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The Sacred Black Hills an Ethnohistorical Review

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The Sacred Black Hills an Ethnohistorical Review University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Great Plains Quarterly Great Plains Studies, Center for Summer 1997 The Sacred Black Hills An Ethnohistorical Review Linea Sundstrom Archaeological and Ethnohistorical consultant Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly Part of the Other International and Area Studies Commons Sundstrom, Linea, "The Sacred Black Hills An Ethnohistorical Review" (1997). Great Plains Quarterly. 1955. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly/1955 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Great Plains Studies, Center for at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Great Plains Quarterly by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. THE SACRED BLACK HILLS AN ETHNOHISTORICAL REVIEW LINEA SUNDSTROM The Black Hills area is widely recognized as have historic precedents. Watson Parker ques­ sacred in the context of traditional Lakota tions whether the Lakotas could have devel­ and Cheyenne belief systems. Questions arise, oped a sacred geography in the relatively short however, regarding the authenticity and his­ time they occupied the Black Hills. Donald torical depth of these beliefs.! Some research­ Worster concedes that the Black Hills are now ers assert that the concept of the sacred Black widely regarded as sacred to the Lakota people, Hills is little more than a twentieth century but asserts that the area was not viewed as scheme to promote tourism or part of a legal holy ground prior to the 1970s.4 strategy to gain the return of Black Hills lands The position that the Black Hills held little to Lakota and Cheyenne tribal governments.z significance to Indians is most frequently based While many Lakotas and Cheyennes today on two sources: Richard 1. Dodge's The Black express a strong spiritual link to the Black Hills, written in 1875, and Edwin Denig's Five Hills,3 some historians have questioned Indian Tribes of the Upper Missouri, written in whether today's beliefs about the Black Hills 1854.5 Both assert that the Lakotas then liv­ ing in the area made little use of the Black Hills, venturing in only to gather tipi poles. Dodge and Denig state that the Lakotas avoided the Black Hills because game was scarce, pasturage was insufficient for horses, and there were "superstitions" about evil spir­ Linea Sundstrom is an archaeological and ethno­ its inhabiting the mountains. This informa­ historical consultant specializing in the northern Great tion has been cited with little regard to the Plains. She has published two books and numerous historical context in which it was compiled. articles on Black Hills cultural sites. Denig reported that "much superstition is attached to the Black Hills by the Indian," incorrectly attributing this "superstition" to [GPQ 17 (Summer/Fall 1997): 185- 2121 volcanic action causing smoke and loud noises 185 186 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SUMMER/FALL 1997 in the interior mountains.6 While later writers ment that the interior Black Hills contained mentioned loud, booming noises in the Black no evidence of Indian habitation is now en­ Hills, there is no evidence for any recent vol­ tirely refuted by more than 3000 archaeologi­ canic activity in the area, and the phenom­ cal sites recorded for this area.9 Even Dodge's enon remains unconfirmed and unexplained. own diary and the report of the 1874 Black Denig's informants told him the noises were Hills E?{pedition specifically mention discov­ the groans of a Great White Giant condemned ery of old Indian campsites in the Black Hills. 10 to lie under the mountains as punishment for Dodge's Black Hills diary is a study in self­ intruding into the Lakotas' hunting ground contradiction. One passage describes "a great and as a lesson to all whites to stay out of the Indian trail as large as a wagon road." Another area, a story clearly meant to scare whites away mentions seeing the remains of Indian camps from the Black Hills .. Denig himself had no "all along the day's route." Later, however, personal interest in the opening of the Black these observations are replaced with assertions Hills to white settlement, but seems merely to that the area was never used except for gath­ have been repeating what his informants told ering lodge poles. I I The changes coincide with him. Dodge's recognition of the great potential of The same cannot be said of Dodge. The the Black Hills to white entrepreneurs, but thesis of his later book, OUT Wild Indians, was whether they were truly coincidental is im­ that Native Americans entirely lacked moral­ possible to know. In alternately describing the ity and were something less than human, and Black Hills as void of evidence of Indian habi­ the theme of The Black Hills was the need to tation and full of such evidence, Dodge seems get the area into the hands of whites who could to have made a distinction between the inte­ extract wealth from the natural resources rior uplift and peripheral zones. In fact there is wasted under Indian occupation. He foresaw much less evidence for sacred places in the . stock ranches, cities, and tourist hotels spring­ interior than in the outer edges of the Black ing up in the country as soon as the "miserable Hills. nomads" could "be got rid of."7 Neither Dodge nor Denig contradicts the In this context, Dodge quotes a Lakota assertion that the Black Hills were sacred to named Robe Raiser, whom he had met with the Lakota people. The "superstition" they two mixed-blood men, all prospecting for gold noted is simply a biased description of the In­ on Rapid Creek.s According to Robe Raiser, dians' religious beliefs about the area. In Indians of his band entered the Black Hills Dodge's Black Hills diary, he reports finding only occasionally to hunt or cut tipi poles and the site of a Medicine Lodge (Sun Dance) usually avoided the area because it was the encampment on Castle Creek, well inside the abode of spirits, had little game and many flies, western Black Hills.12 If the Indians did not was too rainy, was bad for horses, and had use the area for camps, it was not because the frequent violent thunderstorms. Dodge implies mountains lacked religious significance. Nei­ that other Indians confirmed Robe Raiser's ther writer addressed the possibility that the information, but nowhere in his diary or book Black Hills were sacred to earlier groups in­ does he specifically mention speaking with any habiting the area. other Indian. Robe Raiser's comments, like From a more objective perspective, Donald those of Denig's informants, imply that the Worster writes that the Lakotas did not men­ interior Black Hills were avoided at least in tion anything about the sacredness of the Black part because they were considered holy ground, Hills until the dawning of a religious revital­ "the abode of spirits." ization movement in the 1970s.13 Worster im­ Overall, both The Black Hills and OUT Wild plies that current views of the sacredness of Indians are rife with error and should not be the Black Hills are the product of this revi­ cited uncritically. For example, Dodge's state- talization movement, which followed decades THE SACRED BLACK HILLS 187 of frustration in attempting to regain an eco­ Gillette Prairie, the Hot Springs-Minnekahta nomic foothold after the extinction of the area, lnyan Kara Mountain, Harney Peak, bison herds that had been their mainstay and Black Buttes, White Butte, and Rapid Creek the forced removal of the Lakotas to non­ Valley. arable lands. Worster notes that Lakota testi­ A historic Lakota map of the Black Hills mony before various treaty and claims shows most of these localities. Between 1890 commissions stressed the economic, not spiri­ and 1913, Amos Bad Heart Bull made an ex­ tual, value of the Black Hills and asserts that tensive series of drawings, interpreted and no documentary evidence before the 1970s printed after his death, that record the history suggests that the Black Hills were the Lakotas' and traditions of the Oglala division of the sacred place. Lakota alliance. His map of the Black Hills The question of the sacredness, or lack (Fig. 1) shows eight features of known reli­ thereof, of the Black Hills to Native Ameri­ gious significance. A yellow band surrounding can groups demands a more exacting view. the Black Hills is labeled Ki Inyanka Ocanku The question must be rephrased: what por­ (The Racetrack). This refers to a circular de­ tions of the area, if any, were considered sa­ pression surrounding the interior uplift, still cred, when, and by whom? known as the Racetrack or Red Valley. Other Published ethnographic and ethnohistoric features shown and labeled on the map are: accounts provide evidence of whether the Mato Tipi Paha (Bear Lodge Butte or Devils Black Hills were considered sacred historically Tower); Hinyankagapa (Inyan Kara Mountain); by various Native peoples or whether their Baha Sapa (Black Buttes); Re Sla (Gillette "sacredness" is merely a product of a clever Prairie); Mato Baha (Bear Butte); Mini Kata tourist promotion or legal strategy. Such (Hot Springs); Pte Tali Yapa (Buffalo Gap); information explores the historical depth of and Miniluzan (Rapid Creek).15 Each of these present-day traditions and beliefs and provides features is discussed separately below. a framework for building more detailed Was Bad Heart Bull participating in a lat­ understandings of the traditional or sacred ter-day conspiracy to designate the Black Hills landscape. Ethnographic and historic sources sacred land so that the Lakotas could demand used here are generally limited to information their return? Such a conclusion ignores the collected at least fifty years ago, long before historical context of the creation of the map.
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