In Modo Antico: the »Alceste« Scene in the Early Reign of Oleg

The Early Reign of Oleg THEMA

Larissa Kirillina In modo antico: The »Alceste« scene in The Early Reign of Oleg

mong numerous dramatical works written even decided to return to her unfinished historical Aby the Empress Catherine II1 there are two play Igor, which had been conceived as the last plays bearing the same subtitle »An imitation part of the trilogy, but her intention for various of Shakespeare without following the ordinary reasons stood unrealized. The full score of Oleg theatrical rules«: From Rurik’s life (Iz zhizni was published in 1791 in the most luxurious Rurika) and The Early Reign of Oleg (Nachal’noye manner, though in an exclusively little number of upravleniye Olega). Both plays were written in copies (only 152). The piano score appeared only 1786 and published as a diptych in 1787 in the in the end of the 19th century (in the press of P. almanac Russian theater or a complete collection Jurgensohn in Moscow, 1893, see examples 1, 2, of Russian theatrical works2. The first of them was and 4); no other reprints or revivals followed until soon forgotten (though translations into French in nowadays. Some of Sarti’s choruses from Oleg are German followed soon after its appearance), but sometimes sung in Russia in concerts, but the whole The Early Reign of Oleg received its second birth work has been never performed or recorded. in 1790 as a pompous public performance, even a There is also no special monograph about The kind of semi-opera with spoken dialogues, and with Early Reign of Oleg, even in Russia, though the play music written by three composers: Giuseppe Sarti itself and its opera-like version are really worth of (1729–1802), Carlo Canobbio (1741–1822), and scholarly attention. This work is usually mentioned Vassily Alexeevich Pashkevich (ca. 1742–1797). The or briefly described in every book dedicated to first three times (25, 27 and 29 October 1790), the the history of Russian literature, theatre or music piece was given in the small court Hermitage theatre of the 18th century, but many questions, which (modeled after Andrea Palladio’s famous »Greek« could have been aroused in connection with its amphitheatre in Vicenza). Then, in November and plot, sources, language, dramatic concept, staging, December, it was played six times in the Kamenny performance and musical realization, are still waiting (Stone) Theatre for a wider audience3. The success for scholars. During the Soviet period, this task was great, and some contemporaries confessed that perhaps could not be even undertaken for the reason the visual magnificence of the performance was of the imperial rank of the author and the monarchic astonishing4. Inspired by this triumph, Catherine II ideological message of the play. The weaknesses of Catherine’s dramatic text are also evident (it 1 For an overview see Lurana D. O’Malley: Dramatic Works of seems that she was simply not able to write a play Catherine the Great, Burlington 2006. strictly following the classicist rules). But the 2 Rossiski teatr ili polnoe sobranie bsech rossiskich teatralnych premiere of her Oleg in 1790 became a significant sotchinenii. Chast’ XIII, St. Petersburg 1787, pp. 107 and 167. All the plays in the volume were written by the Empress event in the cultural history of Russia, and that’s and published anonymously. Several comedies placed before why this baroque »Gesamtkunstwerk« deserves a the historical plays also bear some allusion to Shakespeare’s thorough reappraisal. works. Surely, such aim cannot be attained within a 3 For more details and quotes from sources see: R. Aloys single short article. My humble task is to analyze Mooser: Annales de la Musique et des Musiciens en Russie au only one fragment of the majestic whole: the scene XVIIIe siècle, vol. 2, Genève 1951, pp. 551–557. from Euripides Alkestis (Alceste) in the fifth act, 4 For instance, Heinrich Friedrich von Storch wrote that the luxury of the performance exceeded everything he had seen in Paris and other European cities (H. H. von Storch: Gemälde Abram Akimovich Gosenpud: Muzykal’ny teatr v Rossii ot von St-Petersburg, Riga 1794, vol. 2, pp. 333–334; quoted in: istokov do Glinki, Leningrad 1959, p. 160.

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supplied with Giuseppe Sarti’s music. Catherine II The last act of the Early Reign of Oleg was, intended this scene as an inserted episode: the perhaps, the most important and most interesting Byzantine emperor Leon and his wife Zoe show part of the whole play. It contained many important Prince Oleg exciting games (sport competitions) at ideas, connected with both political background the Constantinople hippodrome, and then follows a (Catherine’s ›Greek‹ project) and with some fragment from a genuine ancient tragedy. After that aesthetic tendencies in the European art of the late Leon and Zoe crown the champions with laurels 18th century. and say farewell to Prince Oleg, who orders his shield to be fixed to the gates of Constantinople to immortalize his heroic deeds5. I – The choice of Hercules It was Catherine’s II personal will, that the music for the last act should have been completely Catherine’s choice of genre and subject of the last commissioned to Giuseppe Sarti: she disliked the act demonstrate a quite astonishing modulation choirs written by Domenico Cimarosa, and rejected from an »imitation of Shakespeare« to a »Greek them in favor of Sarti, whose choir compositions tragedy« represented as a theatre within the theatre she admired6. Although Sarti was absent from (and following in some way the »mousetrap« scene Petersburg and at this time held no position at the in Hamlet)7. This decisive turn to Shakespeare8, Court chapel (from 1787 he was employed as Prince on the one hand, and to the ancient Greek drama Grigory Alexandrovich Potyomkin’s maestro with choruses, on the other hand, became a kind di capella and worked in the south of Russia), of mainstream in German theatre in the second Catherine II met him personally and listened to half of the 18th century, including musical theatre. his new works during her journey to the south in The German writers of »Sturm und Drang« 1787. After a successful performance of Oleg and admired Shakespeare as a poet of the sublime, and after Potyomkin’s death (1791) Sarti returned to the great composers, beginning with Christoph Petersburg, and in 1793 was restored in the position Willibald Gluck and Tommaso Traetta, turned to of the imperial court Kapellmeister. Greek tragedy, using the subjects not common for metastasian opera seria. In Austria and Germany 5 Leo VI The Wise (866–912), Byzantine emperor from 886, this turn to »genuine« antiquity occurred, for and his fourth wife Zoe Carbonopsina. Prince Oleg (called example, in the reform operas of Gluck written for »The Prophet«) ruled in 879–912; he is told to have moved Vienna ( , 1762, and , 1767) the capital of Russia from north (Novgorod) to the south Orfeo ed Euridice Alceste (Kiev). In Catherine’s play he is also shown as the founder and for Paris (Ifigénie en Aulide, 1774, and Ifigénie of Moscow (which was not true). Prince Oleg’s famous (and en Tauride, 1779), in Christoph Martin Wieland’s perhaps legendary) raid to Constantinople took place in 907; later, in 911 (a year before the Prince’s death), a trade treaty was concluded. The episode with the shield might have been a 7 Hamlet was known in 18th century Russia in French legend, but the trade treaty with Byzantine empire was Oleg’s adaptations and in Alexander Petrovich Sumarokov’s version real achievement. written in 1748 and staged in 1750 in Petersburg (see Vasily A. 6 See her correspondence with Prince Potyomkin (some Lebedev: Znakomstvo c Shekspirom v Rossii do 1812 goda, in: passages quoted by Mooser, Op. cit, p. 552) : »In addition, Russkii vestnik 120 [1875] no. 12). There is no »mousetrap« my friend, I ask you not to forget in due time to order Sarti scene in Sumarokovs version, but the Empress Catherine first to make choruses for Oleg. One choir of him we just have read Shakespeare in the German translation of 1786 before here, and it is rather good. Nobody here can compose so she started her emulation projects, according to Sir John well. Please don’t forget about it« (Letter of December 3, Sinclair: General Observation Regarding the Present State 1789; Ekaterina II I G. A. Potyomkin. Litchnaya perepiska of the Russian Empire, 1787, quoted after Anthony Cross: A [1769–1791], Moscow 1997, No 1020). This passage and Royal Blue-Stocking: Catherine the Great’s Early Reputation some other utterances of Catherine about the music for Oleg in England as an Authoress, in: Gorski Vijenats: A Garland show, that the lack of musical sense, openly declared by the of Essays Offered to Professor Elizebeth Mary Hill, ed. by Empress, was not absolute. In some cases, her taste was really Robert Auty et al., Cambridge 1970, pp. 85–99, here p. 94. demanding, and her judgment quite exact. See also the text of 8 See Ernest J. Simmons: Catherine the Great and Shakespeare, Melanie Wald-Fuhrmann. in: PMLA 47 (1932), pp. 790–806, and O’Malley, pp. 121–168.

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Alceste performed with Anton Schweizer’s music by Ranieri Calzabigi, 1767). This new Alceste (1773), and in Goethe’s Iphigenie auf Tauris (1787). was treated as a very serious and strict play, »an The »ordinary theatrical rules« mentioned accomplished tragedy«, as Gluck himself called it11, by Catherine meant adherence to the principles containing nothing external. Even the happy ending of French classicists and their Russian disciples here is pulled up to the last moments and sounds far (Alexander Sumarokov, Mikhail Kheraskov, from triumphant. In the Viennese Alceste there are Vladislav Ozerov)9. The classicist theatre based no side subplots or significant secondary characters; on French patterns rejected both Shakespearean there is no Hercules at all, and, that is why, no scene »disorder« and inner irrationality of the Greek of his coming to Admetus’ house. tragedy with its typical subjects and themes, In the Parisian version of Alceste, Gluck and his including seriously treated mythological heroes, librettist Du Roullet strongly modified the play, gods, fate, and miraculous events. Moreover, even so that only the first act followed the Viennese when Jean Racine or other French playwrights version in general features. The second was deeply chose an antique subject, their treatment of the transformed, and the third completely rewritten12. plot was quite rational and distinctly smoothed in Bringing Hercules to the scene, du Roullet gave comparison with the Greek source (no »deus ex denouement a »heroic« tone, stressing at the same machina«, no mixture of tragic and ridiculous). time a very important motive of faithful friendship. The plot of Euripides’ Alkestis gave a vast field However, the most striking change occurred in the to different interpretations and was very popular main idea of the work. Lyrical-religious drama of among poets and musicians of the 18th century, conjugal love conquering death, which Calzabigi’s though none of them strictly followed the original Alceste in fact was, became in Paris a solemn secular play. Two main trends can be found in those »state action« which could be titled as »A Life for versions. One of them goes back to the aesthetics of the King«. Here came in sight a concept, which baroque drama and treats the subject of Alkestis as a was not and could not be in Euripides’ drama: splendid spectacular performance with complicated the concept of self-sacrifice in the name of the double or even triple love intrigue, tremendous State, personified in the noble king13. In this sense, scenes in the underworld and an inevitable happy Gluck’s Alceste can be regarded as a real forerunner end. The climax of this trend was achieved in Jean- of Mikhail Ivanovich Glinka’s Life for the Tsar, this Baptiste Lully’s Alceste (1674). In the 18th century ideal embodiment of the state myth in opera. such type of performances was still popular, The only Russian Alceste foregoing the last act though sometimes brought to more humble limits of Catherine’s play was an opera with music of (for example, Georg Friedrich Handel’s opera Hermann Raupach to the text written by Alexander Admeto, 1727, based on an old Italian libretto by Petrovich Sumarokov, staged in Petersburg in 1759, Aurelio Aureli)10. and revived in 1774. Gluck’s opera was performed The other trend, more typical for the second on Russian stage only in 1785 in the private theatre half of the century, most clearly manifested itself of count Nikolai Petrovich Sheremetev in Kuskovo in the Viennese version of Gluck’s Alceste (libretto by Moscow, and the first public performance in Petersburg took place not earlier than 1798. It is clear that neither Raupach nor Sumarokov could 9 O’Malley sees Catherine’s rejection of the French theatre aesthetics as a political statement as well: »The approbation of Shakespeare had the potential to express pro-English and 11 For Gluck’s letter to Du Roullet, 1776, see: The Collected anti-French sentiments, all in the name of Russian cultural Correspondence and Papers of Christoph Willibald Gluck, ed. pride«, p. 121. by Hedwig and Erich Hermann Mueller von Asow, London 1962, p. 84. 10 Handel’s treatment of this old text shows the composer’s desire to clarify the plot and to get rid of some old-fashioned 12 Patricia Howard: Gluck’s two Alcestes: a comparison, in: The excesses of the Baroque opera. See Anne Amalie Abert: Musical Times 115 (1974), no. 1578, p. 642. Geschmackswandel auf der Opernbühne, am Alkestis-Stoff 13 See Larissa Kirillina: Reform Operas of Gluck, Moscow 2006, dargestellt, in: Die Musikforschung 3 (1953), p. 219. p. 113.

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follow Gluck’s example. However, the coincidence On the contrary, Catherine II, Voltaire’s of some ideas is striking. In Sumarokov’s play, correspondent, inserted in her play that very both Alceste and her confidante Menisa pronounce episode, which attracted Friedrich Schiller and loud political and patriotical maxims, impossible in Johann Wolfgang Goethe in 1801: they chose that Euripides’s drama. psychologically ambiguous moment (Hercules’ revel in Admetus’ house) as the theme for the ǴȍȕȐșȈ: »ǻȔȘȍȚȐ ȊȖȓȍȦ ȏȈ ȡȈșȚȐȍ ȕȈȘȖȌȕȖ / ǵȍ contest in historical painting, and precisely because ȉțȌȍȚ ȚȖ ȉȍșȗȓȖȌȕȖ« // of its psychological ambiguity16. Menisa: »It would not be in vain to die willingly Catherine II was far from Goethe’s sophisticated for the sake of people’s happiness«; exercises in »empirical psychology«, but her choice ǨȓȤȞȍșȚȈ: »ǮȐȊȐ, ȊȖȏȓȦȉȓȍȕȕȣȑ, Țȣ Ȓ ȡȈșȚȐȦ of Euripidean episode was by no means occasional ȕȈȘȖȌȈ; / ǵȈ ȚȖ ȗȘȖȐȏȊȍȓȈ Țȍȉȧ ȊȖ șȊȍȚ or unreasonable. She carefully selected every detail ȗȘȐȘȖȌȈ« // of the act (the preparatory and editorial work of the Alceste: »Live, o beloved, for the people’s happiness, Empress was described in the diary of her private for this very purpose the Nature brought thee secretary Mikhail Vassilievich Khrapovitsky17). So to life«14. Catherine’s choice of subject can be regarded as an aesthetic challenge: keen and in many respects The most interesting thing in the »Alceste« controversial. Moreover, even more surprising is the scene from The Early Reign of Oleg, however, is idea to conclude a huge and pompous performance Catherine’s choice of the episode of Euripides’ with such an intermediary episode representing »a drama: Hercules comes to King Admetus’ house theatre within the theatre«. It has no clear beginning and tries to learn from his servants the cause of their (the spectators, as well as Hercules, presumably deep depression. Admetus appears and vaguely are not aware of Alkestis’ sacrificial death), almost explains to him, not mentioning his wife, that a no action and no »happy ending« (Hercules enters certain woman who lived here for any years has the King’s house, and the choir praises Admetus’ died, and this should in no way prevent the dear magnanimity). The scene from Euripides in friend to enjoy the hospitability of the king. Catherine’s play raises another intriguing question. It is really a puzzle, because this scene seemed Was it translated from Greek or from another ethically inadmissible to many critics of Euripides, language? And, if the original was Greek, who was including Voltaire. The last wrote in one of his the translator? essays: »Strangely enough, that Hercules did not These questions deserve special attention. know about the death of Alcestis at the time when Catherine II did not know Greek and Latin. How she is lowered into the grave. One should not argue could she come to such subject, as Euripidean about taste, but it is clear that such scenes in our Alkestis, why did she choose the scene of Heracles time would not be tolerated even at the Fair«15. by Admetus, and where had she get it from? There were no Russian translations of Euripides at that moment. Maybe the Empress used another 14 Quoted from Russian libretto: Alcesta. Opera. Stichotvorstvo G. Soumarokova, muzyka G. Raupacha, St-Petersburg 1759, 16 The winner’s prize was given to Ferdinand August Hartmann. pp. 4 and 15. See Goethe and Schiller’s correspondence, letters from 14 15 »Il peut être assez étrange qu’on prenne Hercule pour un March 1801 (Goethe), 16 March 1801 (Schiller), 21 March fripon adroit; il ne l’est pas moins qu’Hercule, ami d’Admète, 1801 (Goethe). Online version: http://www.wissen-im-netz. soit inconnu dans la maison. Il l’est encore plus qu’Hercule info/literatur/goethe/briefe/schiller/1801.htm. ignore la mort d’Alceste, dans le temps même qu’on la porte 17 For instance, Khrapovitsky wrote in his diary from 26 au tombeau. Il ne faut pas disputer des goûts; mais il est sûr September 1786: »Her Majesty told me that she was studying que de telles scènes ne seraient pas souffertes chez nous à la the Encyclopedia to choose the Greek ceremonies and games Foire«. Voltaire, Dictionnaire philosophique, »Anciens et for the fifth act« (A. V. Khrapovitsky’s Diary. 1782–1793. modernes«. Online version: http://www.voltaire-integral. From authentic manuscript, ed. […] by Nikolai Barsukov. com/Html/17/anciens.htm. St-Petersburg 1874, p. 16).

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source in other European language. My esteemed his activity in the end of the century is vague, and colleague, Euripides scholar Boris Nikolsky18, it is not clear, whether a certain »Ivan Sichkariov« whom I asked for expert judgment, came to the mentioned in some documents from South Russia conclusion, that the fragment from Alkestis in in 1780s was identical with Aelianus’ translator (it Catherine’s play of 1786 was obviously translated could be his son or another relative). exactly from Greek, and not from other language. I suppose that the translator mentioned by So, we can assert, that it was the first Russian Sarti was Luka Ivanovich Sichkariov (1741–1809), a translation of Euripides – but who was the notable person, skillful poet and polyglot translator. author? Catherine II was able to make a literary In his young years, he was a schoolmate of Mikhail version of the whole episode (it was later given to Vassilievich Lomonossov, whom he remembered as Khrapovitsky for copying). However, she should his good friend and kind advisor. Luka Sichkariov have a word-for-word translation prepared by was employed as translator at many official somebody who knew Greek perfectly. I suppose, institutions, including the Holy Synod, where he that the name of that person could be found in translated from both the ancient and the modern Giuseppe Sarti’s large preface to his music for the Greek, and from 1782 he became personal translator last act. Sarti told there that the author of the poetic of Prince Potyomkin, moving with him through version of the choirs from Alkestis was a certain the southern lands of Russia and today’s Ukraine21. »Mr. Sichkariov«. Certainly, he was well acquainted with Sarti and In Catherine’s times there were three renowned perhaps consulted him in Russian prosody. men bearing such a name. Eustafii Grigorievich Maybe it was Luka Sichkariov who made earlier Sechkaryov or Sichkaryov (1736/37–?) was a court a word-for-word translation for Catherine’s prosaic singer and teacher of music in the Academy of version of Euripidean choruses. However, there Fine Arts in 1767–176919. Nevertheless, it is rather are heavy reasons to suppose him to be the author doubtful, that this musician could translate from of the poetic unrhymed version which was sung in Greek, and nothing is known about his contacts 1790 with Sarti’s music. These versions significantly with the people from Catherine’s closest circle, differ in style. Version published in 1787 sounds and with Sarti. Two other Sichkariovs – Ivan archaic and ponderous; Sichkarev’s adaptation Ivanovich and Luka Ivanovich – were brothers, is more refined, though it has some archaizing and both professional translators. They came to features (see table 1). Petersburg from Ukraine where they had studied in This complicated history of the first Russian the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, which had a reputation translation of Euripides lets us suppose that of the »Orthodox Athens«. Less is known about the scene with Hercules had been chosen by Ivan Sichkariov (he seems to be the elder brother): Catherine II with some intention. Its inner sense he was active in Petersburg from ca. 1758, but the can be understood as a manifestation of active dates of his birth and death are unknown. Ivan heroism (Hercules) and heroic magnanimity Sichkariov translated from French and Greek; in (Admetus). Both qualities are regarded as virtues 1770 he published the first Russian translation of proper to the great monarchs. As soon as this scene Claudius Aelianus’ Various History, which survived is played before the Emperor Leon and Prince Oleg, in two reprints20. Unfortunately, information about the allusion becomes clearer: the young Russian empire, as allegory of Hercules, can save and revive 18 Associate Professor, Center for Classical Studies, Institute of the late Alkestis – Constantinople. The whole Oriental and Classical Studies, Russian State University for the Humanities, Moscow, Russia. XVIII century, vol. 3, St-Petersburg 2010. Online version: 19 See Ira Fedorovna Petrovskaya: Sechkariov, in: Musical http://www.pushkinskijdom.ru. Petersburg : Encyclopaedic Dictionary: XVIII century, vol. 3, 21 A short biography of him: Yuri Davidovich Levin: Sichkariov ed. by Anna Leonidovna Porfirieva, St-Petersburg 1999, p. 95. Luka Ivanovich, in: Dictionary of Russian writers of the 20 A short biography of him: L. I. Ermolayeva: Sichkariov XVIII century, vol. 3, St-Petersburg 2010. Online version: Ivan Ivanovich, in: Dictionary of Russian writers of the http://www.pushkinskijdom.ru.

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1786 1790 Greek text Ƕ ȔȕȖȋȖȟȐșȓȍȕȕȣȝ ȋȖșȚȍȑ ȗȘȐșȚȈȕȐȡȍ! Ƕ! ǹȚȘȈȕȕȣȝ Ȋșȍȝ ȗȖȒȘȖȊ, ȏȈȡȐȚȈ Ȑ ȖȚȘȈȌȈ! ̄ ƅƂƒƄŽƀƃƅƇ ƁŹ˒ ʶƂŽƊΌŵƆƅƊ ʝƃżƆˢƇ Ƕ ȊȍȓȍȡȍȌȘȣȑ ȔțȎȈ șȍȋȖ ȉȣȊȠȐȑ ȊșȍȋȌȈ ǬȖȔ ȔțȎȈ ȏȕȈȔȍȕȐȚȈ, ȒȖȓȤ Țȣ ȊȍȓȐȒ ȊȖ ʝŽŷ ƅƉ'ƅ˚ƁƅƇ, ƈŵ Ɖƅƀ ƁŹ˒ ˣ ŪƒΌƀƅƇ ȌȖȔ! Ǻȍȉȧ Ȑ șȈȔ ǷȐȜȐȑșȒȐȑ ȉȓȈȋȖȑ ȓȐȘȣ șȓȈȊȍ! Ǫ Țȍȉȍ ȉȓȈȋȖȊȖȓȐȓ șȈȔ ȕȍȒȖȋȌȈ ŽˮƂƒƆŹƇ ȶƑƂƂƎƃ жƄŷƎƈŽ ƃŹŷŽƀƃ… ȉȘȧȞȈȚȍȓȤ ǨȗȖȓȓȖȕ șȗȖȌȖȉȐȓ șȊȖȍȋȖ ȕȍȒȖȋȌȈ ȊȐȚȈȚȐ ȗȐȜȐȑșȒȐȑ ǨȗȖȓȓȖȕ, ȉȓȈȋȖȑ ȗȘȍȉȣȊȈȕȐȧ […] ȉȘȧȞȈȚȍȓȤ ȓȐȘȣ […] table 1: Translation of Euripedes Ancient Greek text is quoted from: Euripides, with an English translation by David Kovacs, Cambridge 1994, Lines 568–571. Online version: http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text. English translation of the fragment: »O house of an ever hospitable and generous man, even Pythian Apollo of the lovely lyre deigned to dwell in you [… ].«

episode could be understood as a development Moderato; A-Dur, 4/4: »ǾȈȘȍȑ Ȑ ȞȈȘșȚȊ ȏȍȔȕȣȝ of Catherine’s »Greek project«, which combined ȖȚȘȈȌȈ, ȊȖȏȓȦȉȓȍȕȕȈȧ ȚȐȠȐȕȈ« [»Delight political, military, religious and artistic ambitions of of earthly kings and kingdoms, beloved and the Empress22. peaceful quietness«] (beginning stanza from ode to the Empress Elizabeth, 1747) Allegro, C-Dur, 4/4: »ǵȍȖȉȝȖȌȐȔȈȧ șțȌȤȉȈ ȊȖ II – The last act as a musical whole Ȋșȍȝ ȕȈȘȖȌȈȝ ȗȖȓȖȎȐȓȈ« [»The indispensable Fate gave all the peoples its prescription«] Conceived as an imitation or even reconstruction (fragment from ode to the Empress Elizabeth, of a Greek tragedy with choruses, the last act of 1761) The Early Reign of Oleg contains more musical Tempo di marcia, maestoso; D-Dur, 4/4: »ǪȖȑȕȈ numbers than the other parts of the play where the ȗȓȖȌȣ șȊȖȐ ȘȈșȚȐȚ« [»War cultivates its own role of music is intermediary, and the music itself fruit«] (next fragment from the same ode of is more simple and illustrative. The music of the 1761)23. fifth act, completely written by Guiseppe Sarti, can be regarded as a kind of scenic oratorio in two Here we meet the first and a very rare attempt parts: a »Russian cantata« – and a »Greek tragedy«. to put into music Lomonosov’s odic poetry, There are also some »games at the hippodrome of which is deeply musical though too extensive and Constantinople«, but in the printed score we find rhetorically complicated to become a lyrical song. no special music for them; maybe it was a kind of Empress Catherine chose only few stanzas from pantomime. The scene from Euripides’ Alkestis is different odes in order to express the opposition of placed between two massive choir odes. The first Peace (in Russian text – »ȚȐȠȐȕȈ«, which may be of them contains four choruses based on fragments understood as loan translation for Greek »eirene«, from Mikhail Vasilievich Lomonosov’s odes, peace) and War. Peace is praised as the most desired chosen by Catherine II. bliss for all the rulers and their peoples, but War has its own values — it brings glorious heroes, from the Tempo di marcia, maestoso; D-Dur, 4/4: epic times of ancient Greece to the historic times of »ǲȖȓȐȒȖȑ șȓȈȊȖȑ ȌȕȍșȤ ȉȓȐșȚȈȍȚ șȍȑ ȋȘȈȌ Ȋ medieval and modern Russia. ȗȘȐȉȣȚȐȐ ȚȊȖȍȔ« [»How gloriously at thy After that Sarti wrote a melodrama representing arrival this city is shining far and wide«] the dialogue of Hercules with Admetus’ servants (fragment from ode in honor of the Great (choir singing in unison) and with Admetus Prince Piotr Feodorovich at his arrival in himself; then Admetus speaks with the choir Petersburg, 1742) explaining his decision not to reject the dear guest even in such sorrowful circumstances. The mixed 22 For this project and its connection with Oleg see O’Malley, pp. 147–153; Bella Brover-Lubovsky: The ›Greek Project‹ of Catherine the Great and Giuseppe Sarti, in: Journal of Musico- 23 See Mikhail Vasilievich Lomonossov: Selected works logical Research 33 (2013). (= Library of Poet), Leningrad 1986, pp. 83, 115, and 158.

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genre of spoken melodrama with symphonic Strophe 1: Modo Dorio, Maestoso e grave, accompaniment was still widely spread in Western 4/4: »Ƕ! ǹȚȘȈȕȕȣȝ Ȋșȍȝ ȗȖȒȘȖȊ, ȌȖȔ ȔțȎȈ Europe and sometimes used in German singspiel ȏȕȈȔȍȕȐȚȈ« (»O refuge for all the strangers, (Mozart’s Zaide and Zauberflöte) and in drama house of illustrious man«). (Goethe’s Egmont); there was also a number of Antistrophe 1: Modo Hypo-Jonio, Andantino, separate melodramas performed as concert pieces 6/8: »ǺȖȋȌȈ ȗȘȐȧȚȕȖșȚȤȦ ȉȖȎȍșȚȊȍȕȕȖȋȖ ȋȓȈșȈ« (for instance, Georg Benda’s Ariadne and Medea). (»Then by amenity of godlike voice«), with The most famous Russian example of this kind was episodes in Modo Dorio and Modo Lydio Orpheus (Orfei) written by the poet and playwright Strophe 2: Modo Hypo-Phrygio, Allegretto, 4/4: Yakov Borissovitch Knyazhnin (1740–1791) and »ǹ Țȍȝ ȊȘȍȔȍȕ ȉȓȈȋȖșȓȖȊȍȕȕȣȑ șȚȈȓ ȊȖ ȊșȍȔ, staged first in 1781 with the mediocre music by ǨȌȔȍȚ, ȚȊȖȑ ȌȖȔ« (»Blessed from those times Frederico Torelli, and after 1792 with highly became thy home, Admet«) expressive and innovative music by Evstignei Antistrophe 2: Modo Hypo-Dorio, Andante, Ipatievitch Fomin (1761–1800). Fomin’s Orfei 4/4: »ǬȕȍșȤ Ȏȍ ȉȓȈȋȐȝ ȉȓȈȋȖșȚȣȕȤ șȚȈȓ ǨȌȔȍȚ should be influenced by Sarti’s melodrama though ȊȐȕȖȊȍȕ ȗȈȒȐ« (»Now Admet became the cause in many respects it went further, toward Mozartian of benignant benefactions«) lyrical symphonism. [Epod]: Modo Phrygio, Allegro spiritoso, 4/4: Sarti’s approach to melodrama was untypical, »ǰșȚȐȕȕȖȑ ȡȍȌȘȖșȚȐ ȊȍȘȕȣȑ ȏȕȈȒ« (»A sure because he tried to imitate a scene from the sign of true generosity«). ancient Greek theatre, using the antique modes, tetrachordal melodies, having the choir sing in Therefore, the dramatic and musical whole consists unison and using specific instrumentation (harp of three extended parts. All these parts form a and pizziccato of the string group, imitating lyre musical whole which seems to be more close to playing, and flute symbolizing aulos). He confessed Handel’s oratorios or to some of Gluck’s operas in his preface, that he would have eagerly make the than to an Italian opera of the second half of the protagonists (Heracles and Admetus) sing, but, 18th century. The abundant use of choir was surely being unaware of vocal possibilities of the actors, a typically Russian feature, even though Sarti had could not dare to realize his intention. Therefore, experimented with choirs and ballet scenes in his Heracles and Admetus received spoken roles, italo-french operas for Parma like Alessandro e though Sarti advised to perform those roles by Timoteo. The famous Court chapel was usually actors with sound bass voices. engaged not only in church services, but also in The most interesting part of the whole work theatrical performances. However, the musical is the concluding scenic cantata consisting of influence of Handel and Gluck should be examined two strophes, two antistrophes and an epode, with special attention. like in a Greek tragedy24. With this, Sarti could Francisco de Miranda who often met Sarti at develop his interest in ancient music and its effects Prince Potyomkin’s court, wrote in his Diary on demonstrated first in Alessandro e Timoteo even 6 March 1787: »Sarti came from Petersburg, and we further25. All the choirs were declared as written in had a long talk about music and about the merits of genuine Greek modes. Their general idea is Apollo’s Boccherini and Haydn. He remarked that the first protection upon Admetus’ house as the God’s was more talented, but the second knew the musical reward for the King’s hospitality (Greek myths art far more thoroughly. We spoke also about told, that Apollo had been exiled by Zeus into earth Handel, whose works he enthusiastically admired. and became a shepherd of Admetus, who treated At my opinion, Sarti is excellently experienced him kindly and friendly). in the musical theory and in composition, which he observes from a mathematical point of view. 24 Oleg (Jurgensohn), pp. 71–80. The Prince, desiring to amuse himself, brought to 25 See also the article by Bella Brover-Lubovsky in this issue. paper some occasional curves and, having pointed

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the tonality and tempo, asked Sarti to compose Gluck’s treatment of ancient Greek tragedy any music, which he made at once, proving his should have influenced Sarti’s music to Euripides talents and skillfulness«26. From this testimony, Alkestis in various respects. The beginning of we can conclude that Sarti was a deeply learned Hercules’ dialogue with chorus seems to be musician, who highly valued scholarship and was very close to Orpheus’ scene with the furies in acquainted with Handel’s works (for an Italian Gluck’s opera; though Sarti’s metrical structures composer of the second half of the 18th century are irregular, and his choir sings in unison (see this was not very usual). Unfortunately, we do example 1). By the way, the Euripides scene in not know which works of Handel Sarti had heard Catherine’s play gave Sarti the opportunity to or studied. Almost certainly he must have known surpass even Gluck, modeling a »true« Greek the Messiah, which began its circulation in the tragedy, and not its modern paraphrase. Gluck continental Europe in the 1770s. During his did not use authentic Euripidean text – but it work on Alessandro e Timoteo he might have got was namely Sarti’s case. Gluck did not use Greek to know Alexander’s Feast and, additionally, could modes, – except, perhaps, only two special cases also have been aware of some episodes in other of – but Sarti claimed to write the whole scene from Handel’s famous oratorios representing archaic »Alkestis« in ancient modes. Surely, it was an festivities (like »Epinikion« in the beginning of the extremely difficult and demanding challenge for any Saul, or the triumph scene from the last act of Judas composer of the Classical era. Maccabeus). Although Sarti’s own style is quite different from Handel’s, they have some common features proceeding from the baroque aesthetics. III – The »Greek« modes Sarti did not mention Gluck, but Gluck was also surely held in mind as a famous contemporary The so-called »Greek« modes remained a part of and perhaps as a rival. Surely, he ought to have academic scholarship and musical teaching of the known some of Gluck’s reform operas very well: Classical era, but the West-European composers first of all, the widely spread Orfeo, the less popular did not use them in their works written in theatrical though sometimes performed Alceste, and the two or chamber style. Even their church compositions Iphigenias. Gluck’s Alceste with Italian text was clearly demonstrate that they did not properly performed on February 1 1775 in Copenhagen understood modality – or treated it with great (probably under Sarti’s direction)27. On his way to caution. Some outstanding composers were Petersburg in 1784, Sarti spent some time in Vienna convinced that deep knowledge of ancient modes were he met Mozart and Haydn; perhaps he could must be useless for a musician, which did not intend also meet Gluck or hear his music in private circles. to work for the church. Classical harmony with its The printed scores of all of Gluck’s reform operas strict hierarchy of functions and heavy weight of were acquired for the musical library of the Great the tonal centre could not co-exist with any modal Princess Elisaveta Alexeevna, who was Sarti’s pupil system based on the opposite principles. in Petersburg before she became Empress28. There are very few exceptions from those principles in the secular music of the 18th century, 26 This episode took place in the city of Kremenchug (nowadays and almost all of them are connected with evidently in Ukraine near Poltava), where Potyomkin with his court conscious attempts to create the effect of archaism. spent the Winter and Spring of 1787 preparing to meet there For example, the Mixolydian mode in Handel’s the Empress. Quoted in my translation from: Francisco de Saul is associated with David’s characteristic, as a Miranda: Puteshestvie po Rossiyskoi imperii. Moscow 2001, p. 102. youth chosen by God. It appears not only in the

27 Date as given by Alfred Lowenberg: Annals of Opera, vol. 1, St-Petersburg 2004, p. 166. The music library of the Empress 3 London 1978, p. 296. Elisaveta Alexeevna is kept in the Rarities Department in the 28 See Natalia Alexeevna Ogarkova: Tseremonii, prasdnestva, Library of the Russian Institute for Studies in Art History in muzyka russkogo dvora XVIII – nachala XIX veka, St. Petersburg.

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example 1: Sarti, The early reign of Oleg (Act 5, melodrama between Herakles and the servants of Admetus) fugue from Epinikion and in David’s two arias from (I say »quasi«, because it must produce an impression the first act, but also in arias of other protagonists of chromatic Dorian mode, but in effect is classic speaking about David29. D minor though sounding somehow unusual30). In Gluck’s operas, we find several experiments Gluck and his poet Ranieri de’ Calzabigi must of this kind. The earliest of them is the scene of have known that Greek paeans should be sung in athletic competition in the third act of Paride ed Dorian mode, but they were evidently sure that the Helena (Vienna, 1770). The composer wrote here »first mode« (tonus primus) of the medieval modal a paean (hymn for Apollo) in quasi-Dorian mode system was the Dorian mode of the ancient Greeks. The other striking example in Gluck’s music is 29 I mean the choir »The youth inspired by Thee, oh Lord« (Mixolydian G Major), David’s arias »Oh King, your favours« 30 Gluck used this music once more in his later remake of his and »Oh Lord, whose mercies numberless« (both bearing a French comic opera »Le Cythere assiege« (1775), where touch of Mixolydian F Major), and Jonathan’s air from the the earlier choir of Spartan athletes became a wild song of 2nd act »Sin not, oh king, against the youth«, which clearly Scythians glorifying the war god. It was staged in Versailles, imitates David’s air (the same tonality, meter and Mixolydian and the score was printed, although this opera was not shade in melody and harmony). a great success.

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the choir concluding his Ifigenie en Aulide (Paris, Meanwhile only the comparison between them 1774). Here the great master so closely approaches reveals some interesting moments concerning the true sound of an ancient paean, that the illusion sources, terminology and other details. Margery should have been extremely convincing: strict Stomne Selden offered a fine hypothesis that »Lvov’s unison of voices and instruments, archaic and rough ideas, if not his actual words, were incorporated orchestration (with bass drum), strange phrasing in the Introduction«34. Surely, Sarti and Lvov (each phrase contains six measures), and quasi- should have been in correspondence, and there is Dorian mode with unusual accents and cadences. indirect evidence of it in the text of the document. Therefore, Sarti was not the first composer of Nevertheless, the problem of sources seems to be the Classic era who decided to use the Greek modes more complicated, as some passages may show to create an impression of antiquity. Nevertheless, (see table 2). evidently he was the first to do this consequently, Even the superficial comparison of the quoted and not in one single number, but in a large fragments shows us that the French text was scene. The aesthetic reasons of this experiment doubtless original, and the Russian its translation, were explained in the author’s preface to the first very accurate and qualified, but sometimes clumsy. edition of the score (1791), written in Kremenchug The reason of such ponderousness was simple: in 1790 and published in Nikolai Alexandrovich lack of Russian musicological terminology, which L’vov’s (1753–1803) translation: »Explanation should be sometimes invented by the translator concerning the music composed by Mr. Sarti for the (for instance, »șȗȖșȖȉ« for »Mode«, while the most historical performance The Early Reign of Oleg« suitable Russian equivalent is »ȓȈȌ«, or, in old (»ǶȉȢȧșȕȍȕȐȍ, ȕȈ ȔțȏȣȒț ǫȖșȗȖȌȐȕȖȔ ǹȈȘȚȐȍȔ Russian church-music theory, »ȋȓȈș«35). Therefore, șȖȟȐȕȍȕȕțȦ Ȍȓȧ ǰșȚȖȘȐȟȍșȒȖȋȖ ȗȘȍȌșȚȈȊȓȍȕȐȧ: Lvov could not be either the hypothetic author ǵȈȟȈȓȤȕȖȍ țȗȘȈȊȓȍȕȐȍ ǶȓȍȋȈ«). It is a long and of the document, neither Sarti’s advisor in such very interesting document, full of puzzles and specific matters. Lvov was a brilliant personality, strange nuances. First of all, the Explanation (called called sometimes a »Russian Leonardo« – talented by Catherine II and her secretary Khrapovitsky architect, painter, poet and literate, collector of folk »a dissertation« and read by the Empress »with songs, etc. Nevertheless, he was not a professional pleasure«), was originally written in French. It is composer with a solid bargain of academic so rich in bibliographical references that Robert knowledge, as Sarti was. Lvov could find necessary Aloys Mooser doubted, if Sarti himself could have sources indicated by Sarti, but he was unlikely able read all those sources31. However, Sarti’s authorship to do the whole research work. can be scarcely deniable because the autograph The references to the sources differ in both exists. After the composer’s death, it passed to his texts, and these differences are sometimes curious. descendants, and in 1883 it was published in French Actually, we cannot compare the primary sources – (without facsimile) by Sarti’s first biographer count Sarti’s and Lvov’s manuscripts, – and one must also Giuseppe Pasolini Zanelli32. Later this manuscript assume, that Lvov’s translation could be made from came to Biblioteca Comunale in Sarti’s native city a copy, which contained slight deviations from the of Faenza 33. original. However, the list of references and some Sarti’s Explanation had been reprinted several discrepancies between them should be examined times and was quoted by scholars, but never deeply and somehow explained. »Nicom. man. lib I. p. 16« studied in both versions, French and Russian. must mean the Latin title (»Manuale harmonices« –

34 Ibid., p. 213. 31 Mooser, Annales II, p. 553. 35 In today’s Russian music theory »ȋȓȈș« (»glas«) is used in 32 Giuseppe Pasolini Zanelli: Guiseppe Sarti, musicista del secolo respect to the Byzantine and Russian ancient church singing XVIII, Faenza 1883, pp. 113–121. based on modal formulas, and »ȓȈȌ« (»lad«) is the most 33 See Margery Stomne Selden: An Operatic Success of Catherine common word for all systems of functional relationships. the Great, in: JAMS 10 (1957) no. 3, p. 212. Lvov’s word »șȗȖșȖȉ« is out of use.

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Sarti’s French original Russian translation by N.A.Lvov (Quoted from Pasolini Zanetti, p. 114. In Mooser’s publication the references are unfortunately omitted (Annales II, p. 553) La scène d’Euripide, dans l’emploi, où elle est destinée, devra ȇȊȓȍȕȐȍ Ȑȏ ǭȊȘȐȗȐȌȈ, ȗȖ ȔȍșȚț Ȑ șȊȖȑșȚȊț șȊȖȍȔț, ȌȖȓȎȕȖ sans doute être exécutée dans le costume ancien Grec, par ȉȣȚȤ ȗȘȍȌșȚȈȊȓȍȕȖ ȊȖ ȊȒțșȍ ȌȘȍȊȕȍȔ ǫȘȍȟȍșȒȖȔ, Ȉ ȗȖ ȚȖȔț conséquent la musique ne doit pas s’écarter de cette préscription: Ȑ ȔțȏȣȒȈ ȌȖȓȎȕȈ ȉȣȚȤ Ȋ ȚȖȔ Ȏȍ ȊȒțșȍ; Ȋ șȓȍȌșȚȊȐȍ ȟȍȋȖ Ȑ c’est pour cela que j’ai hasard é d’y composer une musique tout- șȖȟȐȕȐȓ ȧ ȔțȏȣȒț șȖȊȍȘȠȍȕȕȖ ǫȘȍȟȍșȒțȦ ȖȚȕȖșȐȚȍȓȤȕȖ Ȓ â-fait Grec, par rapport au chant. Je l’ai cependant accompagnée ȗȍȕȐȦ, șȖȗȘȖȊȖȌȧ ȖȕțȦ ȖȌȕȈȒȖ ȗȖ ȖȉȘȈȏț ȕȣȕȍȠȕȍȑ ǨȘȔȖȕȐȐ, par nos instruments, selon l’harmonie moderne, d’une ȟȚȖȉȣ ȐȕșȚȘțȔȍȕȚȣ ȕȍ ȏȈȚȔȍȊȈȓȐ ȗȍȕȐȧ; ȐȉȖ șȚȖȓȗȖȊȈȧ façon pourtant á ne pas le dèfigurer. Il serait insupportable ȔțȏȣȒȈ, ȒȈȒȖȊȈȧ țȗȖȚȘȍȉȓȧȓȈșȤ ț ǫȘȍȒȖȊ ȕȍșȕȖșȕȈ ȉȣȓȈ ȉȣ aujourd’hui d’entendre une musique toujours à l’unisson șȓțȝț ȊȖ ȊȘȍȔȍȕȈ ȕȈȠȐ. comme était celle de Grecs. ǨȘȐșȚȖȚȍȓȤ ȗȐȠȍȚ, ȟȚȖ ǳȐȘȈ Ȑ ǺȐȉȐȧ ȖȚȌȍȓȧȓȐșȤ ȐȕȖȋȌȈ Néanmoins on lit dans Aristote que la Lyre et la Tibia s’ écartaient ȕȍșȒȖȓȤȒȖ ȖȚ ȋȖȓȖșȈ, ȝȖȚȧ ȖȌȕȈȒȖ șȒȖȘȖ ȖȗȧȚȤ șȖȍȌȐȕȧȓȐșȤ ș quelques fois de la voix, tant en y revenant proptement pour ȖȕȣȔ, ȌȈȉȣ ȕȍ ȗȘȖȚȐȊȕȖ ȉȣȓȖ șȓțȝț ȊȏȈȐȔȕȖȍ Ȑȝ țȌȈȓȍȕȐȍ; Ȉ ne pas offenser l’oreille (1). On pourra donc regarder comme ȗȖȚȖȔț Ȑ șȌȍȓȈȕȕȖȍ ȔȕȖȦ șȖȗȘȖȊȖȎȌȍȕȐȍ ȕȍșȒȖȓȤȒȖ ȖȚ ȗȍȕȐȧ une licence permise l’accompagnement susdit. ȖȚȌȈȓȧȦȡȍȍșȧ ȗȖȟȍșȚȤ ȔȖȎȕȖ ȗȖȏȊȖȓȍȕȕȣȔ. La dèclamation greque devait être notée, puisqu’ elle était accompagnée per la Lyre pendant le rècit des Personnages, et Nicom man. I, 15, Dionis. Halic. de comp. § 11, Aristot. prob. par la Tybia pendant le chant du choeur (2). 39, p.763, Plat. de leg. L, VII, p. 812.

(1) Nicom. man. lib. I. p. 16. Dionys. Halic. de comp. § 9.11. ǬȖȓȎȕȖ ȌțȔȈȚȤ, ȟȚȖ ǫȘȍȟȍșȒȈȧ ȌȍȒȓȈȔȈȞȐȧ ȉȣȓȈ ȗȖȓȖȎȍȕȈ Prob. 39. p.763. ȕȈ ȕȖȚȈȝ, ȗȖȍȓȐȒț șȖȗȘȖȊȖȎȌȈȍȔȈ ȉȣȓȈ ǳȐȘȖȦ ȗȘȐ (2) Cic. quest. Accad. 1. 4. etc. ȗȖȊȍșȚȊȖȊȈȕȐȐ; ǺȐȉȐȧ șȖȗȘȖȊȖȎȌȈȓȈ ȗȍȕȐȍ ȝȖȘȖȊ. Plutar. de mus. T.2. p. 1141. Cicer quaest acad. L. IV; et Plutar. de musica, tom 2, p. 1141.

table 2

»The Manual of harmonics«) of the treatise passage: »…when the strings sound the one traditionally ascribed to Nikomachus from Gerasa – tune and the composer of the melody another, a Pythagorean philosopher and mathematician who or when there results a combination of low and lived ca. 100 A.D. Why Sarti inserted this reference, high notes, of slow and quick time, of sharp seems unclear, because in the first chapter of this and grave, and all sorts of rhythmical variations treatise there is not a single word about theatrical are adapted to the notes of the lyre, – no such music. In Guiseppe Pasoloni’s transcription of this complications should be employed in dealing passage there are some obvious misreading (»Dionys. with pupils who have to absorb quickly, within Italic. de comp. 9.11.«), and I am grateful to my three years, the useful elements of music«36. This colleague Larissa Khalfina who supplied me with passage exactly corresponds to Sarti’s sentence, a photocopy of Sarti’s autograph from the library though the ancient author spoke about teaching, of Faenza (table 2 gives the correct reading). Here and not composing music. It’s interesting to we find a reference to Dionysius of Halicarnassus’ mention, that in 1785 a Russian translation (not »Italicus«!) treatise widely known in Latin of Plato’s Laws appeared. »Cic. quest. Accad. translation De compositione verborum (»On 1. 4. etc.« (in Russian version – »Cicer quaest the arrangement of words«), § 11. The reference acad. L[iber]. IV«) refers to Cicero’s unfinished itself is right. »Prob. 39. p.763« (in Russian version work Academica, or, in some old editions, –»Aristot. prob. 39, p.763«) means reference to Academicas quæstiones disputatio. However, Problemata, ascribed to Aristotle. In modern this reference seems to be wrong in both editions it’s book XIX, § 39. »Plat. de leg. L, VII, p. 812« stays only in 36 Quoted from: Plato in Twelve Volumes, vols. 10 and 11, Russian translation. It refers to Plato’s work translated by Robert Gregg Bury, Cambridge, MA, London, De legibus (»The laws«), and namely to the 1967 & 1968. Online version: http://www.perseus.tufts.edu.

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cases: there is no fourth book in the treatise, and Speaking about the use of Greek modes, Sarti the fourth paragraph of the first books deals with punctiously indicated whether he had strictly the history of Academia in Athens, and not about followed the prescription of ancient authors or Greek music. Therefore, there was a mistake in made reasonable deviations from the common Sarti’s text, and Lvov did not correct it. Probably rules. And in this part of the treatise we find some here must be mentioned Cicero’s Tusculanae references which could not be taken from padre Disputationes (»Tusculan Disputations«), the first Martini’s work or from earlier publications, first book, §§ 3–4. »Plutar. de mus. T.2. p. 1141«, or, of all Voyage d’Anacharsis. The famous novel Les as in Lvov’s version, »Plutar. de musica, tom 2, Voyages du jeune Anacharsis en Grèce written by p. 1141«, is without any doubt Pseudo-Plutarch’s Abbé Jean-Jacques Barthélemy (1716–1795) was treatise De musica (»On music«). All these published in 1788. Its four volumes contained a lot references tell us some important facts: of information about cities and customs of ancient Greece translated or drawn from ancient authors, 1. They really support or illustrate the ideas of especially from Pausanias’ Description of Hellas. Sarti Sarti’s Explanation, and that is why we can gives four references to this novel, so, we can assert, assert that he knew the sources, though some that Barthélemy’s work was at his disposal in 1790, bibliographical notes are not precise. when he wrote the explanation to his »Greek« music. 2. The sources mentioned by Sarti were all edited One may wonder at such variety of sources in Latin (or, as we shall see later, in French), mentioned by Sarti who lived at that time in a small but not in Greek, though the major part of the provincial town of Kremenchug or accompanied ancient authors were Greeks. This fact lets us Prince Potyomkin in his administrative and suppose that Sarti could not read Greek text. military voyages through the newly conquered 3. The form of references (shortened names, southlands. But we must remember that the titles, no exact output data) is quite usual Prince himself was very interested in the ancient for Western musicological writing of the history, and among his suite there was a personal 17th–18th centuries. The most evident example »philosopher«, personified in Luka Ivanovich can be found in padre Giambattista Martini’s Sichkariov. With the assistance of such people, it Storia della musica in three volumes, which was surely possible to obtain necessary books from Sarti, Martini’s pupil, must have read in Italy. Kiev or from other place. The second and the third volumes of this work The most complicated question is the character (1770 and 1781) deal with ancient Greek music. of the modes declared by Sarti in his inscripts. Nevertheless, I found no literal quotations from Surely, from today’s point of view, they can be Martini’s work – only some resemblance in style regarded neither as ancient, nor as really modal. and manner. When one plays this music with accompaniment, 4. Some references are spelled differently in French it will sound as a normal classical composition and Russian editions and placed after different written in minor or major keys. Only some phrases. The character of such discrepancies melodies, sung without any harmonic support, can makes us think that Lvov did not or could not produce an impression of a Greek-like monodic check all the sources. For instance, in the further music. However, even here their structure (phases passage of Sarti’s text we find a reference to with clear cadences on Tonic and Dominant) and »Elian. hist. lib. 15 Cap. 5« – and in Russian typical melodic turns demonstrate the style of the translation stays: »Elian Trist. ani. L[iber] XV, Classical era (see example 2). Nevertheless, this cap.V«. Certainly, it’s obvious misreading or attempt to approach the forms of a Greek tragedy is misprint in the Russian edition: Sarti meant noteworthy for its consequence and thoroughness. Claudius Aelianus’s Various History (»Varia Sarti was surely very proud of his achievement historia«, originally in Greek), and not supposed and deeply convinced that his music corresponded »Trist[ia]«. exactly to the performance practice of the ancient

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example 2: Sarti, The early reign of Oleg (Act 5, first strophe of the scenic cantata, Dorian mode)

epoch, including both Euripides’ and the Roman- and piano by Bohemian musician Ivan Pratsch, Byzantine times. These ideas were extremely close Lvov wrote about analogy of some genuine Greek to the heart of the translator of his text – Nikolai melodies, published by European scholars, and Alexandrovich Lvov, who declared the Russian Russian folk songs37. Lvov’s idea stood in harmony type of modality to be inherited directly from the

Greeks. Exactly in 1790, in the preface to his own 37 Nikolai A. Lvov: On the Russian national singing, in: collection of Russian folk songs arranged for voice N. A. Lvov. Selected Works, ed. and commented by

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dtk_1301.indd 65 07.01.2013 11:30:07 THEMA Larissa Kirillina

Sarti’s French original Lvov’s translation J’ai exprès inséré entre les différents Modes de cette musique un ǴȍȎȌț ȘȈȏȕȣȝ șȗȖșȖȉȖȊ șȍȑ ȔțȏȣȒȐ, ȊȊȍȓ ȧ ȕȈȘȖȟȕȖ Ȋ chant original grec que j’ai copié d’aprés les ancienc caractéres, per ȗȖȌȓȐȕȕȐȒȍ ȖȌȐȕ ȖȚȘȣȊȖȒ ȗȍșȕȐ ǫȘȍȟȍșȒȖȑ (4), ȒȖȚȖȘțȦ le moyen des tables d’Alypius, autèur grec, pour qu’on puisse juger si șȗȐșȈȓ ȧ ș șȚȈȘȐȕȕȣȝ ȕȖȚ, ȗȖșȘȍȌșȚȊȖȔ ȚȈȉȓȐȞ ǨȓȐȗȐȧ tout le reste que j’ai composé est dans le costume grec (1). – Eschyle ǫȘȍȟȍșȒȖȋȖ ȗȐșȈȚȍȓȧ; ȌȈȉȣ ȔȖȎȕȖ ȉȣȓȖ șțȌȐȚȤ, ȖȚȊȍȟȈȍȚ avait aussi mis dans ses tragédies quelques airs, ou Nomes étrangers. ȓȐ șȖȟȐȕȍȕȕȈȧ ȔȕȖȦ ȔțȏȣȒȈ Ȋ ǫȘȍȟȍșȒȖȔ ȌȘȍȊȕȍȔ ȊȒțșȍ ȌȍȑșȚȊȐȚȍȓȤȕȖ șȍȔț ȊȒțșț. (1) Timarch. op. scho. Aristoph. in ran. V. 1315. ǭșȝȐȓ Ȋ șȊȖȐȝ ȚȘȈȋȍȌȐȧȝ țȗȖȚȘȍȉȓȧȓ ȚȈȒȎȍ ǵȖȔȣ (5) ȐȓȐ ȗȖșȚȖȘȖȕȕȐȍ ȕȈȗȍȊȣ.

(4) ƙưǇ ƭƹƺǄ ƺƨ ƹƨƴƨǇ ƗưƵƬƨƸƶƪƨ ƶƬƨ, ƶ ƲƶƺƶƸƶƱ ƻƷƶƴưƵƨƭƺƹǇ ƪ ƷƸƭƬưƹƳƶƪưư ƶ ƸƻƹƹƲƶƴ ƵƨƸƶƬƵƶƴ ƷƭƵưư. (5) Timarch. ap. Scho. Aristoph. in ran.

table 3

with the political pretence of Russian empire to notes two fragments from ancient Greek music, a be regarded as »the third Rome« and the legal Hymn to Nemesis and an Ode of Pindar«39. successor of Byzantium in the Greek East. Willingly or unwillingly, Lvov unveiled One of the passages in Sarti’s preface and in Sarti’s mystery indicating the possible sources of his music to Euripides’ Alkestis can be understood his quotation. But as soon as his own essay was only with the help of Lvov’s translation and Lvov’s published in 1790, and Sarti’s Explanation in 1791, own treatise about Russian national singing (see we must suspect, that the problem should have table 3). We see, that the number and character of been discussed by both authors, and that the most references differ significantly. Sarti confessed that probable common source could be Pierre-Jeanne he had borrowed a genuine Greek melody and Burette’s Dissertation sur la mélopée de l’ancienne referred to the practice of Aeschylus, who was also musique40. Lvov transcribed Athanasius Kircher’s told to have used »strange« tunes for his works. name in French pronouncement (»ǲȐȘȠȍȘ«) The abbreviation »Timarch. ap. Scho. Aristoph. and scarcely could read his Musurgia universalis in ran.« should mean »Timarchus apud Scholia in (1650) in Latin. Burette’s work was at that Aristophanem in Ranas«. But in reality it must deal moment more modern, concise and accessible. not with Aeschylus, but rather with Aristophanes, Nevertheless, Sarti’s source could be Kircher’s who mocked in The Frogs both Aeschylus and work, because exactly there one finds a very Euripides, using the tunes (Nomoi) from their minute description of Greek notation (»Alypius’ tragedies, especially from the works of Euripides, tables«). Nowadays it’s proved that the melody whom he bitterly parodied38. of Pindar’s ode was Kircher’s skilful forgery, and Sarti did not point the exact place of his musical not a genuine monument of ancient Greek music41. quotation and its source. However, Lvov added a However, Sarti and his contemporaries took that remark referring to his own essay of 1790: »This is the melody as authentic. It was used in the second same Pindar’s ode which is mentioned in the preface choir antistrophe of his music to Alkestis (see about the Russian national singing«. Lvov wrote there: »Satisfying the desires of lovers of ancient 39 »Ʉ ɭɞɨɜɥɟɬɜɨɪɟɧɢɸ ɠɟɥɚɧɢɹ ɥɸɛɢɬɟɥɟɣ ɞɪɟɜɧɟɣ ɦɭɡɵɤɢ ɨɬɟɰ music father Kircher and Mr. Burette after long and Ʉɢɪɲɟɪ ɢ ɝ. Ȼɸɪɟɬɬ ɩɨ ɞɨɥɝɨɦ ɢ ɬɪɭɞɧɨɦ ɢɡɵɫɤɚɧɢɢ ɧɚɲɥɢ difficult search found and transcribed in our modern ɢ ɩɟɪɟɜɟɥɢ ɧɚ ɧɵɧɟɲɧɢɟ ɧɚɲɢ ɧɨɬɵ ɞɜɚ ɨɬɪɵɜɤɚ ɞɪɟɜɧɟɣ ɝɪɟɱɟɫɤɨɣ ɦɭɡɵɤɢ ›Ƚɢɦɧ ɇɟɦɟɡɢɞɟ‹ ɢ »Ɉɞɭ ɉɢɧɞɚɪɨɜɭ«, in: Lvov, Op. cit., p. 311. Konstantin Yurievich Lappo-Danilevsky, Cologne 1994, 40 Mémoires de littérature de l’Académie des Inscriptions et C. 311. Belles-Lettres, vol. 5, Paris 1731, pp. 152–206. 38 See Sarah Miles: Strattis, Tragedy, and Comedy, Thesis PhD 41 See Egert Pöhlmann: Denkmäler altgriechischer Musik, University of Nottingham 2009, pp. 283–284. Nürnberg 1970, p. 49.

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dtk_1301.indd 66 07.01.2013 11:30:09 The Early Reign of Oleg THEMA

example 3: Athanasius Kircher: Musurgia universalis (Rome 1650), example for the Lydian mode

example 4: Sarti, The early reign of Oleg (Act 5, second antistrophe, Hypodorian mode)

examples 3 and 4). Sarti’s »mathematical« approach which remained a political utopia of the great to composition, mentioned by Francisco de Miranda, Empress and her faithful admirer Prince Potyomkin, required a kind if musical theorem with such practical caused an extraordinary artistic experience — the proving of his experience with the Greek modes. first attempt to introduce ancient tragedy on Russian Really, this choir based on a borrowed melody scene within Catherine’s quasi-Shakespearean drama does not differ in style from Sarti’s own music to The Early Reign of Oleg. This experiment brought Euripides’ »Alkestis«. to life the first Russian translation of Euripides (in So, we return to the main topic of this article. prose and in unrhymed verse) and very unusual and The ambitious »Greek project« of Catherine II, expressive music of Giuseppe Sarti.

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