24 Multiculturalism and Whiteness:

Through the Experiences of Second Generation

Lütfiye Ali Christopher C. Sonn University

Multicultural policies have enabled many migrants and their descendents to develop a sense of belonging to . However, national multicultural policies also position the Anglo Saxon descendents as a higher civilised group who are more Australian relative to their ‘ethnic’ counterparts, who are confronted with ambiguity when identifying as an Australian. By adopting critical whiteness studies as an analytical framework we explore community dynamics by focusing on how the Anglo Saxon ethnic group maintains its dominance and privilege. We examine discourses that second generation Cypriot in Australia use to construct their identity. Our analysis reveals the covert and often banal ways in which privilege is maintained. We suggest that whiteness studies provides a set of tools to extend critical community psychology because of its focus on unpacking how dominance is negotiated and potentially reproduced by those who have differential access to racialised privilege.

This article examines dynamics of Australian, as not having an ethnic identity. On inclusion and exclusion through the the other hand, for many migrant descendants experiences of second generation Cypriot their Australian identity is accessible if it is Turkish . In the year 1973 the hyphenated with their ethnic identity. As a , which favoured result people other than Anglo Saxon have immigration from certain countries, was noted ambiguity about their belongingness to officially replaced with the national policy of the Australian community (Ang, Brand, Noble Multiculturalism. Multicultural policies did not & Sternberg, 2006; Castles & Vasta, 1996; discriminate on the basis of race, culture and Sonn & Lewis, 2009; Vasta, 1992; Vasta, religion in relation to immigration to Australia 1993; Zevallos, 2003; Zevallos & Gilding, (Department of Immigration and Citizenship 2003). These processes of identity negotiation, [DIAC], 2007). Multicultural policies were which we describe in this article, demonstrate also a reactionary move following migrant the relational and contingent nature of ethnic resistance to assimilation as they redefined identity. their past in a new social and political context Ethnic identity is conceptualised as a (Vasta, 1993). Multicultural policies afforded relational construct which is negotiated with different ethnic groups the right to practice ones world and other people, structures, social their cultural and religious beliefs (DIAC, conditions expressed through discourses rather 2003). These policies provided impetus for the than something that is possessed (Hook, 2003; construction of new discourses and the Verkuyten, 2005). Mama (1995) defines emergence of the ethnic identity. In Australia, discourses as “historically constructed regimes the ethnic category embraces the identities of of knowledge. These include common-sense many migrants and the descendants of assumptions and taken-for-granted ideas, belief migrants in Australia. However, descendants systems and myths that groups of people share of an Anglo Saxon background are ostensibly and through which they understand each omitted from this category1. Those of Anglo other” (p. 98). Discourses position people in Saxon background are simply identified as relation to each other socially, culturally, and

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politically, -- ‘ethnics’ are positioned in anyone who identified as other than Turkish had Australia as the other to Anglo Australians to pay extra tax shaping the modern bicultural who occupy a privileged, dominant and community of the island (Hugg, 2001). normative position (Hage, 1998; Sonn & became an independent state in 1960 following Fisher, 2005). This normative and privileged an agreement between Britain, and position has been named whiteness , which recognised the two ethnic groups (Frankenberg, 1993). Arguably, being as equal citizens under the new constitution positioned outside the dominant culture (Gorvett, 1999; Hugg, 2001). However, this provides a vantage point from which to make constitution collapsed during 1963 when the visible dominance and dynamics of inclusion drive for the unification of Cyprus with Greece and exclusion (Ladson-Billings, 2003; Sonn, gained momentum and ethnic cleansing became 2004). Challenging normativity and dominance widespread. In response, Turkey intervened to is in line with a community psychology (e.g., prevent the unification of Cyprus with Greece Watts & Serrano-García, 2003) agenda that is and to protect the Cypriot aimed at deconstructing and transforming (Peggs, 1998). taken for granted discourses about race and The island has since been divided into ethnicity that position self and others in a two, with two separate governments. However, broader context of power relations. In this the Turkish Republic of article, we explore ethnic identity construction, (TRNC) is not recognised internationally by with a focus on the negotiation of whiteness, any other country besides Turkey (Gorvett, from the perspectives of Cypriot Turks who 1999; Rotberg, 2003). remain grew up in Australia. unrepresented in the international arena unlike We draw on data from a research project the who represent Cyprus in that focused on dynamics of inclusion and international political and social arenas exclusion and the discourses that construct the (Bamanie, 2002). Due to the conflict around the multi-hyphenated nature of the Cypriot legitimacy of TRNC, the voices of Cypriot Turkish Australian identity (Ali, 2006; Ali & Turks’ and the representations of Cyprus have Sonn, in press). In this article we examine the been restricted making Cyprus, for those who negotiation of whiteness through the are not familiar with its history, a Greek Island experiences of second generation Cypriot with Cypriot Greek population. Turks Australians. We consider two discourses As a result of these historical and political that are used to construct Cypriot Turkish processes, Cypriot Turks who identify as a identity and examine how whiteness is Cypriot lose their ‘Turkishness’ as Cyprus is reproduced and privilege maintained through represented as a Greek Island. On the other the construction of other identities. Before this hand, identification as a Turk leads to the we provide background to the Cypriot Turkish assimilation of their identity with mainland identity and review literature on whiteness and Turks. Although Cypriot Turks have strong ties whiteness in an Australian context. This is with the mainstream Turkish community, they followed by examining whiteness from the perceive themselves and are perceived by vantage point of Cypriot Turkish lived mainland Turks as different, on the basis that experiences. they are not from Turkey and differ in terms of Cypriot Turkish identity and migration speaking and cultural values such as level of Cypriot Turks are descendents of the secularity (Canefe, 2002). , who remained in power Due to the inter-communal conflict of the until1878 when Cyprus was ceded to Britain. 1950s and 1960s and the economical and During this period the island was governed politically unstable nature of Cyprus during the under the Ottoman Millet system where 1970s and 1980s following the ongoing

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embargo imposed on TRNC, many Cypriot decide who belongs to the nation and the power Turks have migrated from Cyprus (Robins & to name racism. For instance, knowledge Aksoy, 2001). It is estimated that 40,000- around and the representations of Australia’s 50,000 people emigrated from Cyprus during colonial history is a political endeavour shaped this period (Kücükcan, cited in Robins & by the normative worldview of whiteness Aksoy, 2001). Cypriot Turks began migrating (Larbalestier, 2004). Whiteness also reproduces to Australia in early 1960 with the biggest and maintains its position of dominance as it is influx in the late 1960s (Sayar, 1988). linked with ownership of a nation whilst people Whiteness who do not belong to the white category are Steyn (2006) wrote that critical made to feel unease with their sense of whiteness studies has provided a site critiquing belonging to a nation due to the lack of racial formations by tracing processes that representation at a national level (Green et al., have lead to the ways in which white people 2007; Hage, 1998). Finally, whiteness are socially positioned relative to others. Part constructs itself through antiracism practices of the focus is to understand the implications because white people can assume the power to for identity construction of those racialised into name what is and what is not construed as whiteness as well as understanding the racism, and they can deny noticing race mechanisms and process – semiotic, including their own racial position (Ahmed, discursive, material and everyday ways – 2004; Green & Sonn, 2005; Green et al., 2007) through which whiteness is produced and Whiteness is not just shaped by daily life maintained. Frankenberg (1993) explains and current race relations but also shaped by whiteness to be a position of privilege, a local, national and international histories worldview and a set of cultural practices that (Frankenberg, 1993). Whiteness is embedded in are unmarked and unnamed and positioned as historical and global history of colonial normative. Access to whiteness privilege and expansion (Frankenberg, 1993; Grosfoguel & dominance intersects with other identity Georas, 2000). Social power relations and the makers such as gender, sexuality, class, race, present racial and ethnic hierarchies in religion, ethnicity, history and socio political contemporary world systems are still embedded context (Frankenberg, 1993; Moran, 2007). in Western colonial expansion even though Privileges associated with whiteness is not there is no colonial administration (Grosfoguel equally accessible by all people therefore the & Georas, 2000). For instance, in Australia experience of whiteness and white privilege is exclusion is particularly evident for people who not uniform (Green, Sonn & Matsebula, 2007; identify as (Ali & Sonn, in press; Aly, Moran, 2007). Whiteness is a socially 2007; Casimiro, Hancock & Northcote, 2007; constructed phenomenon however it has real Elley, 1993; Fijac & Sonn, 2004; Hage, 1998; implications for ‘non whites’ in their daily Humphrey, 2007; Mubarak, 1997; Poynting & lives and their identity construction. It also Noble, 2004; Zevallos, 2003). The presence of shapes whites’ sense of self and sense of Muslims in Australia is not a new phenomenon others. The non ‘white’ experiences of daily (Yasmeen, 2007) however; their visibility has life and opportunities are shaped by overt and increased following the global events of covert forms of racism. They are aware of September 11, Bali and the London bombings being different to the socially valued norm and (Yasmeen, 2007). This heightened visibility and experience themselves as the representative of exclusion is not just a result of the current their background (Moran, 2007; Noble, 2005). global climate but rather has a long history of Green et al. (2007) explain that east-west relations. There has been a whiteness is produced and maintained as resurfacing of historical colonial discourses whites have the power to construct knowledge, where the east has been constructed as the other

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who is weak, barbaric and backward (Said, Billings, 2003). 1979). Ethnic minority groups not only recognise Although the “white Australia policy” their own position in race relations but also the has been replaced with policy of dominant group’s position, who may be blind to multiculturalism, Australian identity continues their privileged and normative position and who to reflect colonial ideologies and discourses are generally oblivious to the effects of racism whilst heterogeneous social and cultural or the significance of race relations of landscape of Australia is downplayed in Australian society (Fisher & Sonn, 2007; nationalistic discourses (Green et al., 2007; Frankenberg, 1993; Ladson-Billings, 2003; Green & Sonn, 2005; Moran, 2007). Australian Moran, 2007). We suggest that we can look into identity is defined by dominant white versions the dynamics of dominance and privilege of reality, despite alternative discourses, as through the lived experiences of people who they hold and have access to “social, cultural, occupy liminal spaces (Ladson-Billings, 2003). economic, political and symbolic To this end we explore dynamics of inclusion power” (Moran, 2007, p. 211). Although this and exclusion using the lens of whiteness. We has created a sense of belongingness and do this by examining discourses used by second inclusion into Australia’s landscape for ‘non generation Cypriot Turkish to construct their whites’ it has not challenged the dominant identity and how these discourses contribute to position of the white cultural hegemony the reproduction of whiteness. (Moran, 2007; Hage, 1998, 2003). Methods and Data Analysis In Australia whiteness is covert. Ten Cypriot Turkish participants from Standfield (2007) explains that the replacement were interviewed in 2006 about of the white Australia policy, the adoption of their identity and sense of belongingness. The multicultural policies, and the referendum acts participants were recruited through the as a discursive break from a history of racism networks of the first author who identifies as and the beginning of benign racism. These Cypriot Turkish. Four of the participants were forms of remembrance and the showing of the men and six were women. All of the ‘goodwill’ of white Australians supports the participants were born in Australia other than benign racism, which is built on foundations of Julide who came to Australia at of three. structural inequality that centres white They all identified as Muslims. It was an Australians as the true citizens of the nation. interactive form of interviewing where the Multiculturalism obscures whiteness interviewee and the interviewer were both (Hage, 1998) and there is a denial of identified as collaborators and co-constructers dominance, but dominance is maintained due of knowledge (Burgess-Limerick & Burgess- to the normativity of whiteness (Green et al., Limerick, 1998; Burr, 1995). 2007; Hage, 1998; Moran, 2007). This form of Discursive analysis was used to explore ‘repression’ is one of the mechanisms by the relationship between society and individual which racial hierarchies and systems of experience and unveil discourses that create and knowledge are reproduced (Hage, 1998; sustain patterns of privilege, power and of Moran, 2007; Riggs, 2007a). In Australia, inequality (Burr, 1995; Collins, 2004; Karim, where whiteness is expressed in symbolic 1997). The particular approach employed was forms and as cultural racism, it is necessary to the ‘power and subjectivity’ approach deconstruct our society’s discourses that shape developed by Parker (1992). In line with the subjectivities (Green & Sonn, 2005). One way aim and the theoretical orientation of the to do this is to look through the lived research this approach is concerned with power experiences of ethnic minority groups, a key relations, experiences, and subjectivity, which objective of critical race theory (Ladson- is multiple, contradictory, fluid, and context

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specific. Power is understood to be exercised religion. They will practice; pray through discourse rather than being a personal more, you see the Turkish women attribute or possession. wearing scarfs, they visit mosques We identified four discourses that more, they will expect a lot more participants used to construct the Cypriot from their children they hang on to Turkish identity. These were identified as the practices. Cypriot Turks could modern Muslim discourse, language, be the same as the Turkish Turks, phenotype and ancestral and generational but they seem more strict not as discourses (Ali, 2006). Similar to many other easy going as us. ethnic Australians, all four men and two of the women from this study did not express Mehmet hesitation in calling themselves Australians by Religion makes us different but we hyphenating their identity as Cypriot-Turkish- are not that religious so I do not feel Australians. The remaining four females that different to an Australian. I am referred to themselves as Cypriot Turks living Muslim but I do not practice it. But in Australia. They explained that they were it does make you different from the Australian only because they were born and rest. Not eating pork singled you raised in Australia. out. You can have an Australian Findings Muslim because we don’t really Here we focus on two of the discourses – practice it anyway. We are a the modern Muslim and phenotype discourses. Muslim by name. This is not to say that the other two discourses Although during the Howard period of play a less important role in the construction of government there was an emphasis on whiteness. However, these two discourses constructing good Muslims as moderate, the were most evident in the data particularly due term ‘modern Muslim’ as it is used here arises to the political issues in Australia. Initially, we out of relational understandings between discuss the ways in which the discourses are themselves and mainstream Turks. This used to construct Cypriot Turkish identity positions Cypriot Turks as less invested in followed by a discussion on how whiteness is religion in comparison to mainland Turks. able to maintain its dominant and privileged Through the text we can see that being a position through the Cypriot Turkish identity moderate Muslim positions them as someone construction. All of the participants’ names who is not physically different or have very have been replaced with pseudonyms. different lives to Australians. This is Modern Muslim discourse: “Religion makes us comparable to the Tatar Muslims in the different but we are not that religious” Netherlands who also draw on discourses that All 10 participants constructed position them as similar to the mainstream themselves as modern Muslims. The excerpt group (Verkuyten, 2005). There is fluidity in here from Halide and Mehmet explains: their position as the other. Because their Halide Muslim identity does not fit the stereotypical I think the Cypriot Turkish values image of Muslim they can be part of the are a lot more easy going, a lot Australian society because their Muslim more relaxed. Sort of reminds me identity goes unnoticed. By being a modern of the Aussie laid back person Muslim they can be like ‘Aussies’. “Religion attitude, relaxed compared to the makes you different to the Australian Turkish Turkey Turk culture and population but it depends on how religious you their values because I find that they are” (Julide). There is a degree of access to are a lot more dedicated to their white privilege as they note the benefits of

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being a Muslim that do not fit the negative Muslim identity, an identity that has been stereotypes of dominant public discourses. constructed in the media as a deviant, evil and However, their sense of inclusion is a threat. She feels like she is not completely context-bound and conditional because welcome in this setting because how she might whiteness intersects with other social identity be perceived as a Muslim person. Sami also markers that determine access to white expresses concerns about how Muslims are privilege (Frankenberg, 1993). The modern being constructed in the media. He explains Muslim discourse, although discrete and not so that people are going to make judgements tangible to others and, besides the noted based on the stereotypes that are presented in benefits of being a moderate Muslim, there is a mainstream news. sense of exclusion as members of Australian The dominant discourses within social community through various processes. In the spaces focus on events that alienate the following excerpts we can see a sense of Muslim population. It does not give value to exclusion related to their Muslim identity the everyday multicultural interactions. through processes of stereotyping, Instead, immigrants, multiculturalism and scapegoating and othering (Riggins, 1997) of Muslims are constructed as problems that have the Muslim identity. These processes work to be dealt with by the white national subject covertly to maintain white race privilege. (Hage, 1998). Whiteness maintains its Stereotyping. These quotations illustrate dominance and patterns of privilege through how stereotyping of Muslim people by the knowledge construction (Green et. al., 2007; media has lead to a sense of exclusion for the Riggs 2007b). In this case, their religious participants (Karim, 1997; Van Dijk, 1997). identification is associated with terrorism. The Halide effect is a sense of exclusion and distancing of Due to September 11 incidents. I Muslim identity from normative constructions feel that a lot people are hearing of Australian. and believing what they see in the Othering. Although Cypriot Turks note media and relating it and judging the benefits of being a moderate Muslim, a all Muslims which is quite sad sense of exclusion is also experienced through because they are unethical crimes the process of othering. which none of us agree with. I went Ayse to this Christian function, I still had Interviewer: Does your religion a great time but at the back of my impact on your belongingness mind I wonder if anyone has an more so than your ethnic identity? issue with me being there. Yes definitely, particularly because that singles you out as someone Sami that doesn’t celebrate Easter and I do not know what they are Christmas and fasting in terms of thinking about us. If you watch the Ramadan. So it is much more of an bullshit news on (the commercial identifier for people. Um and television stations) they are telling although it would be further you pretty much every night of the exacerbated if I was a much more week that we are bad and if you strict Muslim in terms of wearing a watch those and you believe it, veil so I think it acts as a further which a lot of people do, they are identifier in a negative way.. going to make judgements. Sevda Halide feels uncomfortable due to her Interviewer: Why can’t you be

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Australian? being targeted as not belonging to Australia. Cause you are Turkish. You are Ayse Australian because you are born in Like, I remember during the Gulf Australia but you cannot be an war with a surname like Huseyin Australian because you are not (pseudonym) we had people that Australian you are not an Aussie. It would look up the white pages at is two different things. Like to say Three am in the morning and just to someone I am Australian that call and say is Saddam there? means that they think you are Interviewer: In terms of being Christian, Catholic or whatever. Australian did that make feel in But you are not you are Muslim so any way less Australian? you say I am Turkish but I was Less Australian, yes definitely cause born in Australia. you are sort of targeted and Interviewer: So Australian stigmatised or blamed in a way for doesn’t represent who you are? having a name, for having a No, it doesn’t. It doesn’t because if heritage. And also when there was you say to me that you are the questioning around the Australian I am going to straight terrorism that has happened um the away think you are Christian, media associated that being Muslim Catholic. means you support that sort of stuff These quotations highlight that Cypriot and you are less Australian. Turks are positioned outside of the Australian As objects of the moderate Muslim identity because of their Muslim identity and discourse, people are restricted and limited with because they are not Christian. They are what can be said as observed in the following positioned as the others who do not celebrate quotation from Halil. the national religious celebrations (Barker & Halil Galasinski, 2001; Nagel, 1994). They express Interviewer: Has there been times exclusion and uncertainty about their where you felt excluded from the belongingness to Australia because is not Australian identity? a part of the symbolic representations’ of Ever since this September 11thing Australia. and all has kicked up a bit of Whiteness maintains its patterns of paranoia… you cannot just express privilege by othering other religious you opinion. “Look John Howard, celebrations. Whiteness is experienced to be an we are not American we do not have ownership of a nation (Hage, 1998), which is the problems that Americans do” achieved through promoting only the dominant you cannot sometimes say things. groups’ religious celebrations as central at a You can’t sometimes say things national level and others as on the margins, because your surname is Ali kept within the family or the community. (pseudonym) and “ah you’re Scapegoating. This process was another Muslim” and all the stuff. There are way that led to a sense of exclusion for Cypriot times where you hold yourself back Turkish due to their religion. In this case, Ayse from saying and doing things is scapegoated and stigmatised because she because you worry if it’s going to be was associated with terrorist acts for being a misinterpreted because of your Muslim. In doing so, she expressed feeling less perceived background. Australian, despite the Howard government The moderate Muslim discourse limits claims that the fundamentalist Muslims were their sense of belonging to Australia. If it is not

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observable they can be part of Australian I am Australian in that I was born in community. The Cypriot Turks’ sense of Australia and all my siblings were belonging as an Australian is nurtured by not born in Australia but we are not bringing up issues that can challenge views so Australian in that we do not look that their established sense of belonging is not Australian. You need to have a disturbed. Halil feels like he needs to keep particular look and colour that is silent because he knows that if he is to more Australian um. Australians are challenge the hegemonic discourses about more fair blonde lightish colour these issues his Muslim identity will hair. There are many different overshadow his whiteness and Australianness colours but the majority are more and “be misinterpreted” because of his blue eyed, blond, fair looking perceived background. This discourse restricts Australian people. I feel like I him in expressing his views concerning couldn’t call myself Australian on its government decisions. own, I am an Australian Cypriot This example of being silenced and Turk. feelings of having opinions about national issues that are not presented in the public Ayse discourses is referred to by Hage (1998) as Interviewer: Who is Australian? exclusion from governmental belonging. Halil For me it is around, I don’t feel like, is excluded from governmental belonging I do not look Australian so hence not given he felt that he did not have a right to accepted. For me it is not just about contribute his views to discussions around having or being Australian by birth Australia’s involvement in . Hence, when a or having citizenship but about person feels this way they are positioned as the looking like the norm. That to me is other- the other to a national white majority. what defines an Australian in Ethnic minorities’ views, particularly views reality. that are not the norm are silenced and excluded from governmental belonging. Feriha Phenotype: “Australians have more fair, Well when you see someone. If you blondish lightish colour hair” see someone that is fair with the blue This discourse was repeatedly used by eyes yeah you wouldn’t think of them the Cypriot Turkish participants to construct being Turkish Cypriot. Like my son. their ethnic identity. Even though Halide calls A lot of people would think he is herself Australian she also notes otherness of Australian. her identity. This otherness arises out of her Interviewer: To be Australian do phenotype that is different to the Australian you have to be a certain way? phenotype. For this reason she cannot call … When someone looks at me they herself Australian. She can only call herself know I am a wog. They know that I Australian through hyphenating Australian am not Australian. You know, I am with her ethnic identity. Here we see the not that blond hair blue eye. relational understanding of identity that is The phenotype discourse positions people informed by racialised hegemonic discourses in relation to the mainstream population constructing the Australian identity. depending on their perceived color. This phenotype discourse enables the privilege of Halide whiteness to go undisrupted by limiting the Interviewer: So you wouldn’t call social representations of Australians to people yourself Australian? with certain type of phenotype. Similar to

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research by Zevallos (2003), phenotype Everyone has this general discourses informed who the real Australian is, understanding of an Australian that is someone who is white, fair, blond and and I guess I fit into that. blue eyed an as someone from the Anglo cultic Halil expressed feeling silenced about background. The participants have certain governmental issues due to his Muslim Australian capital such as the language or identity. Although he notes that he is “quite accent however they have accumulated and right looking” and the benefits associated acquired this capital unlike those who are with being white and a fair person he is well ‘naturally’ white (Hage, 1998). aware that his Muslimness can be a threat to Participants who perceived themselves his privileged position. Similarly, Mehmet as having a ‘white’ appearance were able to also notes the benefits of his phenotype and pass as an Australian because ethnicity was the fragile acceptance as a white because his not physically observable. They also noted the name can be an identifying marker of benefits of being “the right colour” (Halil) difference. These two preceding quotations and blending in with the Australian identity. demonstrates how whiteness intersects with For instance, they know that you can be other social identity markers (Frankenberg, treated differently depending on your skin 1993) limiting access to privilege even for colour. In this case skin colour works in their people that are “right looking”. favour. Using Hage’s (1998) term, these two Halil people are naturalised whites in that they I actually cannot think of any have fair skin and they also have accumulated downside at all (to ethnic identity). cultural capital. However, they can still be But I think, the thing is that we are excluded from the Australian identity because quite, how do I say this in a way, they have ‘different’ names and a ‘different’ quite right looking. So we don’t religion. This adds a level of complexity to really stand out in a crowd in terms Hage’s explanation of naturalised and of what we look like. I don’t really accumulated whiteness. One can accumulate stand out in terms of how I look. If cultural capital and also be white; however I was a real karasakal (dark this is not sufficient to access the white featured Turk) maybe I’ll be privilege and governmental belonging treated differently. That will have because they are not of an Anglo-Saxon an influence on how you are background, the aristocracy of all Australians reacted to. But cause you do not (Hage, 1998). look different you do not sound Although in these preceding paragraphs different so you aren’t different, we can see access and exclusion to white but underneath you are. privilege whiteness is also being challenged by arguing the need for indigenous Mehmet sovereignty. are used I don’t feel like a minority. I guess as a point of reference to position ethnic it is because I do not look very Australians and Anglo Australians as equal Turkish so I never felt persecuted Australia. In doing so whiteness is challenged or singled out. I guess I didn’t have as it is positioned as another migrant ethnic any problems there. I don’t look category, just like all other migrant different to what ever your average descendents. Australian is. If I was in a crowd no Sami one would pick me out as different Interviewer: What does unless I told them my name. Australian mean to you?

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Australian means a person from this case the dominant Anglo-Saxon ethnic another culture living in Australia, group of Australia. Through these discourses living in the land of Aboriginals. So they are positioned as the ethnic Australian, a basically an immigrant, someone hyphenated Australian. Cypriot Turks embody from a multicultural society with their position as an ethnic Australian and it is heaps of immigrants. I think the experiences as a natural category rather than a only Australians are the social category. Although these two discourses Aboriginals. Until they are given are clearly relational it is perceived and their full respect I think only then experienced as a determinist discourse, it is could we all be Australians…. at naturalised and it is experienced as common the end of the day they are Poms or sense (Collins, 2004). Irish or whatever No one is from Participants’ understandings of not being here really. It only two hundred the right colour or from the mainstream religion years. Dedenin dedesi (Grandad’s, arise through comparison to ‘the white Grandad). That is it. Australian’. The participants who embodied the naturalised Australian capital, that is skin colour Taylan (Hage, 2003), noted their greater access to Because everyone knows that you privilege to other ethnics who can only are not Australian. The only true accumulate their Australian cultural capital. Australian are the Aboriginals. You Even though they have the accumulated capital could call the British that came that has transferred into national belonging to a here Australian but apart from that greater extent in comparison to participants who everyone migrated here. If you say were not ‘the right’ colour, governmental you are Australian you are either belonging has not been accessible. To some Aboriginal or you came here when extent it translates into national belonging but the Brits came here or you just say not as a dominant member, with power to the nationality that you come from position others in Australia. Muslim identity in and everyone basically assumes Australia does not convert into governmental that you are born in Australia or belonging (Hage, 1998) as Halil and Mehmet you came from that country like have displayed. In comparison to the ‘white your parents did. Anglo Saxon Australians’, other forms of Taylan also challenges the normative accumulated whiteness or even natural position of whiteness by positioning whiteness is overshadowed (Hage, 1998). Aboriginal people as true Australians. In this data we can see that whiteness in However, he then moves and positions Australia operates as a ‘race’ construct – it is in Aboriginals and British descendents equally. part based on skin colour. However, being This example demonstrates how whiteness is white is not sufficient to access whiteness. This negotiated however, whiteness is not makes whiteness something beyond biological problematised and white privilege is not understandings of race. Whiteness is not just challenged. about being white, but also about belonging to a Discussion certain ethno-religious group. Consistent with The discourses discussed in this article Imtoual (2007), Muslim identity is positioned as demonstrate that the Cypriot Turkish identity the other to the real white Christian Australian. like many other identities in Australia are However, from these examples we see that you positioned in relation to what Frankenberg do not need to be identified as a Muslim to feel (1993) explains a privileged group that is that you are excluded from being Australian. centred as normative and unquestionable, in By creating the ethnic identity and

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delegating it as the other, patterns of privilege (2005) showed, this leaves behind feelings of and power remain invisible and undisrupted being uncomfortable in their everyday (Hage, 1998; Vasta, 1993). Whiteness is surroundings and not feeling at home. Noble, maintained through national identity and following Giddens, describes this as belonging by othering groups that vary from ontological security. Comfort and ontological the white category and positioning them on the security is not ascertained due to the lack of margins of citizenship (Green & Sonn, 2005). fit between the self and society, but requires Frankenberg (1993) and Green and Sonn that others recognise and accept you as (2005) explain that in countries people who rightfully belonging (Noble, 2005). hold power provide the categories that are used In summary, whiteness theory allows us to include and exclude people. to explore processes of inclusion-exclusion Discursive strategies are employed to by focusing on the “dynamics of cultural create and maintain power structures and to racism, those symbolic and cultural resources marginalise others by drawing distinctions and and practices that may be everyday and often hierarchies between the privileged group and invisible to those close to the centre of others (Van Dijk, 1997). White privilege is power” (Fisher & Sonn, 2007, p. 31). The protected by constructing the other in terms of vantage point of the other is a lens into religion and phenotype. In doing so whiteness whiteness. In this case we have looked at how maintains its privilege as it is positioned as the racism has been mapped onto ethnicity and normative and as the real Australians. White religion. We have also identified practices of people are made to feel comfortable and at resistance and dominance through the home with their nation and minority groups are experiences of the second generation Cypriot uncomfortable and as aliens in their nation Turkish. In our view critical whiteness (Hage, 1998). This “Illusion of truth serves to studies from the vantage point of those who warrant claims to white belonging in have differential access to race privilege Australia” (Riggs, 2007b, p. 8). provides a useful lens for making visible and In Australia, these discourses and the challenging cultural racism because of its implications of being positioned as an other are focus on dominance and normativity. much more covert because they operate under References the discourses of multiculturalism. Ahmed, S. (2004). Declaration of whiteness: Multiculturalism to some extent has created The non-performativity of anti-racism. space for migrant descendants. However, their Borderlands ejournal, 3(2). Retrieved integration is supervised; where the white February 10th, from http:// Australian subject is the supervisor of the www.borderlandsejournal.adelaide.edu. integration (Hage, 1998). au/vol3no2_2004/ There are very real implications that ahmed_declarations.htm arise out of racism and whiteness. Ethnic social Ali, L. (2006). Identity construction of second minorities express uncertainty about their generation Cypriot Turkish. belongingness (Ang et al., 2006) as the Unpublished Honours Thesis. Victoria national representations do not extend to them University, Melbourne, Australia. completely because national belonging is Ali, L. & Sonn, C. C. (in press). Constructing aligned with whiteness. The participants’ identity as a second generation Cypriot experiences of exclusion at times have been Turkish Australian: The multi- clearly racially motivated or related to the hyphenated other. Culture and socio-political climate around Muslims and Psychology. Islam, however most of the time they Aly, A. (2007). Australian Muslim responses experienced banal forms of racism. As Noble to the discourse on terrorism in the

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but also Irish and Scottish descendents who were once omitted from the privileged category.

Author Note A version of this paper was presented at the annual conference of the Australian Critical Race and Whiteness Studies conference held in Adelaide in December 2007.

Acknowledgments We would like to thank the participants of this study who took time out to share their experiences. We also want to thank the editor and two anonymous reviewers for the feedback they provided on an earlier draft.

Address correspondence to Lütfiye Ali School of Social Sciences and Psychology Victoria University PO Box 14428 Melbourne City MC Melbourne 8001 Phone +61 3 99199588 Fax +61 3 99194324 email [email protected]

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009