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Martha Albertson Fineman, Jack E. Jackson, Adam P Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais 87 | 2009 Velhos e novos desafios ao direito e à justiça Martha Albertson Fineman, Jack E. Jackson, Adam P. Romero (eds.), Feminist and Queer Legal Theory. Intimate Encounters, Uncomfortable Conversations Ana Oliveira Edição electrónica URL: http://journals.openedition.org/rccs/1622 DOI: 10.4000/rccs.1622 ISSN: 2182-7435 Editora Centro de Estudos Sociais da Universidade de Coimbra Edição impressa Data de publição: 1 dezembro 2009 Paginação: 201-203 ISSN: 0254-1106 Refêrencia eletrónica Ana Oliveira, « Martha Albertson Fineman, Jack E. Jackson, Adam P. Romero (eds.), Feminist and Queer Legal Theory. Intimate Encounters, Uncomfortable Conversations », Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais [Online], 87 | 2009, posto online no dia 15 outubro 2012, consultado o 22 setembro 2020. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/rccs/1622 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/rccs.1622 Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais, 87, Dezembro 2009: 195-203 Recensões James C. Scott (2009), The Art of Not Being Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia. New Haven & london: Yale university Press, 442 pp. Onze anos depois de Seeing like a State: beram formas de subsistência e organiza‑ How Certain Schemes to Improve Human ção social para manter os Estados à distân‑ Conditions Have Failed, James Scott con‑ cia. Por outras palavras, a localização das tinua a análise de como se formam os Es‑ populações não é um dado adquirido, ela tados e como resistem as populações a resulta de uma escolha e de um posiciona‑ projectos de incorporação forçada. Desta mento deliberado em relação aos centros vez, a história é dedicada às populações de poder vizinhos. que vivem na periferia dos Estados e se Vistos através desta lente que torna visível governam a si mesmas. a capacidade de acção das populações, os O autor leva‑nos à Zomia, uma área mon‑ seus modos de vida não são fruto de deter‑ tanhosa do tamanho da Europa, com apro‑ minismos ecológicos ou culturais, nem são ximadamente 2,5 milhões de quilómetros constantes ao longo do tempo. As diferen‑ quadrados, que se estende pelo Vietname, tes formas de subsistência e de organização Cambodja, Laos, Tailândia, Birmânia social têm uma história, e as populações (actual Myanmar) e quatro províncias da materializam em práticas os seus projectos China, até ao Nordeste da Índia. As mon‑ políticos. tanhas situam‑se na periferia dos Estados, James Scott conta‑nos ao longo do livro e nela vivem cerca de 00 milhões de pes‑ como se constituem mutuamente os Esta‑ soas, que apresentam uma diversidade dos e as zonas periféricas enquanto espaços étnica e linguística notável. A Zomia repre‑ agro‑políticos, onde complexos de técnicas senta um novo objecto de estudo e uma agrícolas e formas de organização social nova abordagem para estudar as zonas ter‑ são mobilizados para manter os espaços restres enquanto espaços políticos. Trata‑ separados, apesar de estreitamente ligados ‑se da maior região do mundo onde as por migrações e trocas comerciais. Os es‑ populações vivem sem estarem completa‑ paços são constituídos como a negação do mente incorporadas em Estados‑nações. outro, com as montanhas a opor‑se aos O argumento apresentado é simples, mas vales, os bárbaros aos civilizados, a diver‑ controverso: as populações das montanhas sidade à hegemonia, a dispersão à concen‑ não levam um modo de vida primitivo, tração, os que se governam a si próprios anterior aos Estados. Elas são contempo‑ aos governados pelo Estado. A relação do râneas dos Estados, compostas por fluxos centro com a periferia torna impossível migratórios de pessoas que, ao longo dos compreender as histórias destes espaços últimos dois mil anos, escaparam aos su‑ políticos quando analisados separada‑ cessivos projectos de incorporação forçada mente. que ocorreram nos vales. As montanhas na Os sistemas agro‑ecológicos compatíveis periferia dos Estados funcionam como zo‑ com os projectos de construção de Estados nas de refúgio, onde as populações, tirando são aqueles que levam à concentração da partido das condições do terreno, conce‑ população em torno de campos de cereais e 96 | recensões possibilitam a sedentarização, propriedade ciclos sucessivos de expansão e colapso, privada e estruturas de poder hierarquiza‑ pontuados por epidemias, fomes e guerras. das. A concentração de pessoas e exceden‑ Durante a construção dos Estados pré‑ tes agrícolas permite o controlo e monito‑ ‑modernos, a periferia constituiu uma ten‑ rização das actividades a partir do centro. tação constante para as populações, um No Sudoeste asiático, a colheita preferida lugar onde podiam estar a salvo, praticar dos Estados tem sido a monocultura de ar‑ formas alternativas de subsistência, ou rea‑ roz irrigado. Esta colheita exige mais traba‑ lizar trocas comerciais com os vales numa lho do que outras, recorrendo a tecnologias base voluntária, mantendo a sua autonomia agrícolas diferentes, como por exemplo a política. Para se manterem fora do alcance agricultura baseada na rotação. Mas esta do Estado, as populações tiraram partido última não se adequa a projectos de Estado, da fricção da distância e da fricção da apro‑ porque requer uma área maior de cultivo priação. As zonas de refúgio são diagnos‑ e uma população dispersa, o que funciona ticadas pelo Estado como áreas inacessí‑ como uma barreira à concentração de exce‑ veis, que impedem ou dificultam expedições dentes, fiscalização e colecta de impostos. punitivas e fiscalmente estéreis, não com‑ Um dos desafios dos Estados pré‑modernos pensando o esforço de apropriação. foi sempre o de persuadir as populações a Ao estudar as formas de cultivo quanto ao abandonar outras formas de subsistência seu valor de evasão nas zonas de refúgio, a fim de serem incorporadas nos projectos o autor defende que as formas de subsis‑ agrícolas e demográficos do Estado. Essa tência e organização social derivam em incorporação foi feita principalmente à grande parte da opção de se manterem fora custa da mobilização forçada de pessoas dos centros de poder. Por exemplo, a cul‑ para o centro, como mão‑de‑obra escrava. tura de tubérculos (batata, inhames, cas‑ Outro desafio foi construir sistemas legí‑ sava, entre outros) faz parte de um portfó‑ veis e fiscalizáveis que permitissem aos lio de colheitas resistentes à apropriação. funcionários do Estado controlar a popu‑ Estas colheitas requerem pouca manuten‑ lação e apropriar‑se da produção. Para tal, ção e podem permanecer no solo, o que torna‑se necessário construir um sistema torna difícil confiscá‑las. O portfólio de anti‑evasão a partir do centro. Além de subsistência conta com várias dezenas de concentrar as actividades produtivas, torná‑ espécies botânicas cultivadas, pastorícia e ‑las visíveis e ao alcance dos funcionários, produtos provenientes de florestas que não o sistema usa tecnologias que possibilitam existem nos vales e podem ser usados para a comunicação ao longo de cadeias hierar‑ trocas comerciais, tais como pimenta, re‑ quizadas. A escrita permite a inscrição dos sinas, medicamentos e ópio. As montanhas registos e inventários, tais como censos e e vales ocupam nichos agro‑ecológicos que mapas cadastrais, bem como a translocação se complementam. desses registos ao longo da cadeia de A periferia é refúgio de uma grande di‑ comando. Além disso, a escrita facilita a versidade de sistemas políticos e formas manutenção de estruturas hierárquicas de de organização social. Os sistemas mais poder permanentes, através da inscrição simples encontram‑se no nível do agre‑ de genealogias e regimes de desigualdade, gado familiar, com formas de subsistên‑ continuados e baseados na propriedade. cia nómadas ou técnicas que requerem Os projectos de construção de Estados pouco trabalho colectivo. A organização tinham um carácter intrinsecamente expe‑ social é acéfala, sem chefes e sem estru‑ rimental e acarretavam grandes riscos, com turas de poder permanentes. As formas recensões | 97 de organização social mais complexas nas ou “civilizados”. As identidades étnicas montanhas mimetizam os Estados a escalas não são mutuamente exclusivas, os indi‑ liliputianas. As culturas das populações são víduos falam várias línguas e desafiam os de base oral; a maioria não tem escrita, e sistemas de classificação dos estudiosos existe heterodoxia religiosa. Ao longo do e funcionários do Estado. No entanto, a tempo, a organização social aparece como classificação forçada das populações em fluida e reversível, composta de unidades etnias pode conduzir a projectos políticos que se associam e dissociam consoante os e a novas formas de relacionamento com projectos políticos, o posicionamento em o Estado, especialmente para reclamar relação a Estados vizinhos e as exigências direitos sobre recursos naturais ou terras. de segurança. Os indivíduos movem‑se Por último, refere‑se a importância política entre formas sociais e adoptam novas iden‑ das religiões milenaristas. A promessa do tidades. Esta multiplicidade de formas de fim do mundo e de uma nova ordem social subsistência, ideologias, organização social onde os poderes são invertidos, anunciada e identidades, juntamente com a disper‑ por líderes carismáticos, consegue mobili‑ são no terreno, não só mantêm o Estado zar populações com baixo nível de organi‑ à distância, como previnem a emergência zação e ultrapassar os obstáculos a projec‑ de Estados no seu seio. tos colectivos, seja a deslocação para uma O projecto político de Estado é acom‑ nova área ou uma revolta contra os poderes panhado por uma utopia civilizacional instalados. de superioridade
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