a greater number of producers to satisfy the I The growth of irrigation and the cultivation local needs of more isolated village com· of special crops such as cotton, sugarcane or munities. paddy, which require more labour than millets, would seem to be factors making for an increase Livelihood class VI in the size of livelihood class III. Livelihood class III could arise out of Only 2·7 per cent of the rural p~pulation of poverty induced by over-population, or beca\lse Bombiy, Saurashtra and Kutch belonged to a flourishing agriculture created a demand for livelihood class VI (Commerce). In. Dangs ,and Panch Mahals the percentage was about agricultural labour. 1 per cent. These districts are fairly backward 25·5 per cent of the rural population of East and commercial activities were not well Khandesh were recorded at the census as developed in their' rural areas. Even in the dependent on agricultural labour. An earlier rich agricultural districts of Kaira and East survey carried out by the Bureau of Economics Khandesh the percentage belonging to this and Statistics of the Bombay Government livelihood class was below the average for the suggested a similar result. Other districts State. As in the case of livelihood class V where dependency of the rural population on Saurashtra and Kutch returned the highest agricultural labour as revealed by the census 'Percentages of the rural population as depend­ was heavy were Broach (24·5 per cent), West ent on Commerce, followed by Gujarat. Khandesh (22'4 per cent), Dharwar (21·8 Possibly 'in Kutch the numbers were swollen per cent), Bijapur (18'9 per cent) and Surat by the dependants of emigrant Kutchi traders. (18' 3 per cent). In Thana, Surat,' and Broach districts the Adivasis helped to swell the Livelihood class VII proportion of agricultural labourers, as did the landless Bhils in West Khandesh. Transport (livelihood class VII) was the principal means of livelihood of only o· 9 per Livelihood class IV cent of the rural population in Bombay, Sau­ rashtra and Kutch. Ratnagiri district returned On an average only 2· 2 per cent of the rural the highest percentage of 2·4 per cent. The population in Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch existenc~ of sea transport gave the coastal belonged to livelihood class IV (Non-culti­ Konkan I districts higher percentages under vating owners of land, agricultural rent transport than other areas. Elsewhere the receivers and their dependants or, more loosely, length of rail or road mileages was a determin­ landlords). In the Konkan the percentage was ing factor, and so far as the rural population lowest of all-1·5 per cent-not because land· was Cdncerned rail transport seemed the more lordism there was not a problem (the high important since most bus and lorry depots and percentage of tenants disproves that) but workshops are in towns, while country railway because the landlords in question had large stations and level crossings are features of the holdings. rural landscape. RURAL POPULATION 11

Livelihood class VIII described as coolies or mazdoors, and those whose occupations were otherwise unclassified. Livelihood class VIII (Other services and Saurashtra and Kutch respectively returned miscellaneous sources) was the most important 14·9 per cent and 21·1 per cent of their rural of the non-agricultural classes. 7· 6 per cent populations in this livelihood class. Poor of the rural population of Bombay State communications and a sparse population Or belonged to it as compared with 6·9 per cent over-population, with a consequent swelling of in livelihood class V (Production). It the ranks of unskilled labourers could equally included such varied occupations as teachers, be factors making for a large livelihood village officers and servants, doctors, priests class VIII. and policemen, as well as persons variously

SECTION 8,

CONCLUDING REMARKS

The population was divided into rural and the world there is a trend from the countryside urban in examining the results of the census. towards the town. Even in countries where It has always been customary to divide the the rural population is increasing the urban population into these two categories' of rural population is increasing at a faster rate, so that and urban at censuses in India, but the 1951 everywhere the proportion of the rural to the census w:as the first one after which the distinc­ total population is decreasing. This typical tion between rural and urban was regularly modern development was experienced to maintained in exhibiting results in ithe census, a greater degree in Western India during the tables. past ten years than at any previous period. The precise point at which a rural area At the end of the decade, however, almost qualifies for promotion to the urban category 70 per cent of the population was rural, and must always cause difficulty. A population of there had been no decrease in the absolute 5,000 has in general marked the dividing line numbers of the rural population-quite the at successive censuses, though there were excep­ reverse. Even the smallest rural areas-those tions. Almost a quarter million people in places that were rural in 1951 and had been Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch were treated rural at preceding censuses recorded a heavier as urban in 1951 though they inhabited places~ rate of increase in population than ever with less thim 5,000 inhabitants, and almost before. three quarters of a million people were treated as rural though the places they lived in had Four-fifths of the rural population was more than 5,000 inhabitants. Despite this dependent on agriculture. Food is the essen­ anomaly the distinction between rural and tial thing, and the problem presented by the urban is a necessary and useful one. pressure of an increasing population on the Perhaps the most significant development of soil is perhaps the gravest that confronts the the past twenty years has been the de-celerating country and, indeed, the' world, today. Some rate of increase of the rural population as aspects of this problem are touched on in compared with the urban. In all countries of section 9 of chapter IV of this report. CHAPTER ill ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

! URBAN POPULATlON ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++t+++++++++++ SECTION 1

PRELIMINARY REMARKS

All municipalities, all cantonments, all civil cent, of the urb~n category in Bombay State. lines, and all places with populations of more, 113 places, with a combined population of than 5,000 which possessed urban characteristics 688,749 in Bombay State were treated as rural were treated as urban. The opinion of the ' though they had more than 5,000 inhabitants, District Collector on the urban character or as they did not possess urban characteristics. otherwise of a prace was accepted. Substan­ At the census of 1951 there were 499 towns in tially the definition of "urban" has remained Bombay State, 85 in Saurashtra, and 10 in unchanged since 1891. Kutch. 33·7 per cent of the population of Sau­ The total urban population of Bombay State rashtra' 31·1 per cent of the population of Bom­ in 1951 was 11,170;340. Urban areas with less bay and 20 per cent of the population of Kutch than 5,000 inhabitants comprised only 1· 3 per lived in urban areas.

SECTION 2

GENERAL DISTRmUTlON; AND DISTRmUTION AMONG TOWNS CLASSIFIED BY SIZE OF URBAN POPULATION

Saurashtra State was on the definition slightly Deccan 'Southern Division, and 12,535 in the more urbanised than Bombay State. Within Konkan. In Saurashtra it was 16,390 and in Bombay State, Greater Bombay was exclusively Kutch 11,375. urban. In the Deccan Northern Division 26·5 Only 19·7 per cent of the urban population of . per cent, in the Deccan Southern DivisiOn 26·2 Gujarat lived in small towns of 5,000-10,000 per cent, in Gujarat 25· 6 per cent and in the inhabitants, as against 30·7 per cent in the Konkan 19·4 per cent of the population were Deccan Southern Division. The percentage of urban. the urban population of Gujarat who lived in The manner of life in a small urban centre large towns of 20,000 and over was 66·2 per is fundamentally different from that in a large cent, higher than in any other division, except­ town or city. Hence the average population ing pf course Greater Bombay which was per town is a much more accurate measure of entirely urban. Thus, though only 25·6 per the true degree of urbanisation of particular cent of the total population of Gujarat was on areas. The average population per town in definition urban as compared with 26· 2 per Gujarat was 19,859, as compared with 17,340 cent in the Deccan Southern Division, Gujarat in the Deccan Northern Division, 13,688 in the was in actual fact the most urbanised natural URBAN POPULATION 13

division in Bombay State from the point Sholapur, Surat, Baroda, Kolhapur and Hubli. of view of the proportion of the urban popula­ They comprised 45·5 per cent of the urban tion who lived in large-sized towns and not population of Bombay State. small market towns or over-grown villages. Six classes of towns were recognised in arrang­ The three cities of , and ing the statistics:- comprised 26·9 per cent of the urban Class I-With a population of 100,000 and population of Saurashtra. There were no over, class I or class II towns in Kutch. Class II-With a population of 50,000- In Bombay State almost half the urban 100,000, population lived in cities. In Saurashtra and Class III -With a population of 20,000-50,000, Kutch more of the urban population lived in Class IV -With a population of 10,000-20,000, class III towns with 20,000-50,000 inhabitants Class V-With a population of 5,000-10,000, than in any other size' class of town. In Class VI-With a population of under 5,000. Bombay 1· 3 per cent, in Saurashtra 5·6 per Towns with populations of 100,000 and over, cent and in Kutch 14·2 per cent of the urban ranked as cities. There were eight cities in population lived in towns with less than 5,000 Bombay State-Bombay, Afunedabad, Poona, inhabitants.

SECTION 3

GROWTH

The proportion of the general population of part this was due to the expansion of popula­ Bombay State that was urban has shown tion in the 'areas that had always been urban : a progressive increase, particularly during the . in part to the promotion of rural areas to the past decade. The percentage who were urban urban category because of increased population. was 21· 7 per cent in 1921, 21· 4 per cent in There were 207 new towns out of a total of 499 1931, 23·6 per cent in 1941 and 31·1 per cent towns in Bombay State in .1951, 26 new towns in 1951. out of a total of 85 towns in· Saurashtra, and 2 new towns out of a total of 10 towns in Save'for the decade 1921-31·the urban popula­ Kutch. tion in Western India increased faster during the past thirty years than the rural population. The urban population of Nasik district During 1921-31 the urban population increased increased by 114·2 per cent, of Poona by 111·4 by only 12·9 per cent while the rural population per cent, of Ahmednagar by 80·9 per cent, of increased by 13·1 per cent. Because of the world Thana, which adjoins Greater Bombay and slump in trade some immigrants returned from where a new displaced persons' township has the urban areas to their villages. There was also sprung up at Ulhasnagar, by 335·7 per cent. under-enumeration in some urban areas in The population of Greater Bombay increased 1931, particularly in Gujarat and Greater by 67·5 per cent during the past decade, as Bombay where political conditions were dis­ compared with 30·1 per cent in 1931-41 and turbed. At the census of 1941 the urban only 0·6 per cent in 1921-31. The stimulus to population of increased by as much industry given by the war intensmed and magni­ as 50· 2 per cent, and of Ahmedabad by 77·0 fied the tendency to large urban concentra­ per cent. The 1931 figures seem clearly to have tions. erred on the side of under-enumeration. The The growth of the population of all cities urban population of Gujarat increased faster during the past decade was especially rapid. during 1931-41 than at any of the past three Poona increased by 72·9 per cent, Bombay by censuses, while in other natural divisions the 67·5 per cent, Kolhapur by 47·1 per cent, decade 1941-51 marked the most rapid growth Baroda by 37·9 per cent, Hubli by 35·7 per phase of the urban population. Under-enumera­ cent, Ahmedabad by 33·3 per cent, Sholapur tion in 1931 probably magnified and distorted by 30·3 per cent, and Surat by 30·2 per cent. the true growth rate in urban Gujarat. Greater Bombay increased its boundaries during the decade, and had a population in 1951 of In Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch as a whole 2,839,270, as compared with Calcutta's 2,548,677. the most remarkable growth, phase of the urban The figures of recent censuses suggest that population occurred in the past' ten years. In the bigger the urban area the greater the rate 14 URBAN POPULATION of subsequent expansion. In other words, heavy The population of Rajkot, the new capital of urbanisation is itself a factor making for greater Saurashtra, increased by 99 per cent from 66,353 urbanisation. ThEl small market towns of to 132,069 during 1941-51. Though spectacular 10,000-20,000 inhabitants are b;Jnding to stag­ this performance was perhaps less impressive nate and to be surpassed in their growth rate because more artificial than that of a great urban by urban centres of more monolithic propor­ industrial centre like Greater Bombay during tions. the decade.

SECTION 4

MOVEME~T The growth of the urban population during the greater number of births that inevitably take the past two decades was particularly rapid, place in a large city" and most of it was due to immigration. No information was collected at the census about There were only 178 females to every 1,000 whether a person was born in the town where males among the persons enumerated in Greater he was enumerated, except in those rare cases Bombay in 1951 who were oorn in other States where a town constituted a separate census in India, a more masculine' sex ratio than was district. A continuous series of figures exists recorded in this category at any of the past of the population who were born outside four censuses. The reason lay .. in the great Bombay City, because Bombay has always been increase in male immigration from non-conti­ a separate census district. The percentage of guous states like Uttar Pradesh during the past the population who were born outside Bombay decade. On the other hand immi~rants from City was 76·6 in 1901, 80·4 in 1911, 84·0 in now tend to bring their families with them. 1921, 75·4 in 1931, and 72· 6 in 1941. In 1951 the percentage of the population who were born The proportion of non-adults in the popula­ outside Greater Bombay was 72·1. The propor­ tion of Greater Bombay has shown a tendency tion of out-born has thus shown no real diminu­ to rise at recent censuses. If this trend is main­ tion in the past fifty years, despite the fact that tained the city may develop a more normal sex it takes a high number of migrants to outweigh and age distribution in coming decades. SECTION 5 BIRTHS In most municipal areas the registration of One way of checking whether there are real births is legally compulsory but in practice differences in fertility between areas is to default was not visited with prosecution-at measure the ratio of children aged 0-4 at the least during the past decade. The registered census to the married women in the reproduc­ urban birth rate has always been lower than the tive age group. This comparison suggested that rural. The registered birth rate Almong the a differential in fertility does exist between rural urban population was 23· 2 per 1,000 in 1921-30, and urban areas and between a large urban 27· 9 in 1931-40 and 26·1 in 1941-50. area like Greater Bombay and other urban areas, The birth rates show a greater fluctuation frorrI but the difference was much smaller than in one natural division to another than would be accounted for by the fact that the sex ratio in other countries. The lower fertility of the some urban areas is heavily adverse to females. urban areas does not therefore have much The mean decennial urban birth rate (regis­ lowering effect on the general birth rate or tered) during 1941-50 was 23·1 in Greater population growth. Most fertility studies in Bombay, 36·2 in Gujarat, 28·0 in the Deccan India have suggested that the differences in Northern Division, 24·8 in the Deccan Southern married fertility according to incomes and Division, and 16·9 in the Konkan. A major occupations are slight. Fertility is inversely part of the difference is probably due to the fact correlated with social position in India as else­ that the registration of births is most defective where, but the explanation has been found to in the smaller urban areas, and in the Deccan lie primarily in the operation of an indirect Southern Division and the Konkan where institutional form of birth control-the ban on registered urban birth rates were lowest there widow remarriage. were very few large and efficient municipalities like Greater Bombay, Ahmedabad and Poona. URBAN POPULATION 15

SECTION 6

DEATHS

The mean registered death rate among the The death rate in Greater Bombay was 28·1 urban population of Greater Bombay during in 1921-30, 21·1 in 1931-40, but only 16·0 1941-50 was 16, of Gujarat 24·9, of the Deccan during the past decade. All the evidence Northern Division 20·8, of the Deccan Southern points to an' improved survival rate, not only Division 16· 2 and of the Konkan 9· 5. The in Greater Bombay, but throughout the State as higher death rate recorded in Gujarat is pro­ a whole, though the vital statistics are unfortu­ bably due to registration in its urban areas n,ately so deficient that they fail to bring out being better than in the Deccan Southern Divi­ the true extent of the trend. sion and the Konkan.

SECTION 7

LIVELIHOOD PATTERN

There are two ways in which the urban liveli­ urbanisation is clearly brought out by the liveli­ hood pattern can be examined. One can start hood patterns. The urbanisation of those with'the eight broad livelihood classes adopted natural divisions and districts in which sizable at the census and see what prol:1ortioi'l of each proportions of the urban population belonged livelihood class lived in the towns. 6·7 per to the agricultural classes was obviously of a cent of livelihood class I, 6·9 per cent of liveli­ fairly superficial character. hood class II, 10·3 per cent of livelihood 85·1 per cent of the urban population of class HI and 23·7 per cent of livelihood class IV Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch belonged to the lived in the towns in Bombay, Saurashtra and non-agricultural classes. 31· 9 per cent of the Kutch. The percentage of all the agricultural urban population belonged to livelihood classes who lived in the towns was fairly small class VIII (Other services and miscellaneous though there were exceptions to this rule in sources ), 28· 2 per cent to livelihood class V some districts. (Production other than cultivation), 19·7 per A more illuminating picture is obtained if we cent to livelihood class VI (Commerce), and follow the second method of examining the 5·3 per cent to livelihood class VII (Transport). urban population separately and seeing the The livelihood pattern is analysed below accord­ proportion of each livelihood class within it. ing to natural divisions. Only 14·9 per cent of the urban population of Greater Bombay Bombay, .Saurashtra and Kutch belonged to the agricultural classes. 8·6 per cent of the urban Greater ~ombay, an exclusively urban area, population belonged to livelihood class I (Culti­ had only 0·55 per cent of its population depend­ vating owners) which thus outranked in ent on agriculture, as compared with 35·0 per importance the other three agricultural classes cent in livelihood class V, 31· 7 per cent in combined as a means of livelihood of the urban livelihood class VIII, 24· 3 per cent in liveli­ population. Many of the places that qualified hood class VI and 8·4 per cent in livelihood for inclusion in the urban category were in class VII. The factors that chiefly distinguished reality over-grown villages and the manner of these resUlts from those of other natural divi­ life in small towns and villages does not differ sions were the relatively higher percentages greatly, both being predominantly dependent on found under Commerce and Transport, and the agriculture. In the Deccan Southern Division fact that the percentage belonging to liveli­ as much as 33·2 per cent of the urban popula­ hood class V exceeded that belonging to liveli­ tion belonged to the agricultural classes. In the hood class VIII. Production, Commerce and Deccan Northern Division the percentage was Transport are the distinguishing badges of 23· 7, while in Cujarat it was as little as 12 ·9. a metropolitan port and manufacturing city. The percentage of the population of the Deccan Southern Division and of Gujarat who were Gujarat urban on the census definition was roughly The urban population of Gujarat was more equal, but the difference in the character of the heavily non-agricultural than that of any other 16 URBAN POPULATION natural division in Bombay State. The propor­ Konkan tion of the urban population of Cujarat who Except in Thana district the proportion of belonged to livelihood class V was 32· 3 per the total population of the Konkan who lived cent, due largely to the high figures in this in towns was small. It is a coastal division livelihood class returned by Ahmedabad and and its moderately sized towns are separated Surat districts, important centres of the cotton by fairly heavy distances. For that reason the textiles industry. proportion of the urban population who belong­ Deccan Northern Division ed to livelihood class VIII (Other services) was The Deccan Northern Division had 23·7 per high-36·4 per cent. Only Saurashtra and cent of its urban population in the agricultural Kutch returned equally high figures. classes. 24·2 per cent of the urban population belonged to livelihood class V (Production), Saurashtra and Kutch a percentage roughly comparable to that Saurashtra and Ku,tch returned only 11· 5 and returned by other divisions, excluding Guja~at 9·4 per cent of .their urban populations as and Greater Bombay where the percentages belonging to the agricultu~al classes. Only were very much higher. Only 14·9 per cent a fifth of the population,! of Kutch State was of the urban population of the Deccan Northern urban, but it was more genuinely non-agricul­ Division belonged to livelihood class VI (Com­ tural in its pursuits than the urban population merce), as compared with 20·8 per cent in of other natural divisions. Almost a quarter Gujarat. As much as 42·4 per cent of the of the urban population of Saurashtra and urban population of Poona district belonged to Kutch belonged to livelihood class VI (Com­ livelihood class VIII (Other services). Poona merce), a figure very much akin ,to Gujarat. is a Government headquarters and an import­ The urban centres of Gujarat j Saurashtra and ant educational centre. Its livelihood class Kutch are obviously important trading centres. structure may be usefully compared with The most striking divergence, however, was in Ahmedabad. In Ahmedabad the emphasis is , respect of livelihood class VIII (Other services on industry: in Poona on administration and and miscellaneous sources). As much as 40·8 education. per cent of the urban population belonged to Deccan Southern Division this livelihood class in Kutch and 36· 4 per cent in Saurashtra. Where the percentage of the The Deccan Southern Division had 32· 2 per urban population in this livelihood class was cent of its urban population in the agricultural high, particularly when compared with the classes. The towns of the Deccan Southern proportion engaged in Production, it snggests Division were less truly urban in character that the towns are important administrative than elsewhere. The proportion of the urban rather than industrial centres and such, in population of the Deccan Southern Division general, was the position in Saurashtra and who belonged to livelihood class VIII (Other Kutch. services) was small.

SECTION 8

CONCLUDING REMARKS

The definition of what constitutes an urban The growth of towns and cities has been community has not been uniform from one characteristic of modern industrial society, and" country to another, but the definition of the change from hand to power driven machine " urban" in India, though a multiple oIle, has production largely motivated it. However it remained substantially unchanged since 1891. was principally the impetus given to urban It has therefore been possible to measure the development by the war that led to the very change in the rural-urban distribution of substantial rise in the percentage of the popula­ population. A notable development of the past tion o£ Western India who were urban during decade was the very rapid increase in the pro­ the past decade. It seems unlikely that the portion of the population who were urban. coming decade will witness a continuing rise 17·3 per cent of the population of Bombay in the urban proportion at the same rapid rate State were urban in 1872 and 23· 7 per cent in as during 1941-51. The 1931 urban percentage 1941. In 1951 the proportion rose sharply to was, for instance, slightly below that of 1921 in 31·1 per cent. Bombay State, but the slump of 1921 was largely URBAN POPULATION ~7 responsible. Another slump could arrest the It was the largest urban areas-the cities­ growth of urbanisation, particularly as such that grew most rapidly during the past ten a large proportion of the urban population are years, This trend seems likely to continue and, recent immigrants, but if the experience of other if it does the problem of housing and main­ countries is any- guide, then the growth of taining essential services to this increasing urban urbanisation seems likely to continue. population is likely to assume considerable importance, CHAPTER IV

++ •• ++++++++++i+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++~++1 AGRICULTURAL CLASSES I

I +++++++++++++++++++++++++~+++++++++~+++++++++~+++++++++++++++++++++++++ SECTION 1

PRELIMINARY REMARKS

The 1951 census laid great stress on the principal means of livelihood 6f the persons on collection of economic data. The definitions, whom they were dependent. The occupation 'the information collected, and the way in whic}l that gave an earning dependant his income was the information was treated have been different also recorded. at each census since 1921. Because of the changes in definitions and In 1921 a distinction was drawn between classifications comparisons are difficult to it actual workers" (who were equivalent to the establish. In 1921, when (non-earning) depend. self-supporting persons plus the earning depend- . ants were classified according to the occupa· ants of 1951) and "dependants" (w~o corres­ tions of the persons on whom they were depend­ ponded to the non-earning dependants of 1951). ent, and earning dependants were classified

The it dependants" of 1921 were classified under according to their own means of livelihood, the occupational groups of the persons on whom 64·4 per cent of the population of Bombay they were dependent. State belonged to the agricultural classes. In 1931 a distinction was drawn between Asimilar method of classification in 1951 would have put the size of the agricultural classes at Ii principal earners," "working dependants" and "dependants." The working dependants were 61· 2 per cent. classified according to their actual occupations, Figures of total (or non-earning) dependency as were earners. Non-working dependants were are available for'the past four Censuses. Non· not classified in 1931 according to the occupa­ earning dependants formed 54·9 per cent of the. tions of the persons on whom they were depend­ totld population of Bombay State in 1921, ent, so that it is impossible to say for 19:31 59·2 per cent in 1931, 59·8 per cent in 1941 which occupations supported more and which and 57·2 per cent in 1951. Jess of the non-workers. The actual working population consists of In 1951 everyone was assigned to one of three self-supporting persons plus earning depend· categories-self-supporting, earning dependant or ants. The percentage of the population who ,I non-earning dependant. In forming livelihood were actual workers in Bombay State was 45, I: classes dependants, whether earning or non­ per cent in 1921, 40·8 per cent in 1981 andi .I earning, were classified according to the 42·8 per cent in 1951. AGRICULTURAL CLASSES 19

SECTION 2

AGRICULTURAL POPULATION RATIOS; SELF-SUPPORTING PERSONS AND DEPENDANTS;' SECONDARY MEANS OF LIVELIHOOD OF AGRICULTURAL CLASSES

In Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch 59·7 per Non-earning dependants cent of the population belonged to the agricul­ In Bombay, Saurashtra and-Kutch 46·4 per tural classes. In the Deccan South~rn and cent of the males and 62·1 per cent of the Deccan Northern Divisions 73· 2 and 69·1 per females in the agricultural classes were returned cent belonged to the agricultural classes; in as non-earning dependants. For the total the Konkan the percentage was 64·7 while in population the percentage was 54·2. This was Gujarat it fell to 62·2. In Saurashtra and less than the average for India as a whole. Kutch 46·6 and 42·0 per cent of the population According to the Agricultural Labour Enquiry belonged to the agricultural classes; and in slightly less than half the population of Bombay Greater Bombay only 0·5 per cent., In 15 out State were non-earning dependants. The of 27 districts in Bombay State more than 70 per slight difference may be due to the difference cent of the general population belonged to the between a sample count and a complete count, agricultur~l classes. or to differences in the definitions and inter­ The main factors affecting the ratiQ of agri­ pretation of the instructions by the enumerators. cultural arid non-agricultural classes in, Bombay The difference between the two sets of figures State were the extent and nature of ur~anisation may aLso have been due to the different in the districts. standards adopted in the case of very young and very old persons. I The lower proportion Vependency pattern of agricultural as compared of non-earning dependants in Bombay in the to non-agricultural cUzsses agricultural classes is due to the fact that. In Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch the agricul­ women and children do assist in cultivation. .tural classes had a lower percentage of self­ Secondary means of livelihood of self-supporting supporting persons, a higher proportion of earn­ persom ing dependants and a lower proportion of nOll­ Past census reports referred to the deteriora­ earning dependants. This was due to the tion in the quality of the returns of secondary . fact that in agricultural families women and means of livelihood as enumerators did not children assist in cultivation. record them properly. The error was con­ Self-supporting persons sidered to take the form of under-statement of the frequency of a subsidiary means of liveli­ In Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch the per­ hood. In the 1931 census of Bombay only 6·7 centage of self-supporting persons in the agricul­ per cent of the principal earners returned tural classes was 24· 5 compared to 28·7 in a subsidiary means of livelihood. In 1951 the India as a whole. It is difficult to explain this percentage was 14·8. lower percentage, but there was a surprisingly 20 per cent of the agricultural classes were little variation in the percentage of self-support­ self-supporting persons without a secondary ing persons as between one district and another means of livelihood while 4·5 per cent were in the State. self-supporting persons with a secondary means Earning. dependants of livelihood. The distribution of this 4·5 per cent according to the secondary means of 11· 3 per cent of the males in the agricultural livelihood returned was 0·4 per cent in liveli­ classes were returned as earning dependants hood class I, 0·7 per cent in livelihood while as much as 31· 3 per cent of the females class II, o· 8 per cent in livelihood class III. in the agricultural classes were so returned. 0·2 per cent in livelihood class IV, O· 9 per cent The proportion of earning dependants was high in livelihood class V, 0·4 per cent in livelihood in Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch as compared class VI, 0·1 per cent in livelihood class VII to India as a whole. The pattern of earning and 1· 0 per cent in livelihood class VIII. dependency of the agricultural population as returned at the census coincided with the Secondary means of livelihood -of earning results of the Agricultural Labour Enquiry con­ dependants ducted in saqlple villages by the Government of 21· 3 per cent of the persons belonging to India. the agricultural classes were returned as earning A (Bk) Yc 1-3a 20 AGRICULTURAL CLASSES

dependants. The distribution of this percentage per cent, Class V-O·6 per cent, Class VI-O·S of 21· 3 among the eight livelihood classes was per cent, Class VII -0· 1 per cent a}l~ as follows: Class 1-9'7 per cent, Class 11-2·6 Class VIII -0·7 per cent. per cent, Class III -7·3 per cent, Class IV -0·1,

SECTION a

RELATIVE PROPORTIONS OF DIFFERENT AGRICULTURAL CLASSES; CORRELATED TO DISTRIBUTION OF LAND IN AGRICULTURAL HOLDINGS OF DIFFERENT SIZES

UDcliliood Class I-Cultivators of owned land 20·7 per cent of the agricultural population in the Deccan Southern Division belonged to liveli­ 66· 6 per cent of the population belonging hood class III, Dharwar district returning, to the agricultural classes in Bombay, Sau­ 26 . 2 per cent. The factors making for high rashtra and Kutch belonged to livelihood percentages in livelihood class III are the land class I. In the Deccan Northern Division it tenure system prevailing in the areas, the culti­ was as much as 75·5 per cent. This was tJation of, a cam crop like cotton which due to the prevalence of the ryotwari system stimllwtes a demand for agricultural labour, of tenure in that area. Only in the Konkan and the existence of irrigation facilities. Division did the percentage of livelihood The Agricultural Labour Enquiry conducted class I fall below 60 per cent. The reason was in sample villages by the the great importance of livelihood class II in corroborated that cultivation of owned land; that division. In Saurashtra 70· 3 per cent of outclassed other a.gricultural classes, and also the agricultural classes belonged to livelihood corroborated the outstanding importance of class 1. The Saurashtra figure seems high livelihood class I in the districts of the Deccan when one considers that girasdari abolition had Northern Division and the great importance not been effected by the time of the census. of livelihood class II in the districts of the The returns perhaps anticipated this Konkan. The actual percentages differed legislation. in the two enquiries partly because the result of a sample will differ from that of Livelihood Class II-Cultivators of unowned a complete count, and partly because of thr land phenomenon of the mixed agricultural class. 16·0 per cent of the agricultural population in Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch) and Livelihood Class IV -Non-cultivating owners 45·9 per cent of the agricultural classes in the of fund Konkan belonged to livelihood class II. The 3· 27 per cent of the agricultural classes in Deccan Northern Division returned only 5· 7 Bombay, . Saurashtra and Kutch belonged to per cent. In Gujarat 15·8 per cent of the livelihood class IV. The proportion was agricultural classes belonged to livelihood highest in the Deccan Southern Division where class II. the alienations of Government lands in the forms of inams were most extensive. Livelihood Cwss Ill-Cultivating labourers

14·1 per cent of the agricultural classes in Distribution of land aCfording to 8ize of Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch belonged to holdings livelihood class III. In East Khandesh A holding means the area of land held by district, the percentage was as high as 29·9. one person who is primarily responsible for the The importance of agricultural labour in that payment of the land revenue to Government. district has been confirmed by the Agricultural A holding may consist of land in several places, Income Enquiry conducted by the Government so the number of holdings does not indicate of Bombay. In Broach and Surat districts the , the extent of sub-division and fragmentation. percentages of the agricultural classes in liveli­ The data compiled do not also give infonna­ hood class III were 28·7 and 23·9 respectively. Hon about how many holdings are economiC The reason for these high percentages is to be to operate. Ordinarily a holding of 15 acres sought in the "HaH" system which used to of dry land or 5 acres of irrigated land is exist in these districts. regarded as constituting an economic holding AGRICULTURAL CLASSES 21 in Bombay State. Even though a holding may able proportion of large or very large holdings, satisfy the area test of an economic holding it there was also a large proportion in livelihood may consist of a large number of fragments of class II (Thana, Kolaba, Kanara and Belgaum the minimum size below which it is definitely districts), or in livelihood class III (Sholapur, unprofitable to cultivate. Despite these Bijapur, Dharwar and Baroda districts), or in limitations the data collected are interesting. both (Surat). The most important feature brought out by the Large and very large holdings were a marked data is the extent to which small holdings up to feature of the Konkan and the Deccan Southern 5 acres dominate the picture. Slightly more DivIsion. In Thana and Kolaba districts than half the total number of holdings in 31· 4 and 26·7 per cent of the _occupied land Bombay State consist of less than 5 acres. was held in holdings of over lOO acres. This About 80 per cent of the holdings, comprising explains why· such a large proportion of the about 40 per cent of the occupied land, agricultural population of these two districts consisted of holdings of 15 acres or under. belonged to livelihood class II. In Kolhapur About 18 per cent of the total number of land­ and Belgaum districts where much of the land holders held about 50 per cent of the occupied is irrigated, the size of livelihood class II agricultural land in holdings of between 15 and exceeded livelihood class III. The reason may 100 acres. be that irrigation facilities or an assured rain­ Small holding were.a feature of practically fail stimulate the tendency to lease out land every district in Bombay State. There was no in such districts. The reason for the large invariable connection· between the size of holdings in Belgaum, Bijapur, Dharwar and holdings and the livelihood class break-up at Sholapur districts is to be sought in the aliena­ the census but, whenever there was a consider- tion of Government lands in these districts.

SECTION 4

CULTIVATORS OF LAND WHOLLY OR MAINLY OWNED; AND THEIR DEPENDANTS

Self-supporting persons in livelihood class I Class V-0·8 per cent, Class VI-0'4 per cent, Class VII-O'1 per cent and Class VIII-0·9 per In Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch 23·2 per cent. cent of livelihood class I were returned as self­ supporting persons. Self-supporting males The percentage of non-earning dependants were nine times as numerous as self-supporting in livelihood class I was 55·4 per cent of the females. The number of earning depemdent total population of livelihood' class 1. The females was, however, high indicating that lowest percentages of non-earning dependants . a large number of women in this livelihood were returned from Banaskantha, Panch Mahals class work. The proportion of self-supporting and Thana districts where women and children persons in Gujarat and the Deccan Northern in the family wqrk to a greater extent than Division, the two largest natural divisions) elsewhere. Within the natural divisions of were 22·6 and 22·8 per cent respectively. In Bombay State the recorded percentage of non­ the districts of Banaskantha, Dhanvar, Bijapur, earning dependants showed little' variation from Kolaba and Kanara more than 25 per cent of one natural division to another. Saurashtra and the population were returned as self-supporting Kutch returned lower percentages of non­ persons. The reason Wll$ that a large propor­ earning dependants than Bombay State. As tion of women were returned as self-support­ between livelihood classes I, II and III, liveli­ ing in these districts, and this may have been hood class I returned the highest percentage of due to enumerators there conceding self­ non-earning dependants and livelihood class III supporting status to women. Kutch State the lowest, which is as should be expeCted. returned a very high percentage of self­ Earning dependants in livelihood class I supporting persons in livelihood class I. constituted 21· 5 per cent of the persons belong­ 4·3 per cent of the pQpulation of livelihood ing to livelihood class I. 3 out of every 4 earn­ class I were self-supporting persons with ing dependants were women. Almost two-thirds a secondary means of livelihood. This per­ of the proportion of 21· 5 per cent were engaged centage was split up among the following in livelihood class I, 5·5 per cent were in livelihood classes :-Class 11-1·1 per cent, livelihood class III and the remaining 2 per cent Class III-0'8 per cent, Class IV-O·2 per cent, were distributed among other livelihood classes. 22 AGRICULTURAL CLASSES SECTION 5

CULTIVATORS OF LAND WHOLLY OR MAINLY UNOWNED; AND THEIR DEPENDANTS

Self-supporting persons. by the Deccan Northern Division with 54·9 per 23·8 per cent of livelihood class IT in cent and the Deccan Southern Division with ,Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch were self­ 53· 9 per cent. The census results in this supporting persons. 6·1 per cent of livelihood respect corroborated the finding of the Agri­ class II were self-supporting persons with cultural Labour Enquiry Committee that it was a secondary q1eans of livelihood. This only in Gujarat " that manpower was not utilised percentage of 6·1 was distributed among the fully." The reason may ,be the greater fertility other livelihood classes as follows : Class 1-1·7 of the soil, the higher literacy and higher per cent, Class III-I' 3 per cent Class IV -0, 1 proportion of children hndergoing education. per cent, Class V-l·l per cent, Class VI-O·3 Saurashtra and Kutch returned a lower per cent, Class VlI-0'4 per cent and percentage of non-earning dependants in Class VIII 1· 2 per cent. livelihood class II than' Bombay State. Non-earning dependants Earning dependants Non-earning dependants in livelihood . Earning dependants in livelihood\ class II class II were 53 per cent of the population of constituted 23·2 per cent and as in liveli. this livelihood class.' The lowest proportion hood class III, three out of every four r,ersons of non-earning dependants was found in the were women. Slightly more than half the Konkan where only 50·6 per cent were non­ nu~ber of earning dependants were engaged earning dependants. The proportion was in livelihood class II itself. 6·5 per cent were .highest in Gujarat with 55·8 per cent followed employed in livelihood class III .

SECTION 6

CULTIVATING LABOURERS; AND THEIR DEPENDANTS

The data compiled after the 1981 census labourers from other areas as the proportion suggested that in the agricultural classes more of non-earning dependants was very low. than half the population were agricultural The proportion of self-supporting persons labourers. In a l'yotwari area this was extra­ who had a secondary means of livelihood was ordinary and the results were at variance with small. Only 3·0 per cent of the persons in the results of the 1921 census. The results of livelihood class III were self-supporting persons the 1941 as well as 1951 censuses also do not with a secondary means of livelihood. This confirm the results of the 1931 census in this percentage of 3·0 was distributed among the respect. following livelihood classes: Class I-O·g per Self-supporting persons cent, Class II -0·3 per cent, Class IV -0·4 per 31·1 per cent of livelihood class III in cent, Class V-0·6 per cent, Class VI-0·2 per Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch were self­ cent, Class VII-O'02 per cent and Class VIIl- supporting persons. This is a greater propor­ 0·6 per cent. tion than in livelihood classes I and II. Male self-supporting persons were only three times Non-earning dependants as numerous as female self-supporting persons The percentage of non-earning dependants in this class, while in livelihood classes I and II in Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch in livelihood they were about nine times as numerous. In class III ~s -47 ·6. Kanara was the only Kutch 42· 3 per cent of livelihood class III were district where the proportion fell below 40 per returned as self-supporting persons and in the cent. In Saurashtra and Kutch the percentages Konkan the percentage was 37·5. Kanara were the lowest. The percentage was highest in district returned 48·9 per cent of self-supporting Gujarat (49'6) followed by the Deccan persons in livelihood class III. This may Northern Division (48,4) and the Deccan b(~ due to the migration of adult agricultural Southern Division (46·5). The census results AGRICULTURAL CLASSES corroborate the finding of the Agricultural of women who were earning dependants was Labour Enquiry Committee that "the earning smaller ~han in livelihood classes I and II as strength of the families of agricultural labourers more women were self-supporting in livelihood was the highest." class Ill. . The overwhelming majority of earn­ Earning dependants ing dependants (17·9 out of 21·3 per cent) . The earning dependants in this livelihood class constituted 21· 3 per cent. .The proportion were engaged in livelihood class III itself.

SECTION 7

NON-CULTIVATING OWNERS OF CULTIVABLE LAND; AGRICULTURAL RENT RECEIVERS; AND THEIR. DEPENDANTS

Distinctive features of this livelihood class cent. Livelihood class VIII formed the most were the high ratio of females to males within important secondary means of livelihood it, and its dependency pattern. In livelihood followed by livelihood classes III, VI and V. .class IV there were 1,213 ,women to every . Non-earning dependant~ thousand men. This liv~hood class had a greater burden of non-earnJng dependants than The percentage of non-earning dependants any other agricultural livelihood class. The in livelihood class IV was 64·5 in Bombay, reason for this preponderance of ·,females is Saurashtra and Kutch, the highest proportion probably that widows maintained themselves of non-earning dependants found in any by leasing out the land of their deceased agricultural livelihood class. The proportion husbands. of non-earning dependants was highest in the Konkan districts. Saurashtra and Kutch also Self-supporting persons returned very high proportions of non-earning In Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch 27·4 per dependants. cent of livelihood class IV were self-support. Earning dependants in livelihood ems N ing persons. Kutch and Gujarat recorded The proportion of earning dependants in this higher percentages of self-supporting persons livelihood class was 8·2 per cent in Bombay, than other natural divisions. 8·7 per cent of Saurashtra and Kutch. The reason for the the persons in livelihood class IV were self­ low percentage might be that the social and supporting persons with a secondary means of economic status of this class was superior, livelihood, a higher proportion than in any other members of the family were not obliged to agricultural livelihaod class. This percentage work and more children would be undergoing of 8·7 was distributed among the following education. Only in the Deccan, especially in livelihood classes: Class 1-0,9 per cent, the districts of Nasik, Ahmednagar, Satara Class II-O·! per cent, Class III-1·7 per cent, North, Sholapur, Bijapur and Dharwar, were Class V-1, 3 per cent, Class VI -1· 5 per cent, the proportions of earning dependants fairly Class VII -0·2 per cent and Class VIII -3' 0 per high.

SECTION 8

ACTIVE AND SEMI·ACTIVE WORKERS I~ CULTIVATION

The active workers constituted the self­ whose secondary means of livelihood was supporting persons in livelihood classes I, II livelihood classes I, II and III. On this basis and III. Semi-active workers were self· the total number of active and semi-active suppbrting persons whose principal means of workers in Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch livelihood was other than cultivation but whose belonging to livelihood class I was 6·32 million secondary means of livelihood was livelihood persons, livelihood class IT l' 62 million persons classes I, II and III and earning dependants and livelihood class III 3·05 million persons. 24' AGRICULTURAL CLASSES

SECTION 9

PROGRESS OF CULTIVATION CORRELATED TO GROWTH OF GENERAL POPULATION One-third of the total cultivated area of in 1931 27· 81 million acres, and in 1941 it was Bombay State is subject to frequent scarcity, 28·55 million acres. In 1949-50 in the sometimes bordering on famine conditions and present State of Bombay the net area sown was another one-third is very liable to famine. 42·36 million acres . . Only about 3·8 per cent of the cultivated land is irrigated. The rest depends almost entirely The area of cultivation per capita has shown on the nature of the season. The total area of a progressive decrease during the last SO years Bombay State after merger is about 67·44 because of the steady increase in the popula­ million acres of which the cultivable area is tion. - The area of cultivation per c~pita in 49·05 million acres. Forests, barren and un­ Bombay province was, 1· 66 acres in 1921, . cultivable land, land put to non-agricultural 1·54 acres in 1931 and 1· 37 ac~es in 1941. In uses, etc. accounted for 18· 39 million acres in the year 1951 for the present B6mbay, State the 1949-50. Not all of the estimated cultivable area of cultivation per capita was higher in area of 49·05· million acres was or could be the Deccan than in Gujarat. T~e area of under cultivation during the year. 7· 04 million cultivation per capita in the Konkan .where the acres in 1949-50 were current fallows pressure on land is acute was small. The and 1·06 million acres were cultivable but not amount of land per capita is not the only factor. cultivated. 42·36 million acres were under The quality of the land, the nature of the rainfall crops. A faulty classification and confusion and the irrigation facilities available are also very about terms suggested in the past that a large important factors. The average area of amount of land was waiting to be put under cultivation per capita was 80'6 and 69·4 cents the plough. This is. a myth. A land utilisa­ in the comparatively prosperous agricultural tion survey found that less than 40 per cent districts of Kaira and Kolhapur while it was of the land. classified as cultivable waste was 253· 1 cents in Bijapur, a tract with precarious fit for cultivation either immediately or after rainfall and very liable to famine. certain land improvement schemes had been undertaken. Most of these lands were margi­ The number of people dependent on agri­ Ilal umds tchere tl1e profit of cultivation is culture has increased since 1921 which means an uncertain factor. that the rural areas of the State must be worse In the old province of Bombay the average off in respect of food supply than 20 or SO years llet area sown in 1921 was 26·61 million acres, ago.

SECTION 10

CONCLUDING REMARKS Livelihood class I supported more people the failure of the 1931 classification of agricul­ than any other agricultural livelihood turists lies in the fact that agricultural classes class. Livelihood class III came next in are not water-tight compartments. A person importance as an occupation for those engaged might own some land of his own, and combine in agriculture followed by livelihood class II. with it cultivation of leased land and work as Livelihood class IV was and always has been an agricultural labourer. The assignment of a small category. a person to ,a particular category would depend The proportion of non-earning dependants on the care, which an enumerator took to among agricultural labourers was smaller than ascertain what the principal means of livelihood in any other livelihood class. Agricultural was and in cases where the enumerators were labour was the most important means of liveli­ not caref~l would depend on the view point hood for earning dependants. There were of the person enumerated. The pattern out­ very wide fluctuations in the proportions of the lined by the census data on agricultural classes various agricultural classes at the 1931 and 1951 in 1951 was clear aAd comment. censuses. A part of the explanation of AGRICULTURAL CLA~~~~

Agricultural production is not keeping pace agricultural technology that can give the State with the expanding population. The increase an acceptable modern standard of living when suggests the inescapable conclusion that more than half the population is dependent on population in relation to the available agricul. agriculture, and the cultivation of land per tura} resources is too great.. There is no capita is only a little over an acre. CHAPTER V

.++t++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++.+++++++++.~

I +tt+t++ +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++~+++++++++++~++ SECTION 1

PRELIMINARY REMARKS At the initial sorting of the census slips the Additional data were provided by classify­ non-agricultural classes were separated into ing the economically active s~f-supporting four main livelihood classes ;- persons in the non-agricultural classes into V-Production other than cultivation, employers, employees and independent VI-Commerce, workers. VU-Transport, Means of livelihood is by far the most VIII -Other services and miscellaneous difficult of the census questions to enumerate sources. fully and to classify accurately, not only in 38·54 per cent of the population of Bombay India but elsewhere. Incomplete returns are State belonged to the non-agricultural classes, a bugbear because the cliches «service" and and 53·38 per cent of the population of Sau­ " labour" as descriptions of means of livelihood rashtra. Only among the enjoy wide currency. Another cause of error Part " A" States had a higher percentage of its or misunderstanding has always related to the population in the non-agricultural classes. classification of persons who were both makers Saurashtra had a higher percentage of urban and sellers of the same article. population than any other Part "B" State. 143,895 persons, or 2·89 per cent of the total After the 1951 census persons who were number of self-supporting persons in the non· returned as self-supporting as a result of agricultural classes in Bombay, Saurashtra and engagement in Industries and Services were Kutch were returned as dependent on non· divided into occupational divisions and sub­ productive means of livelihood-pensioners, divisions and groups under a new scheme called etc. The balance of 4,829,265 persons re­ the Indian Census Economic Classification present the ~onomically active population Scheme. within the non-agricultural classes.

SECTION 2

NON-AGRICULTURAL POPULATION RATIOS; .sELF-SUPPORTING PERSONS AND DEPENDANTS; SECONDARY MEANS OF LIVELIHOOD OF NON·AGRICUTURAL CLASSES Approximately two-fifths of the population the urhan pOPlllation, 85·1 per cent of whom of Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch belonged to belonged to the non-agricultural classes, than the non-agricultural classes. The non-agricul­ among the rural population, of whom 20·1 per tural bias was naturally much heavier among cent belonged to the non-agricultural classes. NON-AGRICULTURAL CLASSES 27

There were marked regional variations in the to a town. His occupation ceased to be proportion of the population returned as a family occupation and was self-determined. belonging to the non-agricultural classes. 16,395,121 persons in Bombay, Saurashtra 99·5 per cent of the population of Greater and Kutch were returned as belonging to the Bombay belonged to the non-agricultural non-agricultural classes. There were 8,801,192 classes; in Cujarat 37·8 per cent; in the males and 7,593,929 females. Half the males Konkan 35·3 per cent; in the Deccan Northern in the non-agricultural classes were self­ Division 30·9 per cent; and in the Deccan supporting, as compared with only one out of Southern Division 26· 8 per cent. Gujarat was every 14 women. more intensively urbanised and industrialised There were 1,270,660 earning' dependants than the Deccan Southern Division. among the non-agricultural classes, comprising 7',8 per cent of the non-agricultural classes. Dependency The majority were females. The non-agricultural class~s had a greater Non-earning dependants numbered load of non-earning dependency than the 10,151,301, of whom 3,862,807 were males and agricultural classes. 61· 9 per 'cent of the non­ 6,288,494 were females. agricultural classes were non-earning depend­ Secondary means of livelihood ants as against 54·2 per cent of the agricul­ tural classes. This fact is larg~ly due to the Among the non-agricultural classes 30·3 per fact ,that women in the agric1;lltural classes cent were self-supporting persons, 27· 2 per cent assist in cultivation. Thus 21· $ per 'cent of being self-supporting persons with a secondary the agricultural classes were earning dependants means of livelihood and 3·1 per cent being self­ as against only 7· 8 per cent in the non-agricul­ supporting persons with a secondary means at tural classes. 24·5 per cent of the agricultural livelihood. In other words 10·3 per cent of the classes and 30·3 per cent of the non-agricul­ self-supporting persons in the non-agricultural tural classes were self-supporting persons. classes had a secondary means of livelihood, A man who might be an earning dependant in while among the agricultural classes the per­ a rural family assisting in a family occupation centage of self-supporting persons with tended to become a self-supporting person in a secondary means of livelihood was as high the non-agricultural classes when he migrated as 18·6.

SECTION 3

EMPLOYERS, EMPLOYEES AND INDEPENDENT WORKERS; AND EMPLOY­ MENT IN FACTORIES AND SMALL-SCALE INDUSTRIES

An innovation at the 1951 census was the employees in the rural areas, while in urban tabulation of self-supporting persons in the non­ these proportions were reversed and employees agricultural classes into employers, employees were twice as numerous a~ independent workers. and independent workers. In the larger urban areas there were fewer 4·65 per cent of the self-supporting popula­ opportunities for the independent craftsman tion were employers, 50·25 per cent were or artisan than in rural areas. employees, 42·21 per cent were independent Among those engaged in Commerce many workers and 2·89 per cent were "Others." were independent workers or employers, while Independent workers were twice as numerous as in Transport the majority were employees.

SECTION 4

PRIMARY INDUSTRIES OTHER THAN CULTIVATION, MINING AND QUARRYING

209,552 persons in Bombay, Saurashtra and stock-raising. Forestry and fishing were of Kutch belonged to Primary Industries not great importance in the coastal Konkan elsewhere classified. 112,814 were engaged in , districts. A (Bk) Yc 1-4a 28 NON-AGRICULTURAL CLASSES

SECTION 5

MINING AND QUARRYING

Only 31,189 self-supporting persons were quarrying and salt manufacture were the most classified under the mining and. quarrying head important sub-divisions. in Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch. Stone·

SECTION 6

PROCESSING AND MANUFACTURE-FOODSTUFFS, TEXTILES,. LEATHER AND PRODUCTS THEREOF

A total of 1,000,241 self-supporting persons abad, and Sholapur were the most important were classified in Bombay, Saurashtra and centres of the industry. The figures suggested Kutch under foodstuffs, textiles and leather a fall in the number of women employed in this products manufacture, A total of 6Q3,002 important industry as compared with 1931, persons were returned as engaged in cotton while the number I of men employed rose textiles manufacture. Greater Bombay, Ahmed- sharply.

SECTION 7

. PROCESSING AND MANUFACTURE-METALS, CHEMICALS ~ND PRODUCTS THEREOF

A total of 215,298 self-supporting persons blacksmiths, coppersmiths or workers in other were classified under the Metals and Chemicals metals. manufacture division. 94,337 persons were

SECTION 8

PROCESSING AND MANUFACTURE-NOT SPECIFIED ELSEWHERE

326,480 persons were classified under this There were 47,247 goldsmiths. 31,796 persons division. Wood and wood products manufac­ were classiBed under printing and book­ ture, principally carpenters, sawyers, and binding. basket makers accounted for 141,579 persons.

SECTION 9

CONSTRUCTION AND UTILITIES

A total of 191,263 self-supporting persons and maintenance of buildings, the most were classified under Construction and Utili· important sub-division. ties. 116,580 were engaged in the construction

SECTION 10

COMMERCE

887,580 self-supporting persons were classi­ 243,713 persons came under Retail trade fled under Commerce. They comprised 18·38 otherwise unclassified-general store.keepers, per cent of the self-supporting persons belong­ hawkers, etc. 345,062 came under Retail trade ing to all Industries and Services. Both relatively and absolutely commercial activities in foodstuffs. These were the most important were of greater importance in the urban than sub·di visions. in the rural areas. NON-AGRICULTURAL CLASSES 29

SECTION 11

TRANSPORT, STORAGE AND COMMUNICATIONS

308,125 self-supporting persons were classi­ 101,770 under railway transport and 59,133 fied under Transport, Storage and Communica­ under transport by water. tions. 110,477 came under road transport,

SECTION 12

HEALTH, EDUCATION AND PUBL_IC ADMINISTRATION

524,647 persons came under the Health, 67672, were classified under Police, 136,180 as Education and Public Administration division. employees of State Goverments, 65,305 as 120,186 came under educational services and employees of the Union Government, and 57,884 research, a big increase on the 1931 figure. as employees of municipalities and local bodies.

SECTION IS

SERVICES NOT E~SEWHERE SPECIFIED; AND MISCELLANEOUS MEANS OF LIVELIHOOD , Services not elsewhere specified accounted for 221,812 persons were classified as domestic 1,134,890 persons, comprising 23·5 per cent of servants, 63,621 as barbers, and 33,744 as the self-supporting persons in all Industries and washermen. Services. 560,198 persons came under, Services other­ There was a great rise in the number of wise unclassified, of whom 449,212 persons were persons classified as engaged in hotels and eating , returned as "coolies", "maz<;loors" or other houses between 1931 and 1951. The 1951 figure variants of the same expression. Proportion­ was 127,502. ately large numbers of these were found in Saurashtra and Kutch.

SECTION 14

CONCLUDING REMARKS

Because of changes in the definitions and the other hand there was a very steep and classifications adopted from census to census noticeable rise in the number of self-support­ the data compiled in relation to' the non­ ing persons returned as engaged in the sugar, agricultural classes have not always been, tobacco, cotton textiles and printing industries comparable. When to these changes the risks in 1951 by comparison with 1931, as also in the of inadequacies or inaccuracies in descriptions number of persons engaged in transport, of occupations at the census enumeration, and medical and. educational services, and the vagaries in the subs~uent abstraction, are hotel and restaurant trade, and this rise seems added it will be seen why the occupational to reflect a true trend. returns have to be scrutinised with special The number of persons returned as engaged care. in the manufacture of such articles of common Inaccuracy in classification was undoubtedly use as soap, matches, vanaspati and plastic the reason why the number of village officers goods was small in relation to the output of declined between 1931 and 1951. It is which the factories making these products are impossible to be certain whether the fact that capable. A modern factory bottling aerated the number of washermen and barbers did not water in Bombay is reputedly so highly increase during the same period reflected mechanised as to function with about a dozen a true trend or was due to inaccuracy. On workers. The tendency for men to be replaced so NON·AGRICULTURAL CLASSES by machines is somewhat disturbing. Probably, Analysis of the proportion of employers, however, these factories give rise to a lot of employees and independent workers among secondary employment in the demand they self· supporting persons was an important and create for materials and the employment they create among the distributive trade and trans· interesting innovation at the 1951 census. Is port workers. the independent worker being squeezed out The extent to which Greater Bombay with and converted into an employee? The fact less than one-tenth of the total population that three·quarters of the self-supporting dominated several fields of activity was persons in Greater Bombay in 1951 were marked. The tendency for new industries to be located in Greater Bombay or its vicinity employees suggests that it may be so. It has increased. It is a trend which those who seems part of an inevitable trend, but the only believe in the dispersal of industry will way in which the trend could be measured is . I ' deplore, though what precisely should be done to repeat these que~tions with the same defiDj .. if it were desired to arrest the trend is not quite clear. tions at the next census. CHAPTER VI +++++++++++++++t++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++t+++++++++++ FAMILIES, SEXES AND PRINCIPAL ··AGE GROUPS'

++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++, SECTION 1

PRELIMINARY REMARKS

This chapter deals with households, families, tendency to return ages in round numbers-in sexes and age. In 1951 a 4 per cent sample numbers ending in 0 or 5 in even rather than of households was extracted from the National odd numbers. To eliminate these biases ages Registers and their composition was examined, were exhibited by groups-O, 1.4, 5-14, 15-24 while a 10 per cent sample of the census slips etc. in several tables, though single year age was used to compile the age returns. Many returns from which any desired groupings can people do not know their exact age, hence the be constructed have also been published.

SECTION 2

TERRITORIAL DISTRIBUTION OF HOUSES AND HOUSEHOLDS

The 1951 census distinguished the "house" mess ", The household of 1951 resembled the and the "household ". A house was defined " house" of earlier censuses, whfch was based as "a dwelling with a separate main entrance ", on the commensal family, The figures are A household meant "all the persons who lived therefore not comparable. together in the same house and had a common

SECTION 3

SIZE AND COMPOSITION OF FAMILY HOUSEHOLDS

In Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch there were households. The rural household was larger 7,248,611 houses in 1951, containing 8,066,427 than the urban, except in Kutch and the Deccan households, an average of 5·6 persons per Southern Division, census house. 414,132 persons, or 1 per cent More persons lived in households of medium of the p0pulation, were enumerated in institu· size having from 4·6 members than in any other tions or were houseless. size category. Slightly over 40 per cent lived In the total population there were 4. 9 in medium sized households, while about the persons per household-5' 0 in the rural same proportion lived in large and very large population and 4·7 in the urban population, households with 7·9 and 10 members 9r more. according to the analysis of 4 per cent sample The old-style joint family in the sense of 32 .FAMILIES, SEXES AND PRINCIPAL ACE CROUPS numerous families living together is much rarer daughters of heads of households, suggests that than is commonly supposed. Dependency the composition of the average family household seems primarily to determine family composi­ departed from the unitary husband-wife-children tion. In every district the number of sons of pattern only to the extent necessary to take heads of households exceeded the number of care of dependants. daughters because daughters marry at an In Greater Bombay for every 945 male heads earlier age than sons and when they marry of households per 1,000 households there were they generally leave their fathers' house­ only 633 wives of heads of households. On the holds. But the fact that the average family other hand in Ratnagni, Satara North, Kolaba household in Western India had only five and Kutch, from which emigration occurs, the members and that only about one quarter of number of women who were heads of house­ the household population were other than heads holds exceeded the number of men. of households and their wives, or sons and

SECTION 4

SEX RATIOS

There were 938 females per 1,000 males in Migration acts as a powerful distortion to Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch in 1951. Men sex ratios. There were 1,224 females per have consistently outnumbered women in 1,000 males in Ratnagiri district, \079 in Kutch, India, particularly in the West and North-West. A number of theories have been advanced to 1,051 in Satara North and 1,040 in Kolaba. explain this, racial, environmental, climatic, indicating male emigration. dietary and social. In most-probably all­ parts of the world more boys than girls are Districts with an unusually masculine sex born, and India is no exception. What is ratio were Greater Bombay (596 females per exceptional is not the ratio of male to female 1,000 males), Ahmedabad ( 849), and Thana births but the deficiency that develops in the number of females relatively to males round (907), indicating male immigration. about age 40.

SECTION 5

MARITAL STATUS RATIOS

There has been a steady rise in the number 1921. However as many as 60 out of every of unmarried persons since 1921, because the 1,000 married women in 1951 were less than age of marriage is becoming )!)rogressively 15 years old, in breach of the statutory minimum higher. There were 319 unmarried females age of marriage for women. This figure of per 1,000 females in 1921, 324 in 1931, 369 in 60 was however an improvement on the 1941 1941 and 406 in 1951. More than half the male figure of 97. popuJation-525 males per 1,000 males-were unmarried in 1951 as compared with 464 in There was a fall in the number of widowed 1921. In 1951 there were 434 married males persons. 19·1 per cent of the entire female and 462 married females per 1,000 of each sex population were widows in 1921; in 1951 the as compared with 467 and 490 respectively in figure had fallen to 13 per cent.

SECTION 6

INFANTS (AGED 0)

Infants returned as less than one year old at lity haa greatly decreased because a variation the census comprised 3·25 per cent of the in the fonn of instructions for recording age population in 1951, as compared with 2·52 per can cause distortion, particularly, it would cent in 1941. It would be unsafe to argue from appear, in regard to this age group. For pur­ this that the birth rate was higher in the year poses of analysis therefore it is safer to consider preceding the 1951 census or that infant morta- this ag~ group along with the age group 1-4. FAMILIES, SEXES AND PRINCIPAL AGE GROUPS 33 SECTION 7

YOUNG CHILDREN (AGED 1-4)

Young children less than 5 years of age epidemic of 1918-19 on these young age groups, comprised 11· 9 per cent of the population in both by Vlay of mortality and a fall in the birth 1901, 14·5 per cent in 1911, 12·7 per cent in rate. 1921, 15·0 per cent in 1931, 13·7 per cent in 1941, There was a rise in the proportion of young and 13·8 per cent in 1951 in Bombay area. The children in Kanara from 11· 6 per cent of the low percentages in 1901 and 1921 were due to population in 1941 to 14·2 per cent in 1951, due the effects of the famine of 1899 and the influenza principally to DDT spraying.

SECTION 8

BOYS AND GIRLS (AGED 5·14)

Boys and girls aged 5·14 formed approxi. tion from 37· 3 per cent in 1941 to 38·6 per mately one quarter of the total poPlllation- cent in 1951. Any decline in the birth rate in 24·9 per cent in 1941 and 25~5percentin 1951. There was an increase in the proportion that recent years has thus been accompanied by the under 15' s comprised of the total popula- an even steeper decline in the death rate.

SECTION 9

YOUNG MEN AND WOMEN (ACED 15·34)

The age group 15-34 is compounded of cause, almost certainly, was inaccuracy' in age two decennial age groups-15-24 and 25-34. reporting at earlier censuses, which took the One would expect the age group 15-24 to be form of over-concentration on the numerals larger than the age group 25-34. However at 25 and 30 in returning ages. Because of greater every census until 1931 in Bombay, Saurashtra inaccuracy in female age reporting, females and Kutch the age group 25-34 had more outnumbered males at the favoured round people in it than the age group 15·24 at the numbers 18,. 20, 22, 25 and 30, even in 1951 preceding census. Immigration would explain in Bombay State. the phenomenon in part, but the principal

SECTION 10

MIDDLE AGED PERSONS (AGED 35-54)

Persons returned at the census as aged 35-54 Bombay State in 1951, as compared with 20·3 comprised 19·5 per cent of the population of per cent in 1941.

SECTION 11

ELDERLY PERSONS (AGED 55 AND OVER)

The proportion of elderly persons aged 55 data for various countries in Asia and Africa, and over was 7·1 per cent in 1951, as compared and for most Latin American countries, show with 7· 6 per cent in 1941. One might have little change in the age composition of the expected to find an increase in the proportion population during recent decades, even when of elderly persons as a consequence of the mortality has been considerably reduced. In decline in the death rate. That the proportion fact, such changes as have occurred appear, in of elderly persons has not increased is not most cases, to have been in the direction of due to increased mortality among them but to increasing the burden of childhood dependency, the fact that the youngest age groups have because of the initial increases in the numbers increased faster than the old. As a recent of surviving children which are brought about UNESCO publication observed: It Census by declines in childhood mortality rates". A (Bk) Yc 1-5 34 FAMILIES, SEXES AND PRINCIPAL AGE GROUPS

The so-called weaker sex is in reality the there were as many as 1,135 women to every stronger at the business of continuing to live. 1,000 men. At age 75 there were 1,177. Thus in the age group 65-74 in Bombay State

SECTION 12 CONCLUDING REMARKS

The age structure of the population has population in 1951 had what is known as. remained remarkably constant throughout the l a heavy "youth dependency" as compared, for past haH century, This is also evidenced by instance, with a country like Britain where they the fact that the median ages varied only comprised only 22·5 per cent, and there is a high within narrow limits. The acceleration of ratio of old persons to producers. growth in the past three decades might have Age structure affects future population been expected to incr:.ease greatly the propor­ growth. Bombay's age structure is such that tion of young persons in the population, but it has a potential growth far exceeding that of this effect has apparently been counterbalanced western countries where fertility has shown by a greater longevity. a progressive decline, The i general picture in This distribution of the population between Bombay since 1921 is one of increasing popula­ three main age groups-under 15, 15 to 64, tion growth and high fertility, unaccompanied and 65 years of age and over varies widely in by famine, epidemic or deliberate, restriction of different parts of the world. Bombay, where numbers. the under 15's comprised 39·3 per cent of the CHAPTER VII .+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ SCHEDU,LED CASTES, SCHEDULED TRIBES AND OTHER BACKWARD CLASSES ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ SECTION 1 PRELIMINARY REMARKS

The Scheduled Castes comprise those classes are those who because of economic or formerly labelled "untouchable ". The Sche­ educational packwardness have been treated by duled Tribes are the Adivasis, or aboriginal the'State Governments as "other backward inhabitants. The unscheduled backward classes ".

SECTION 2

THE SCHEDULED CASTES

The Scheduled Castes comprised 8·35 per general population-45· 58 per cent as compared cent of the population of Bombay State in 1951, with 40·32 per cent in the general population 2·88 per cent in Saurashtra, and 1·31 per cent in Bombay" Saurashtra and Kutch. in Kutch. The proportion of Scheduled Castes was highest in the districts of Sholapur, Satara Only 26· 0 per cent of the Scheduled Castes South, Kolhapur, Satara tNorth, Ahmednagar were cultivating owners Oivelihood class I), and Poona, where it was between 10 and 15 per while 19 per cent were cultivating labourers. cent of the total population of these districts. In Baroda, Broach, West Khandesh, East ­ desh, Sholapur, Belgaum, Bijapur and Dharwar 78·5 per cent of the Scheduled Castes lived districts more than 30 per cent of the Scheduled in rural areas and 26·5 per cent in urban areas Castes were agricultural labourers. Almost in Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch. They were haH the Scheduled Castes belonged to the non­ thus slightly less urbanised than the general agricultural classes. Tanning and, in towns, population. However, the proportion of the sweeping, are traditional Scheduled Castes skills, Scheduled Castes who belonged to the non­ accounting for the non-agricultural bias. agricultural classes was greater than among the A (Bk) Yc 1-5a 36 SCHEDULED CASTES, SCHEDULED TRIBES AND OTHER BACKWARD CLASSES

SECTION 3

THE SCHEDULED TRIBES

The Scheduled Tribes were of numerical The Scheduled Tribes were concentrated in importance only in Bombay State where they the ten districts of Dangs, ,Surat, Panch Mahals, comprised 9·34 per gent of the population as West Khandesh, Broach, Thana, Baroda, against 3 per cent in Kutch and o· 94 per cent Nasik, Sabarkantha, and Kolaha. In eleven in Saurashtra. out of twenty-eight districts in Bombay State The Scheduled Tribes probably have ahigher they formed less than 1 per cent of the popula­ fertility than the 'general population, though tion. Only 6, 5 per cent of the Scheduled vagaries in the recording or tabulation of caste Tribes lived in urban areas. The great majo­ particulars at successive censuses may partly rity of the Scheduled Tribes-83' 71 per cent­ be responsible for their numbers rising from were agriculrurists. A ~arge proportion of the 2,645,594 in 1941 to 3,359,305 in 1951, a rise of Scheduled Tribes were either tenants or agri~ 26· 98 per cent in Bombay State. cultural labourers.

SECTION 4

OTHER (UNSCHEDULED) BACKWARD CLASSES

12·49 per cent of the population of Bombay Taking the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled State belonged to the unscheduled backward, Tribes and Other Backward Classes I together classes, in Saurashtra 38·1 per cent, in Kutch only 10·67 per cent of them were literate, while only 0·22 per cent. More than three·fourths of these unscheduled backward classes lived almost a quarter of the total population were in rural areas. literate. CHAPTER VIII ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++t· DISPLACED PERSONS

++++++++++++++++++++~+++++++++++++++++"''''++++H+++++++++++++++++++++++. There was a special question for displaced Only 2· 29 per cent of the displaced popula­ persons at the census, and the slips of displaced . tiOD were .agriculturists; the rest were non­ persons were sorted separately Ito get the fullest agriculturists. information about them. In the general population 8· 0 per cent of 338,096 displaced persons were enumerated the population belonged to livelihood class VI in Bombay State in 1951, 59,787 in Saurashtra (Comtaerce), but among the displaced popula­ and 11)999 in Kutch. They comprised 0·94 tion the proportion was 40·9 per cent. The per cent of the population in Bombay State, burden of non-earning dependency was heavier 1·45 per cent in Saurashtra and. 2·11 per cent among displaced persons than in the general in Kutch. population because not all had been rehabi­ Less than 1 per cent of the displaced popula­ litated. However, a higher percentage of the tion came from East Pakistan, and 99·4 per displaced population were employers than in cent from West Pakistan. Less than 10 per the general population. cent came from West Punjab, over 80 per cent The age groupings of displaced persons from Sind and the remainder from Khairpur. showed that the migration from Pakistan had The main influx of displaced persons was the character of a mass exodus of whole compressed into the last months of 1941 and families. the first half of 1948. The marital status returns suggested that Thana district and Greater Bombay between displaced persons marry less and later than the them accounted for 55·3 per cent of the dis­ non-displaced population. placed persons in Bombay State. The displaced population were twice as 88 per cent of the displaced persons in literate as the non-displaced population, Bombay, Saurashtra and Kutch lived in urban 53 per cent literate as against 24 per cent. areas. In the general population the pexcent. age was only 68·8. CHAPTER IX t++++++++++++++~++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ LITERACY tt+t++++++++t+++++++tt+t++t++++++tt+++++++++++tt++t++++++++++++t++++++ The results of the decennial censuses furnish The towns were much more, ,literate than the an index of the lee-way made uP. in education villages. Only 17 per cent of the people who during the decade. lived in villages were literate, while 37 per . cent t)f those who lived in towns of up to The census definition of literacy was the 100,000 population were literate. In the eight ability to read and write a simple letter in any , cities of Bombay State 46 per cent of the language, a more stringent definition of literacy population were literate. than that adopted by a good many other countries which merely require that a person 16· 3 per cent of the agricultural classes and be able to read, The definition has remained 37· 8 per cent of the non~agricultural classes substantially unchanged since 1911. were returned as literate, percentages which correspond very closely to the rural-urban Up to 1931 the increas~ in the percentage literacy percentage. Among those engaged in of the total population who were recorded as Commerce the percentage of literacy was very literate was only one or two per cent every high. decade. The percentage of the total popula­ tion -Df Bombay State returned as literate was Analysis of the figures of literacy according 6·75 in 1901, 7·13 in 1911, 8·93 in 1921, 9,87 to age groups showed that the older the in 1931, 18·28 in 1941 and 24,56 in 1951. individuals the greater the inequality in literacy between men and women. In Greater Bombay almost half the popu!a­ tion were literate in 1951 as compared with Only 10·67 per cent of the Backward Classes 25 per cent in Gujarat, 20·6 per cent in the were literate in Bombay State, In areas like Deccan Northern Division, 21· 86 per cent in Gujarat where general literacy was high, the Deccan Southern Division, 21· 39 per cent backward class literacy was also high. Feinale in the Konkan, 18·47 per cent in Saurashtra literacy in particular among the backward and 17·06 per c~nt in Kutch. classes was very low.

Roughly one male in three and one female Literacy has made great strides in the past in eight in Bombay State was literate. The twenty years. In Bombay State in 1951, 30 per gap between male and female literacy was cent of the population aged ten and over were striking, Excluding Greater Bombay, Gujarat literate., That still leaves a formidable burden had the best record for female literacy. of illiteracy, but an increasing number of Female literacy has increased faster than male children, particularly girls, are now acquiring literacy since 1921. literacy. CHAPTER X, ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ LANGUAGE +t++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ SECTION 1

MOTHER TONGUE

Though 85 languages were enumerated as 12·1 per cent and 5·33 per cent Urdu. being spoken as mother tongues in Bombay Sate These four languages between them accounted and 67 in Greater Bombay alone the problem for 93·25 per cent' of the total population. of linguistic diversity is not as complicated as In Saurashtra and Kutch the linguistic piCture these figures suggest. Only a few languages was less diversified. 96·06 per cent of the were of outstanding numerical importance. population of, Saurashtra spoke Gujarati. In 44·08 per cent of the population of Bombay Kutch 98·75 per cent spoke Gujarati or 'State spoke Marathi, 31·74 per cent Gujarati, Kachchhi.

SECTION 2

Bll.JNGUALISM

If a person commonly spoke any Indian against 3· 23 per cent· among Marathi speakers language other than his mother tongue in daily and 8·94, per cent among Kannada speakers. or domestic life it was recorded, Konkani speakers had a high percentage of Two main types of bilingualism can be dis­ bilingualism. More than half of the Urdu­ tinguished-the territorial bilingualism that arises speaking population were bilingual. in those border areas where the regional 485,278 persons in Bombay State returnee! languages co-exist, and the socia-economic bllin­ Hindi as their mother tongue, but 440,867 gualism that arises out of the necessity for persons were bilingual in Hindi. This latter immigrants to employ a regional language or figure indicates, not the extent to which Hindi, a lingua franca as a means of communication. the lingua franca, is understood, but merely The percentage of bilingualism among the extent to which it was in daily currency. Gujarati speakers was only 2·62 per cent as CHAPTER XI

+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++~++++++++++++++++++++++++ RELIGION

+++~+++++++++++tttt+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ / At the 1951 census information was extracted Christians numbered 525,454' or 1146 per about the number of persons who returned them­ cent of the population. selves as Hindus, Sikhs, and Buddhists, Jams Zoroastrians numbered 97,573 or~' 27 per the four principal religions of Indian origin, and cent of the population. as Zoroastrians, Muslims, Christians and Jews, the four main religions of non-Indian origin. There wer~ 37,017 Silills, 20,135 Jew~ and 2,395 Buddhists. Nobody was recorded as professing a Tribal religion in the area in 195L The average Saurashtra and Kutch States enumerator in Western India has always In Saurashtra Hindus formed 86·72 per cent regarded the aboriginal tribes as Hindus, and of the population, Muslims 10·2 per cent and Hindu influence pervades practically every Jains 3·0 per cent. In Kutch the proportion of Tribal religion. Even in 1941 in those areas like Muslims and Jains in the population was where Tribals were classified higher than in Bombay State. In Kutch 69·26 according to religion and precautions were taken per ,cent of the population were Hindus, 19·63 to prevent aboriginal tribes being recorded per cent Muslims and 10·99 per cent Jains. against their wishes as Hindus the number of One of the most striking points of difference Tribal religionists fell from 44,890 in 1931 to between the various religious groups in Bombay, 2,395 in 1941. Saurashtra and Kutch was their degree of Bombay State urbanisation. Excepting Hindus, only 'lI·22 per cent of whom were urban, other religious In Bombay State there were 31,785,614 Hindus groups had sizable proportions of their adherents in 1951, comprising 88·40 per cent of the in the towns. 58·4 per cent of the Muslims population. lived in urban areas, 56·3 per cent of the Jains, Muslims numbered 2,906,887 or 8·09 per cent 67· 6 per cent of the Christians, 92·2 per cent of the population. of the Zoroastrians, 87·3 per cent of the Sikhs, Jains numbered 572,093 or 1·59 per cent of the 92·5 per cent of the Jews and 94·9 per cent population. )£ the Buddhists.