Reporting Corruption and Media Ownership
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The Inspector General of Government and the Question of Political Corruption in Uganda
Frustrated Or Frustrating S AND P T EA H C IG E R C E N N A T M E U R H H URIPEC FRUSTRATED OR FRUSTRATING? THE INSPECTOR GENERAL OF GOVERNMENT AND THE QUESTION OF POLITICAL CORRUPTION IN UGANDA Daniel Ronald Ruhweza HURIPEC WORKING PAPER NO. 20 November, 2008 Frustrated Or Frustrating FRUSTRATED OR FRUSTRATING? THE INSPECTOR GENERAL OF GOVERNMENT AND THE QUESTION OF POLITICAL CORRUPTION IN UGANDA Daniel R. Ruhweza HURIPEC WORKING PAPER No. 20 NOVEMBER, 2008 Frustrated Or Frustrating FRUSTRATED OR FRUSTRATING? THE INSPECTOR GENERAL OF GOVERNMENT AND THE QUESTION OF POLITICAL CORRUPTION IN UGANDA aniel R. Ruhweza Copyright© Human Rights & Peace Centre, 2008 ISBN 9970-511-24-8 HURIPEC Working Paper No. 20 NOVEMBER 2008 Frustrated Or Frustrating TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...................................................................................... i LIST OF ACRONYMS/ABBREVIATIONS......................………..………............ ii LIST OF LEGISLATION & INTERNATIONAL CONVENTIONS….......… iii LIST OF CASES …………………………………………………….. .......… iv SUMMARY OF THE REPORT AND MAIN RECOMMENDATIONS……...... v I: INTRODUCTION ………………………………………………........ 1 1.1 Working Definitions….………………............................................................... 5 1.1.1 The Phenomenon of Corruption ……………………………………....... 5 1.1.2 Corruption in Uganda……………………………………………….... 6 II: RATIONALE FOR THE CREATION OF THE INSPECTORATE … .... 9 2.1 Historical Context …………………………………………………............ 9 2.2 Original Mandate of the Inspectorate.………………………….…….......... 9 2.3 -
Uganda Date: 30 October 2008
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: UGA33919 Country: Uganda Date: 30 October 2008 Keywords: Uganda – Uganda People’s Defence Force – Intelligence agencies – Chieftaincy Military Intelligence (CMI) – Politicians This response was prepared by the Research & Information Services Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. This research response may not, under any circumstance, be cited in a decision or any other document. Anyone wishing to use this information may only cite the primary source material contained herein. Questions 1. Please provide information on the Uganda Peoples Defence Force (Ugandan Army)/Intelligence Agencies and a branch of the Army called Chieftaincy Military Intelligence, especially its history, structure, key officers. Please provide any information on the following people: 2. Noble Mayombo (Director of Intelligence). 3. Leo Kyanda (Deputy Director of CMI). 4. General Mugisha Muntu. 5. Jack Sabit. 6. Ben Wacha. 7. Dr Okungu (People’s Redemption Army). 8. Mr Samson Monday. 9. Mr Kyakabale. 10. Deleted. RESPONSE 1. Please provide information on the Uganda Peoples Defence Force (Ugandan Army)/Intelligence Agencies and a branch of the Army called Chieftaincy Military Intelligence, especially its history, structure, key officers. The Uganda Peoples Defence Force UPDF is headed by General Y Museveni and the Commander of the Defence Force is General Aronda Nyakairima; the Deputy Chief of the Defence Forces is Lt General Ivan Koreta and the Joint Chief of staff Brigadier Robert Rusoke. -
Status Competition in Africa: Explaining the Rwandan
ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT—NOT THE VERSION OF RECORD. PLEASE DO NOT CITE OR CIRCULATE WITHOUT THE AUTHOR’S PERMISSION. STATUS COMPETITION IN AFRICA: EXPLAINING THE RWANDAN- UGANDAN CLASHES IN THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO 1 HENNING TAMM ABSTRACT Yoweri Museveni’s rebels seized power in Uganda in 1986, with Rwandan refugees making up roughly a quarter of his troops. These refugees then took power in Rwanda in 1994 with support from Museveni’s regime. Subsequently, between 1999 and 2000, the Rwandan and Ugandan comrades-in-arms turned on each other in a series of deadly clashes in the Democratic Republic of Congo, a country they had invaded together only one year earlier. What explains these fratri- cidal clashes? This article contends that a social-psychological perspective focused on status competition between the Rwandan and Ugandan ruling elites provides the most compelling an- swer. Long treated as ‘boys’, the new Rwandan rulers strove to enhance their social status vis-à- vis the Ugandans, seeking first equality and then regional superiority. Economic disputes over Congo’s natural resources at times complemented this struggle for status but cannot explain all of its phases. The article draws on interviews with senior Rwandan, Ugandan, and former Con- golese rebel officials, and triangulates them with statements given to national and regional newspapers at the time of the clashes. More broadly, it builds on the recently revitalized study of status competition in world politics and makes a case for integrating research on inter-African relations. IN AUGUST 1999, AND AGAIN IN MAY AND JUNE 2000, Rwandan and Ugandan troops fought each other in Kisangani, a large city in north-eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). -
Exclusionary Elite Bargains and Civil War Onset: the Case of Uganda
Working Paper no. 76 - Development as State-making - EXCLUSIONARY ELITE BARGAINS AND CIVIL WAR ONSET: THE CASE OF UGANDA Stefan Lindemann Crisis States Research Centre August 2010 Crisis States Working Papers Series No.2 ISSN 1749-1797 (print) ISSN 1749-1800 (online) Copyright © S. Lindemann, 2010 This document is an output from a research programme funded by UKaid from the Department for International Development. However, the views expressed are not necessarily those of DFID. Crisis States Research Centre Exclusionary elite bargains and civil war onset: The case of Uganda Stefan Lindemann Crisis States Research Centre Uganda offers almost unequalled opportunities for the study of civil war1 with no less than fifteen cases since independence in 1962 (see Figure 1) – a number that makes it one of the most conflict-intensive countries on the African continent. The current government of Yoweri Museveni has faced the highest number of armed insurgencies (seven), followed by the Obote II regime (five), the Amin military dictatorship (two) and the Obote I administration (one).2 Strikingly, only 17 out of the 47 post-colonial years have been entirely civil war free. 7 NRA 6 UFM FEDEMO UNFR I FUNA 5 NRA UFM UNRF I FUNA wars 4 UPDA LRA LRA civil HSM ADF ADF of UPA WNBF UNRF II 3 Number FUNA LRA LRA UNRF I UPA WNBF 2 UPDA HSM Battle Kikoosi Maluum/ UNLA LRA LRA 1 of Mengo FRONASA 0 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 Figure 1: Civil war in Uganda, 1962-2008 Source: Own compilation. -
Parliament Resolves to Censure Gen. Tumwine
6 NEW VISION, Friday, February 7, 2020 NATIONAL NEWS Kadaga orders Parliament resolves to investigations into livestock censure Gen. Tumwine quarantine By Moses Walubiri and only took orders from the “big By Vision Reporter and Nicholas Wasajja man” — Bagyenda. In his interface with the The Speaker of Parliament, Rebecca Kadaga, It is very possible that security committee, Tumwine, although has tasked the House’s agricultural committee minister Gen. Elly Tumwine means conceding to the existence of safe with investigating what she described as a “near- well when he appears before houses, stridently pushed back permanent quarantine” in some pockets of the lawmakers and sings for them against allegations of the facilities country. one or two patriotic songs, before being used as torture chambers. A quarantine is a restriction on the movement of reminding them about the ultimate Safe houses, according to people and goods, intended to prevent the spread of sacrifice his generation paid to Tumwine, are necessary for co- diseases or pests. liberate Uganda. ordinating intelligence, briefing and It is often used in connection to disease and However, not all lawmakers debriefing of security assets and illness, preventing the movement of those who may consider Tumwine’s conduct protection of violent criminals who have been exposed to a communicable disease, but innocuous, following a decision on turn into state witnesses. do not have a confirmed medical diagnosis. Wednesday to have the decorated However, he explicitly told MPs Reacting to a petition yesterday by MP Theodore bush war combatant censured over that they would be denied access Ssekikubo on behalf of traders, ranchers and mixed alleged condescending treatment of to safe houses if deemed necessary. -
THE TRUTH BEHIND the RWANDA TRAGEDY by Mr
THE TRUTH BEHIND THE RWANDA TRAGEDY By Mr. Remigius Kintu The Following Document was prepared upon request and presented to the U.N. Tribunal on Rwanda, Arusha, Tanzania March 20, 2005 I come before you, Ladies and Gentlemen of this noble Tribunal which was instituted to search for the truth behind the heinous crimes committed in Rwanda. And upon you was charged the noble responsibility of dispensing justice where it is due. If I could borrow from the wisdom of great men and women of long ago, truth is not a function of public opinion or majority vote, nor does it stem from the wishes of the mighty and powerful, but rather it stands in its absolute properties regardless of opinions, purposes or values of anyone and transcends time and space. I want to borrow from the Greek play OEDIPUS REX by Sophocles. King Oedipus was disturbed by the immense suffering taking place in Thebes. The calamity in that land of Thebes was caused by the innocent blood of its King Laisos who was killed many years ago. Kreon told Oedipus what he heard from Delphi that the gods demand we expel from the land of Thebes an old defilement we are sheltering. As a result, Oedipus made the following pledge: If any man knows by whose hand king Laios son of Ladbakos met his death, I direct that man to tell me everything no matter what he fears for having so long withheld it. Let it stand as promised that no further trouble will come to him but he may leave the land in safety. -
Ministers Lose Kamwenge Geoffrey Byamukama Buyende Michael Kanaku Kumi Christine Aporu from Page 1 of the Women League
2 NATIONAL NEWS The New Vision, Tuesday, August 3, 2010 NRM big shots win district elections From Page 1 women’s league. In Nakaseke, the Alex Kamugisha, who is eyeing secretary Peter Okello said the Hajji Abdul Nadduli, retained finance minister, Syda Bbumba, Muhwezi’s parliamentary seat. election of prominent politicians his position. Nadduli’s would-be Minister Hope Mwesigye was also was elected vice-chairperson, while In Gulu, former security state will change the party’s image and challenger, John Kayanja, stood unopposed for the Kabale chair Rose Namayanja was voted women minister Betty Akech was elected increase its support in the north. down at the last moment. amid protests from rival groups. chairperson. chairperson of the women’s league, In Kumi, former disaster In Kyegegwa, the competition The minister’s would be opponent, Maj. General Jim Muhwezi had while Jacob Oulanyah took the post preparedness state minister between Wilson Byaboona and Denis Nzeirwe, pulled out of the to fight off a challenge by public of publicity secretary. Christine Aporu defeated FUFA Isaya Mucunguzi was exciting. race at the last minute, which service state minister Seth Oulanyah defected from UPC to treasury Mike Okiror to take Byaboona, however, won the angered most of Mwesigye’s rivals. Mbaguta to retain his position as NRM during the run-up to the 2006 the post of district chairperson, election with 137 votes, ahead of Finance state minister Rukungiri NRM chief. elections. Uganda’s ambassador while health minister Dr. Stephen Mucunguzi who got 87 votes. Ruth Nankabirya was elected The Yumbe RDC, Charles to Canada George Abola was also Mallinga was elected Pallisa In Kawempe Division, Hajji chairperson Kiboga district, while Byabakama, took the position elected. -
Exclusionary Elite Bargains and Civil War Onset: the Case of Uganda
Working Paper no. 76 - Development as State-making - EXCLUSIONARY ELITE BARGAINS AND CIVIL WAR ONSET: THE CASE OF UGANDA Stefan Lindemann Crisis States Research Centre August 2010 Crisis States Working Papers Series No.2 ISSN 1749-1797 (print) ISSN 1749-1800 (online) Copyright © S. Lindemann, 2010 This document is an output from a research programme funded by UKaid from the Department for International Development. However, the views expressed are not necessarily those of DFID. Crisis States Research Centre Exclusionary elite bargains and civil war onset: The case of Uganda Stefan Lindemann Crisis States Research Centre Uganda offers almost unequalled opportunities for the study of civil war1 with no less than fifteen cases since independence in 1962 (see Figure 1) – a number that makes it one of the most conflict-intensive countries on the African continent. The current government of Yoweri Museveni has faced the highest number of armed insurgencies (seven), followed by the Obote II regime (five), the Amin military dictatorship (two) and the Obote I administration (one).2 Strikingly, only 17 out of the 47 post-colonial years have been entirely civil war free. 7 NRA 6 UFM FEDEMO UNFR I FUNA 5 NRA UFM UNRF I FUNA wars 4 UPDA LRA LRA civil HSM ADF ADF of UPA WNBF UNRF II 3 Number FUNA LRA LRA UNRF I UPA WNBF 2 UPDA HSM Battle Kikoosi Maluum/ UNLA LRA LRA 1 of Mengo FRONASA 0 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 Figure 1: Civil war in Uganda, 1962-2008 Source: Own compilation. -
“The Rotary Wheel” the ROTARY CLUB of KAMPALA - CLUB NO
“The Rotary Wheel” THE ROTARY CLUB OF KAMPALA - CLUB NO. 17287 Theme 2014- 2015 “Light Up Rotary” Rotary Awareness Month Vol. 4 Issue 25, 15th January, 2015 Since May 20th 1957, District 9211, R.I Zone 20A RCKLA Rotary Club of Kampala Web: www.rotarykampala.org President’s Message ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ International, let alone its history are incredibly broad and far-reaching. Most of us just see a part of it. Ro- tary awareness is not only about our history, but also about our future; knowledge of history helps define the future. For the community at large, Rotary is seen through our good works and contribution to society. Even then, much of what we do is invisible to the wider commu- nity or not necessarily attributed to Rotary. I think most Rotarians get rather agitated every time they see a media report on polio eradication where Rotary is not mentioned at all. We occasionally see street promotions employing people walking around with Boards, Tshirts, and oth- er material advertising their brands. However, Rotary does not have a lot of money to put into promotion Dear Rotarians and friends of Ro- and brand recognition but Rotarians can also be a tary, walking promotion with far less inconvenience. When we are serving the community it is good if we wear Ro- January is Rotary Awareness tary apparel – shirt, jacket, cap or hat but all times it is Month, a time for us to consider good if we wear our Rotary pin. This is not just subliminal how our Rotary values and our brand awareness but often the start of what could be own actions influence the public’s a game changing conversation. -
Human Rights Report Uganda.Pdf
UGANDA Uganda, with a population of 32 million, is a constitutional republic led by President Yoweri Museveni of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party. The 2006 presidential and parliamentary elections were marred by serious irregularities. An influx of arms continued to fuel violence in the Karamoja region, resulting in deaths and injuries. The Lord's Resistance Army (LRA), which relocated to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) in 2005, continued to hold children forcibly abducted from the country. The governments of Uganda, Southern Sudan, and the DRC continued military actions against the LRA in the DRC, Southern Sudan, and the Central African Republic (CAR). There were instances in which elements of the security forces acted independently of civilian control. Serious human rights problems in the country included arbitrary killings; vigilante killings; mob and ethnic violence; torture and abuse of suspects and detainees; harsh prison conditions; official impunity; arbitrary and politically motivated arrest and detention; incommunicado and lengthy pretrial detention; restrictions on the right to a fair trial and on freedoms of speech, press, assembly, and association; restrictions on opposition parties; electoral irregularities; official corruption; violence and discrimination against women and children, including female genital mutilation (FGM), sexual abuse of children, and the ritual killing of children; trafficking in persons; violence and discrimination against persons with disabilities and homosexual persons; restrictions on labor rights; and forced labor, including child labor. RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From: a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life There were no reports that the government or its agents committed politically motivated killings; however, security forces killed demonstrators, suspects, detainees, and other citizens. -
Personalisation of Power Under the Museveni Regime in Uganda
83 PERSONALISATION OF POWER UNDER THE MUSEVENI REGIME IN UGANDA by Gerald Bareebe and Kristof Titeca RÉSUMÉ Après sa prise de pouvoir en 1986, le chef de guérilla devenu président Yoweri Museveni a promis de mettre en place un « changement fondamental » en Ouganda. Au début des années 1990, les bailleurs de fonds occidentaux louaient les progrès du pays, l’appelant « l’un des exemples de réussite post-conflit en Afrique ». Pourtant, à la fin des années 1990, des critiques ont commencé à émerger sur le régime de Museveni, et en particulier sur la personnalisation du pouvoir. Le présent article fournit une analyse contextuelle et empirique de la personnalisation du pouvoir en Ouganda sous le régime en question. Il analyse la manière dont la personnalisation des structures et des institutions a été utilisée pour la survie de celui-ci. L’article examine particulièrement le fonctionnement des institutions formelles telles que la magistrature, l’armée et la fonction publique. Notre analyse indique que Museveni s’est largement appuyé sur des membres de sa famille et des alliés pour le fonctionnement de son régime. Ce faisant, il n’a pas tenu compte des critères fonctionnels de la méritocratie. Au contraire, le pouvoir réel est exercé par le président et son réseau, ce qui affecte le fonctionnement des institutions. 1. INTRODUCTION Since the so-called “Third Wave”1 spread across Eastern Europe, Latin America, Asia and Africa2, there has been a growing frustration over the slow pace of democratic progress in sub-Saharan Africa. In spite of the -
The Politics of Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights in Uganda
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SANTA CRUZ “TELLING YOUR FATHER THAT HE’S WRONG”: THE POLITICS OF SEXUAL AND REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH AND RIGHTS IN UGANDA A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in SOCIOLOGY by Nichole M. Zlatunich June 2012 The Dissertation of Nichole M. Zlatunich is approved: Professor Ben Crow, Chair Professor Paul Lubeck Sarah Clark, Ph.D. Tyrus Miller Vice Provost and Dean of Graduate Studies Copyright © by Nichole M. Zlatunich 2012 Table of Contents List of Figures .............................................................................................................. iv List of Abbreviations .................................................................................................. vii Abstract ....................................................................................................................... xii Acknowledgements .................................................................................................... xiv Preface..........................................................................................................................xx Chapter 1: Introduction: “You Simply Do Not Care About Women”: An Introduction to Uganda’s Political Economy and Reproductive Health ........................1 Chapter 2: A Short Political, Social, and Economic Background on Uganda .............27 Chapter 3: “The Cairo Consensus of Confusion”: Global Influence and Local Frames in the Struggles over Uganda’s Population Policy and Influences