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Brian Rusted Brian Rusted PERFORMING THE VISUAL NORTH Image, place and the Hubbard-Wallace expeditions During the last decade, the phrase ‘visual culture’ has come to identify a variety of interdisciplinary approaches to the visual in everyday life. While analytic perspectives may come from gender, race or media theory, political economy, psychoanalysis, and so forth, there is an apparent agreement about the critical relation the visual has to subjectivity and social organization. The travelling of critical and cultural theory across disciplinary boundaries has given ‘visual culture’ an institutional form through new degrees, programmes, cross-faculty appointments, courses, introductory textbooks, and research publications. This paper comments on the intellectual history of ‘visual culture’, identifies cultural aspects of visual performance that have been understated in recent formulations of visual culture and visual studies, and argues that the current institutional form of visual culture research has contributed to the disappearance of cultural and anthropological approaches within visual culture. The paper is developed in relation to a case study involving popular photography as a cultural performance of the Canadian north, and considers the contribution of performance to visual culture. Keywords visual culture; performance; spatialization; Canada; north; photography Introduction: how to picture the north My pictures came today and they are wonderful. Feel excited about them they are so fine I have never seen such pictures anywhere as some of them are ... (Mina Hubbard Collection 241 3.02.001, Diary 25 December 1905) In the penultimate entry of her diary for 1905, Mina Hubbard, explorer and recently widowed wife of the New York, outdoor writer Leonidas Hubbard, Jr noted her excitement at receiving photographs from her trip through the Cultural Studies Vol. 19, No. 2 March 2005, pp. 253 Á/285 ISSN 0950-2386 print/ISSN 1466-4348 online – 2005 Taylor & Francis Group Ltd http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals DOI: 10.1080/09502380500077797 254 CULTURAL STUDIES centre of Canada’s northern region of Labrador. This small, private note of pleasure is an expression of satisfaction at the conclusion of her part in three major expeditions to Labrador. Her entry though is also a starting point for the representational work these expeditions produced. Two days later, her final diary entry for that year provided a list of the 101 negatives she sends to Beseler Co. to be made into lantern slides for public lectures, and the 221 prints she sends to her publisher. Three of these expeditions occurred between 1903 and 1905: the initial Hubbard-Wallace Expedition in 1903, Mrs Hubbard’s in 1905, and Wallace’s second in the same year. Wallace undertakes a subsequent commemorative trip in 1913. The prominent role given to photography, textual documentation and representation (diaries, letters, magazines, newspapers, books, memoirs and public lectures) in these expeditions is an opportunity to reflect on visual culture ‘as rich, ambiguous and embedded cultural products’ (King & Lidchi 1998, p. 13). What is it about these photographs that give Mrs Hubbard such excitement? Certainly their making had been a productive pleasure for her. Their delivery some weeks after her return from Labrador transforms memories of a long, arduous journey into representation. Are her photographs good photographs? Are they better in technical or aesthetic quality than other photographs? Or had Mrs Hubbard simply not seen many photos of Labrador beyond those of her late husband? Are hers distinctive and unique images of what she will describe in the title of her book as an ‘unknown’ place? Answering such questions means opening up the conventions and constraints that allowed Mrs Hubbard and other expedition participants to take and make the pictures they do. The answer is not a singular one: it means locating images within or against a larger milieu in which they circulate; it means considering how these images are produced and reproduced; and how they both produce and represent the space of the North. The visual and representational activities of these expeditions are cultural performances, occasions as Bauman says, ‘to discover the patterns, functions and meanings of those communicative resources in the conduct and interpretation of social life for the people among whom they are current’ (Bauman 1992, p. xv). ‘Encapsulated contingent events’, as Denzin says (following Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 1998) ‘that are embedded in the flow of everyday life’ (2003, p. 8). To consider this visual work as performance, I have organized this article around the following: (1) a discussion of an attenuation of visual culture as a research area; (2) a discussion of visual culture and the critical analysis of space; (3) a discussion of the photographic practices of these expeditions; (4) their relation to practices contemporary with their produc- tion; and, finally, (5) a discussion about visual culture and photography as performance. PERFORMING THE VISUAL NORTH 255 Retrieving the cultural More than 90 years after Mrs Hubbard writes in her diary, the art theory journal, October published a special issue that included a ‘Questionnaire on Visual Culture’. The term described both the increasingly popular notion that our social world is mediated by the visual, and the increasingly apparent convergence between academic areas with predominantly visual subject matter: art history, film, mass communications, architecture and so forth. This questionnaire had been sent to a variety of practitioners in these disciplines. Their responses filled nearly 50 pages of the journal. The editors saw the responses to their leading questions about the emergence of visual culture as a way of offering, ...an initial account of its uses and abuses-its premonitions in art history, its affinities with anthropological discourse, its resonances in contempor- ary art and criticism, and its ramifications for various institutions. (Krauss & Foster 1996, p. 3) The publication two years earlier of a collection of essays by Norman Bryson, Michael Ann Holly and Keith Moxey with the title Visual Culture may also have been something of a catalyst, although the editors make no mention of it (see also Jencks 1995, Cartwright 1995, Bird et al.1996, Mirzoeff 1998, Evans & Hall 1999). ‘Visual culture’ begins to appear in the early 1970s in art historical works of Michael Baxandall and Svetlana Alpers. In Alpers’ study of Dutch painting, she uses visual culture to identify ‘cultural resources’ that artists used in making their work (Krauss & Foster 1996, p. 26; see also Alpers 1983 and Baxandall 1972). From a slightly different intellectual tradition, the character of visual culture picks up momentum with research into the social and historical determinations of vision, visuality and spectatorship during the 1980s (see Crary 1990 and Jay 1988). This historical narrative of ‘visual culture’ has been well mined and shown three distinct veins. First, visual culture identifies conceptual changes in the practice of art history as social determinations come to be included in the account of artistic practices. Secondly, the recognition of an increasingly diverse array of new visual media challenges both the methods and the boundaries of art history. Visual culture in this sense is descriptive of a broadened subject matter for art history. Finally, visual culture identifies an intellectual space where other disciplines can take up this broadening of visual subjects. ‘Visual studies’ also captures the shift from visual subjects to visual (inter-) disciplines (Elkins 2003; see also Dikovitskaya 2005 on visual culture’s institutional development). 256 CULTURAL STUDIES What goes along with this movement is a shift in the research questions and theoretical vocabulary. Emily Apter suggests that new interpretive paradigms appear: Formalist approaches to painting, thematic considerations of typologies and topologies of art, iconology, the social history of art and the history of material artifacts, seem on the surface to have little relevance to visual futurism, whereas discourses in psychoanalysis, gender, race, technology, and global economics seem obviously, if divergently, pertinent. (in Krauss & Foster 1996, p. 27) For Susan Buck-Morss certain intellectual themes cut across the new formation of visual culture: ‘the reproduction of the image, the society of the spectacle, envisioning the Other, scopic regimes, the simulacrum, the fetish, the (male) gaze, the machine eye’ (Krauss & Foster 1996, p. 29). For Crary and others these lists would also include ‘the construction of subjectivity’ (Krauss & Foster 1996, p. 33). So, while visual culture might have particular disciplinary antecedents and hypothesize an interdisciplinary space for development, it also seems to support a convergence of intellectual projects across disciplines. When the editors of October posed the questions for this issue, they identified ‘the model of anthropology’ (Krauss & Foster 1996, p. 25) as the change agent in the practice of art history. Martin Jay is the sole respondent who takes up this idea and offers some context for their concern. Anthropology is shorthand for thinking about culture as ‘the whole way of life’ of a people rather than as elitist notions based on absolute models of aesthetic value. Integrating this change precipitates a market crash: the value of art is social rather than intrinsic, and the availability and legitimacy of visual objects expands beyond earlier
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