Iroquois Religion

IROQUOIS RELIGION

AND

ITS RELATION TO THEIR MORALS

M ORRIS WOLF

DISSERTATION

SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLM ENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE

E EE D OCTO OF P LOSO HY IN THE F CULTY OF D GR OF R HI P , A

P LITI CAL SCIE CE C LUM BIA UNIVE SITY O N , O R

NEW YORK

COLUM BIA UNIVERSITY PRESS 1919

CONTENTS .

H P TE I . HE E C A R T S TTING .

INTRODUCTION M odern approach to problem of relation of religion and m a s s m e e co or l , o e r c nt nclusions concerning it and the handicaps they indicate 2 TH E VI E CE FOR T E R U I . E D N H I OQ O S Its Nature and De fects 3 F E RE R . MAIN ATU S OF I OQUOIS LIFE Country and S ettlements Economic Activities S ocial and P olitical Life S ome othe r Institutions

H P TE . S EL C A R II IROQUOI R IGION .

( Chi eﬂy in and b efore the Eighteenth Century and Unaffected b Chri sti n In uences y a ﬂ . )

1 DE I ITI REM . F N ON AND AR K S 2 R E . I OQUOIS VI W OF TH E WORLD 3 TH S IRIT . E P WORLD Greater S pirits Beliefs

Lesser S pirits Belie fs

4 . DREAM S

P ractices

5 . SOULS

6 I CE E U . M S LLAN O S

Taboos E IROQU OIS R LIGION .

H P TE III . I U S EL C A R ROQ OI R IGION .

( Chi efly in and after the Eighteenth Century and Afieeted Chri stian I n u n s b y fl e ce . ) DIVERGE NCE OF CHRISTIAN AND IROQUOIS P OINTS OF VIEW CHRI STI AN INFLUENCES APPARENT BEFORE TH E NINETEENTH CEN TURY : P osition and Nature of Great S pirit

D s e m e De e he D i app arance of so e Gr at iti s ; t White Og Feast . s s e — G and E Hea e He Iroquoi notion conc rning ood vil , v n, ll, i s P e B m S n and Confe sion , ray r, aptis HANDSOM E LAKE AND TH E CRYSTALLI! ATION OF M ANY CHRISTIAN INFLUENCES a e s c 1 800 Ch ng d condition . His Vision His M ission His S ucce ss His Teachings

RELIGIOUS F ESTIVALS IN T HE NINETEENTH CENTURY

The R eligious Dance The M aple Fes tival The P lanting Festival The S pring Festival The Berry Festival

’ The NewYear s Festival GENERAL SUM M ARY OF CHRISTIAN INFLUENCES

H P S AL T AN ITS E T C A TER IV. IROQUOI M OR I Y D R LATION o

TH E EL IR R IGION .

DEFINITION AND REM ARK S O T E I H MORALITY OF IROQUOIS RELIGION RELI GION AND P OLITICAL INSTITUTIONS P uberty Ceremony w Condoling Council

! M . Other Councils i t “ : 4 RE I I C MIC TITUTI . L G ON AND E ONO INS ONS Hunting and Farming P roperty Ownership 5 RELIGION N SOCI L NSTITUTIONS . A D A I S ocial Bonds M arriage and other S ex Relations Education P osition of Women T CON ENTS .

E 6 . R LIGION AND SOME MISCELLANEOUS INSTITUTIONS

Healing 7 E . R LIGION AND P ERSONAL MORALITY Iroquois M oral Code Unattractive Traits Cruelty Lack of R estraint

S ummaries of Iroquois Vices and Crimes Attractive Traits

P e s a H es G e e s P a e e r on l on ty , n ro ity, ti nc , etc. Care of the S ick S ympathy Fine Fe eling and Gratitude

L e of P e a e ea me of Am as ov c , Tr t nt b sadors and Adhere nce

Bravery 8 R TH E R ER E . SUM MA Y OF LA G R LATIONS OF RELIGION AND MORALS AMONG TH E IROQUOIS

P T CH A ER V. CONCLU SION .

REL TION OF RELIGION N OR LITY M ONG TH E RO UOIS N TH E A A D M A A I Q , A D LIGHT SHED THEREBY UPON CURRENT NOTIONS CONCER NING SUCH RELATIONSHIP AM ONG SAVAGES MISSIONARY ATTITUDE TOW ARD THE RELIGIOU S SAN CTION I N TH E OR L S H ERE N TH E R EM AR H ABLE FFECT OF ISSION RY M A P , A D E M A TEACHING UPON THE RELATION OF RELIGION AND MORALS AMONG TH E IROQUOIS REFLECTIONS P ROVOKED THEREBY

BIBLIOGRAP H Y .

CHAP TER I .

THE S NG ETTI .

N T T N I RODU C IO .

CENTU RIES ago teachers of religion explained the relation of nd as religion a morals by declaring that , God had revealed , the way to salvation lay through earthly conduct . They ap proached their problem from a distinctly super-earthly point of View and they worked out their solution by means of the ff e inspirational method . In recent years both a di er nt point of view and a different method have been suggested because of e the results obtained in such ﬁelds of social scienc as ethnology, anthropology and sociology . Students of religion and of a morals have become aware not merely of the fact th t , whether e n civilized or uncivilized , groups oth r tha their own have

e and a genuine r ligions mor lities , but they have become aware also of the fact that the religions and moralities of civilized peoples have been inﬂuenced by the religions and moralities of

such other groups . Consequently these students see the prob a lem from a point of View characterized best perh ps as social , and attempt to work out a solution by means of the historical

and comparative methods . Investigations by these methods were made rarely before the present generation because the worker in the ﬁeld of religion or of morals has had to depend upon the results of the labors of his fellows in the allied ﬁelds of social science ; and these fellow -laborers have got but

recently beyond their own pioneer days . It comes about therefore that at present he who seeks light

upon the relation of religion and morals can ﬁnd little . If he turn to the periodicals he may meet from time to time a brief

article that endeavors to support , with only the evidence that

e a few pag s can contain , some conclusions regarding the rela a tion of religion and mor ls among numerous , as well as vari

ous , human groups . The scarcity of pertinent, periodical articles before the present century is indicated by a bibliog ra h i p y for the last decade of the nineteenth century, ent tled 1 U S EL 2 IROQ OI R IGION .

Subject Index to Periodical Articles on Religion and com

s . piled by E . C Richard on Under the headings Religion “ and Ethics are mentioned as many as fifty different articles that deal with the relation of these activities ; but of these fifty a e only two deal with the relation in th t detached , sci ntific

manner now so necessary . These two were written a genera “ R e . one tion ago by Professor C . H Toy , on Ethics and ”1 “ ligion and the other on The Religious Element in Ethical ” 2 ses ﬂ e re Codes . Professor Toy discus brie y the r lation of ligion and morals among many peoples and gives some evidence H e fﬁ that supports his views . a rms that there was a time

when religion and ethics were practically identical , and furthermore that religion appears in the ﬁeld of ethics as a sub se sanction . These two conclusions are of interest because quent writers repeat them in order often to deny the ﬁrst and

generally to accept the second . If the inquirer turns to the periodicals of this century he Am r can n hro will ﬁnd some noteworthy articles . In the e i A t 3 1 r . pologist for 19 0 is a ten page a ticle by A . L Kroeber on The Morals of Uncivilized People ” of which three pages are

given to the problem of the relation of religion and morals . h To Dr . Kroeber religion seems to ave no inherent connection s with morals , but both usually become as ociated intimately ; for savages who have deﬁnite relations with the gods have

also deﬁnite obligations . They have things to do or not to do . e s They have obligations, in oth r words , analogou to those we

owe our fellows and therefore have obligations that are , or

e a e a o . are v ry Simil r to , thical oblig ti ns 4 F olk -L r 1 91 5 a an as In o e for ppeared article , about twice “ long as that by Dr . Kroeber, on The Religious Basis of ” a . Social Union . In this summ ry Dr F . W. Bussell searches for the historical basis of social groupings among savages and

in civilized communities . He is sure that a study of social a m organizations will reveal the fact th t , whatever their for or

conception , in the past there has lain in them some vaguely the religious thought such as that of ancestral Spirits, or of

1 P S ci M ou 1 8 89 727- o . . 744 . p . , XXXVI ( z — l nt Jour. Ethi cs 1 890 289 3 1 1 . , I ( . 3 N . s . 43 7 s . , XII, q 4 3 39-3 57 XXVI , . 3 TH E SETTIN G .

Earth Mother and her retinue , or of the personal mana em bodied either in the strong man of the crisis or in the son of a divine house , or of the incarnate deity worshiped in the the u a person of r ler , or ﬁn lly of the medieval king who still ’ w was held to be God s lieutenant . But Dr . Bussell notes ith foreboding that he can ﬁnd not one religious idea surviving in d a w f e the body politic to y , hich idea is an ef ective elem nt or motive of social harmony and cohesion . 5 In the same year the Ameri can Anthropologist published “ an article by Elsie Clews Parsons entitled Links between ” Religion and Morality in Early Culture . The author is con tent simply to identify moral with soci al conduct and to give illustrations of the sup ern atural sanctions attaching to such a conduct . These illustr tions , from savage life the world over , occupy sixteen pages and only those are presented which bear e witness to the connection of r ligion and morality . Some of the evidence shows how supernatural powers are invoked or otherwise sought in order to punish or otherwise control those who run counter to the prevailing rules and customs .

These articles , at any rate , assure the inquirer that the con nection between religion and morals is regarded as a real con nection . He turns hopefully therefore to books for a more e detailed picture of the actual r lationships . But in them he

ﬁnds that the authors have slight interest in his problem , that the a a rem rks they m ke regarding it are , as in the periodicals , e t at generaliti s suppor ed , if all , by a few pages of evidence and culled from many sources , that no author has as his main a theme the rel tion of religion and morals . An examination of a number of the more widely known books on religion and on morals soon makes cle ar the little that the modern in vesti ator a g , with his scientiﬁc ttitude and his new methods , has been able to do so far toward solving the problem and

what have been his handicaps and shortcomings. Almost a generation ago the relationship was discussed by ” a 6 Wundt in hundred pages of the ﬁrst volume of his Ethics . His chief purpose in examining religion was to determine its

ethical value . Ethics he deﬁned in the terms we commonly

5 N . s . 4 1 s . , XVII q 6 — m 2d m 1 48 m. e a 1 3 9 ass . G e 8 p i Tr fro r n dition ( 92) by Titchener,

G e and as 3 s . L and New k ulliv r W hburn, in vol ( ondon Yor , E 4 IROQU OIS R L IGION .

t se V . s u , namely, virtues and ices Custom con equently mus be : distinguished from morality . Religion he deﬁned thus All ideas and feelings are religious which refer to an ideal exist ” i ence . In order to determine the ethical value of relig on Wundt found it necessary in his one hundred pages to examine the religion and morals of peoples both civilized and uncivil

iz e . d, both ancient and modern A complete presentation was naturally impossible , and he contented himself with stating the results of his study accompanied by such selections from the innumerable data as were consonant with these results . The following summary contains his main conclusions . s In the myths not only are religiou , ethical and other ele ments included but at ﬁrst there is no differentiation of one

e . lement from another In time , however , the religious and ethical elements become differentiated and the ethical elements in turn become partially detached from the religious . Con sequently no clearly deﬁned distinction can be made between a the sphere of religion and that of mor lity, and the connection n a a betwee the two spheres v ries in intim cy . Mythology , for e s xample , show on the one hand that gods and heroes possess evil as well as good traits . They are both courageous and

c ce . unning, both just and de itful Such evil qualities are bo und fe to af ct the ethical side of religion . On the other hand , the notion of deity includes not only the thought that the gods are representatives of some ideal or supersensible order but also the thought that they are patterns or ideals for men to Copy . hi When the time comes , moreover, that men t nk of ideal moral e a ﬁnd xemplars or of an ideal moral order, th t thought will r expression in eligion . When does that time come ? Nature gods as such never become really moral . As gods of lightning and of other natural phenomena they are too unlike man to affect his moral qualities . But when they become dissociated a from natural phenomen and become real gods , they also become the exalted exemplars of every sort of valued ability - ” and men try to imitate that god like life . It is obvious there n fore that , although ethical eleme ts may be found in any form of e religion , the genuin ly ethical religions are those in which the e ethical has become predominant . Such religions are thos of civiliz ation and are initiated by a single personality that becomes the moral ideal . TH E SETTIN G . 5

There are at least two other noteworthy points of contact

and m a . between the religious the or l , according to Wundt One point is that in the myth may be found ideas of reward and punishment which are meted out by superhuman powers, in accordance with human conduct . This belief came about as the notions of life afte r death got tied up with ideas of a reward and punishment and with heaven and a hell , so that n there resulted , through the stre gthening of moral impulses, t the desire for good and the rejection of evil . The other poin is that the idea of a great ancestor as an exemplar is a moral e inﬂuence . For this ancestor worship , really ﬁlial piety , li s

e back of the r spect paid to living parents and to the aged . It is this reverence for great ancestors that evokes a sort of religious reverence for rulers and other great living men . In i t fact there may result the actual de fica ion of the ruler . The religious coloring thus given in the first stages of human development to the relation between the ruler and the ruled contributes to the establishment of a moral order in society and helps to evoke those impulses that manifest themselves in unselfish devotion to the good of others and ' to some general end . Wundt summarized his discussion in these words : The a farther b ck we go , the more completely do the expressions of the moral and the religious feelings coincide . Wherever religion has meant the postulating of an ideal order of the e e univers , the strongest religious motives have been furnish d a by mor l requirements ; while on the other hand , a firm belief in the existence of this ideal world has exerted an equally powerful influence upon the development of the moral life and

of the moral ideas, partly by way of the conception of reward u and punishment , but chieﬂy thro gh the creation of ideally ” r perfect mo al exemplars . ’ Harold Hoeﬂding touched upon the relation of religion and morals in Philosophy of Religion,” 7 which appeared thirteen

years ago . Like Wundt he thought of ethics in terms of

virtues and vices . He believed that religion in its lowest forms

has no ethical signiﬁcance , for the deities are powers on which man depends but are not patterns of conduct or administrators - of an ethical world order . Nevertheless, out of purely natural

7 . E . e L Tr by B . M ye r. ( ondon, 6 IROQU OIS RELIGION . forces that could b e deﬁed or evaded the deities become ethical powers that men could not or would not defy , and so the great aims of human life become the aims of the gods .

Reference often is made to three American writers, Ames, and Leuba King , whose books on religion appeared a few years “ after that by Hoeffding . E . S . Ames in Psychology of ” Religious Experience 8 took up the problem long enough to say that when custom attains moral character, morality being ’ Hoefldin defined in terms similar to those used by Wundt and g, religion centers in moral ideals and in rational methods of control . This process of ethicizing religion develops along with the practical and ethical development of the race . ” 9 fi d J . H . Leuba in Psychological Study of Religion de ne religion and morals more broadly than did the writings ex amined above . Religion is that part of human experience in which man feels himself in relation with powers of psychic ” nature , usually personal powers, and makes use of them . “ Regarding morals he says , The social life is the matrix of ” moral sentiments . Leuba is of the opinion that among savages it is common to find moral ideas and religious beliefs independent , although tribal customs and religion are con e nected closely since the gods h lp to enforce customs . Moral ity and religion do not need each other in order to come into e a a existence, but, when th y h ve ppeared , religious beliefs are ” speedily called upon for the gratification of moral needs . Irving King in Development of Religion ”1 0 devotes more S pace to the topic of the relation of religion and morals than an is given in y of the other books so far mentioned , except

. a s that by Wundt He ex mines , in ﬁfteen of the eighteen page that make up his eleventh chapter, the personal morality of the Australians in order to support his belief that primitive custom has a positive moral worth , because it may furnish the raw material for the higher conceptions of conduct which are of such moment for the history of morals and religion . He “ concludes that It is safe to say that , in the case of religion at least, the love of justice , mercy and human kindliness in general would never have developed as the expression of the

8 B s and New 1 91 0. o ton York, 9 New 1 9 1 2 York, . 1 0 New 1 9 1 0 York, . 7 THE SETTING . will of a deity except as they appeared in the special relations ” of human life . The two dozen pages on the relation of religion and morals ’ ” 1 1 scattered through the ﬁrst part of Dewey and Tufts Ethics

e are suggestiv . Ethics they deﬁne as the science that deals

c e with condu t , in so far as this is consid red right or wrong, ” good or bad . As their discussion of morality advances from re that of uncivilized groups onward , religion in each case a v s ceives attention . In spe king of life among unci ilized group they voice the opinion that it is religion that gives the group “ a . its highest authority, its fullest v lue , its deepest sacredness and Religion , then , is bound up closely with the group mores , a new religion by its new demands may change the concep e tion of conduct . In fact , as one studies various peopl s it becomes apparent that religion is often the agency for evoking certain characteristics of the moral . Religion may emphasize a ma C a the inward aspect of the mor l . Religion y make le r the distinction between the higher or spiritual and the lower

values of life . Religion may furnish the divine characters that

become the ideals of conduct in this life . Among the Hebrews , ﬁ a a c for example , one nds th t the mor l ideals be ame a part of s religion and thus their religion was ethicized . Their prophet

were also moral reformers . On the other hand , among the Greeks religion became set to a great extent while the moral

found a way of its own . Among us religion is confronted a with a problem . Shall religion t ke on the newer ethical : values the scientiﬁc spirit that seeks to know the truth , the enhanced value of human worth and the consequent demands for higher types of social j ustice ? In the concluding paragraph of Part One the authors char

z e s acteri the standpoints of religion and morals . The religiou

deals with man as related to the cosmos or to unseen powers ,

the relations being by kinship , or as subject , or as seeking more

perfect fulﬁlment . The religious establishes ﬁxed laws and

sets up the awful choice between hell and heaven . But moral b e ity deals with men and their relations . The moral law can e s approved, that is, criticized , and is stated in t rms of right

and . s s and wrongs , goods and evils Morality et up principles

1 1 L and New o k 1 9 1 3 . ondon Y r , S EL 8 IROQUOI R IGION . w not irrevocable la s and it reshapes ideals, constantly working them out in conduct and rationalizing the social order . It is interesting to pass from this text-book on morals to ’ Hobhouse s L . T . original investigation in the same ﬁeld, “ ” Morals in Evolution 1 2 The reader becomes convinced that ’ Hobhouse s this study is superior to any other of the kind . conception of morality has a breadth that is consonant with the present tendency to deﬁne morals in terms of the attitudes, actions and organized practices of the people or peoples

studied , and not simply in terms of virtues and Vices . Two a to the attributes are essential to mor lity according Hobhouse , “ ” 1 one being the conception of the Good (p . 8) and the other being the regulation of life (p . His deﬁnition of

religion , unfortunately, is such as to preclude his recognition

of some of the subtle connections between it and morals . Re li ion it a i s . M c g in lowest forms, he says, is animism g , which n s r he defi e in the now familiar terms of Frazer , is to be ma ked ofl s the from religion . Hobhouse illustrate how important m r relation of religion and o als is felt to be , for he finds it necessary to devote one hundred and sixty p ages (365 or a bout one quarter of his book on morals , to the religions of peoples in times past and present and in conditions of civiliza tion and of barbarism in order to find the answer given by n religion to the question , Whence comes the notio of moral obligation ? Of course these pages can contain only a summary e an a ffi of the r sults of such investigation . A dozen p ges su ce

to set forth beliefs and practices connected with souls , among and civilized uncivilized peoples on all the continents . The next half-dozen pages place in view the yet troublesome sub

j cet of magic . The supernormal and the mysterious are ex “ in d am e . t hastily in a few pages Mat er relating to Myth, and ﬁ Culture , Heroes Creators ﬁnds suf cient space in another - half dozen pages . The next dozen present the polytheism of

the . a at ancients Then , in a chapter of two score p ges, an tempt is made to determine the ethi cal conceptions underlying

magic , animism and polytheism . Two additional chapters

complete the treatment, one dealing with Buddhism , Brahman — ism and Taoism, the other with monotheism Judaism and

Christianity.

1 2 3d e . L dition ( ondon, ETT 9 TH E S IN G .

In presenting these subjects Hobhouse makes a number of remarks concerning the relation of religion and morals . Am ong the so-called primitive races customs are obeyed b e a cause breaches me n misfortune for the whole community , pos

- sibly since retribution is a consequence of wrong doing . Such misfortune may be sent by a spirit that was wronged by the “ one n a a breach of the custom . So ﬁ ds th t in the lowest gr des of ethical thought the sanction of conduct is found in t aboos and other magical terrors or in the fe ar of vindictive and re ” and sentful spirits . Among the peoples whose thought con has duct are along these lines , magic no moral purpose and the animistic spirits are unmoral essentially . They engender in man mere dread of vengeance so that social rules generally speaking are not conceived clearly as moral obligations . A forw ard step is found to have been taken among those peoples a a e a are th t h ve real gods, for they gen r lly connected deﬁnitely

— with ethics they punish the guilty for their guilt , and so on . But even here ethical thinking is unclear since the gods them

ma . selves y do wrong Monotheistic religions , with their all are e a good god and genuine ethical ideals, r ally spiritu l re ligions and bring newer ethical conceptions . They range humility, forgiveness , benevolence and brotherhood over a against pride , resentment , mere love of kin , and interest m inly

or solely in family life . Recently there appeared in the ﬁeld of religion a remark “ able study by Emile Durkheim entitled Elementary Forms ” 1 3 a of the Religious Life . Morality is not the predomin nt

and e e . interest in this study he does not , in consequence , d ﬁn it

Religion he does examine and deﬁne with much care . After two score pages of discussion concerning the nature of religion “ the following is set down : A religion is a uniﬁed system of e s a beliefs and practices r lative to sacred thing , th t is to say , things set apart and forbidden— beliefs and practices which u a c nite into one single moral community called Chur h , all ” ’ who e is those adhere to them . Durkh im s object to determine

the origin and nature of religion . To support the conclusions

he reaches , he wishes to examine a really primitive religion . He arrives ﬁnally at the opinion that the most primitive re li ion him g is totemism which is the religion of the clan , to the

1 3 New W . S . L nd . J. a a Tr by w in ( ondon York, 1 0 S E IROQUOI R LIGION . s implest social organization known . His investigation resolves to m itself therefore into a study of te ism and the clan , and is carried on among the Australians since among them both insti tutions were developed highly . Durkheim has some striking statements to make regarding —226 the relation of religion and morals (particularly pp . 1 67 m 387 a and passi , , He concludes th t religion morality z among these savages are identical . The social organi ation in which totemism obtains is bound up with religion because the members of a single Clan are united by three essentially re li ious : a g bonds they h ve the same name and the same emblem . they believe that they have the same relations with the same e categories of things , and th y practice the same rites . In a word, they participate in the same totemic cult . Moreover, the totem is the source of the moral life of the clan since the beings of the same totem are bound together morally in duties a e a e t of assist nc , vendett and so on . Th se du ies constitute kin ship . Durkheim then seeks the principle underlying totemism and discovers that the notion of mana is the root from which totemism has grown . Having gone so far he grapples for many pages with the problem : What is it that makes religion obligatory, that is , what form of the moral authority inheres in religion ? He concludes that religious forces are moral because they are made up entirely of the impressions which this its moral being, the group , arouses in those other moral beings , individual members . The religious forces do not translate the ff manner in which physical things a ect the senses, but they do translate the way in which the collective consciousness acts one upon individual consciousnesses . Hence their authority is

form of the moral ascendancy of society over its members .

Moreover, religious forces are also conceived of under material forms and therefore could not fail to be regarded as related

closely to material things . Religious forces, then, dominate two worlds . They reside in men, but at the same time they are the Vital principles of things ; they animate minds and dis ci line p them, and they also make plants grow and animals

reproduce . It is this double nature which has enabled religion to be like the womb from which come all the leading ” germs of civilization . Since religion has been made to em brace all of reality— the physical world as well as the moral

U S EL 1 2 IROQ OI R IGION . tion of religion and morals among peoples in many times and places . The impulse on the part of these investigators, who have not been interested primarily in this relationship , never theless to make some track across the virgin ﬁeld emphasizes the importance of the problem . It must become obvious that

nothing final can be done until there exists a series of studies , based upon investigations among peoples everywhere and in e a re very time , of the ctual relationship obtaining between io lig ns and moralities . If there be truth in that modern con ce tion p , historical continuity , a knowledge of the relationships historically is one essential element in the study of the rela io i a ac uir t nsh p here among ourselves . Fortun tely delay in q is ing such a series of studies is no longer necessary , since it now possible both to find satisfactory working definitions of religion and of morals and to obtain with little difficulty the necessary data relative to conditions and life among peoples on all the continents and often relative to peoples of long ago . It is hoped that this examination of the relation of religion and morals among the Iroquois will initiate such a series of

studies.

Such an investigation , to be of value , ﬁrst must determine and the nature and amount of evidence that is at hand , secondly must acquaint itself with the setting in which Iro uois a q religion and mor ls functioned , that is, with the kind of

country the Iroquois lived in , the kind of life they led , and

the ways in which they controlled themselves . Upon such a

basis a study of value can be made of the Iroquois religion , hi te the changes in it that occurred since the advent of the W s, and their moral life as touched by religion and as independent o f it .

E TH E EVIDEN C . The life of the Iroquois before the sixteenth century is

known only in so far as it can be inferred from his myths,

. e language , practices and beliefs of recent times Th se , in later

centuries , have been recorded more or less accurately and com

pletely by both Indians and Whites . In the second quarter

of the Sixteenth century Jacques Cartier, in the memoir of his m explorations , described a visit to an Indian co munity that - s probably was Iroquoian . Almost three quarter of a century H E ETTI 3 T S NG . 1

e later Champlain record d contact with the Iroquois . The ’ a o a e Lescarbot l tter s contemp rary, the l wy r , published a his tory in three volumes that presented the information then current concerning New France and included several S cores of a n a pages rel ti g to the Iroquois and kindred tribes . A gener tion later the cleric Sagard likewise published a history of e i a w wa French Am rica , the dom n nt theme of hich s missionary ’ w 1615 r . S a a d s e u c aw an der ork since In g tim a D t h l yer , V o s and a D nck, vi ited the New Netherland wrote description of it . Unfortunately his descriptions of the Indians in D utch a a a Americ were the least v lu ble portions of his book . Another generation elapsed before a European again recorded contact

. the o e ee with the Iroquois A settler in middle c loni s , Gr n hal h a the and w g by n me , visited Iroquois country rote a brief a a d an . description of the Iroquois Vill ge , popul tion house His fewpages of Observations in 1 677 have proved to be the most an authentic of y yet referred to . At the close of the century

e a a r two Frenchm n visited Can d . The ﬁ st to arrive was a a n H ontan who ofﬁ e young B ro , La , became an c r in the French colonial army in 1 683 and remained in the country for ten

a ~ years . His lengthy ccount of the new world included im portant references to Iroquois customs and characteristics w a a a which , ho ever, h ve been ccepted cautiously bec use of the ’ - young soldier s exuberant imagination . His fellow country man B acqueville de L a Potherie arrived about three years after La u a and a u Ho tan had returned to Fr nce , made a voy ge so th

ward along the eastern coast . His visit resulted in a history e s of North Am rica in four volume , the third of which dealt

with the Iroquois . The written evidence contributed in the eighteenth century had at least twice the volume of that of the preceding two n centuries and was more deﬁnite a d trustworthy . In the summer of 1720 the Jesuit Charlevoix arrived in America and began a series of letters about his voyage to North America

that has been of great value to the student of Iroquois life . Later he got out a history of NewFrance based mainly upon i the reports made by the Jesuit m ssionaries . At the time that a a Charlevoix was writing his letters nother French churchm n , Laﬁtau was , collecting information, largely from Jesuit

. two e sources , concerning North American Indians His larg , I EL 1 4 IROQU O S R IGION .

’ illustrated volumes together with Charlevoix s letters about his voyage to North America and the voluminous relations or reports of the Jesuit missionaries themselves, were the best works dealing with the Iroquois that appeared during the n century . In the British colonies men were becomi g inter num ested in gathering information about the Indians, and a ber of accounts survive that deal with the Iroquois . In that a Lafitau third dec de in which and Charlevoix wrote , an Eng lishman of the colony of New York, Colden by name , who had l the benefit of c ose contact with the Iroquois, published a his tory chiefly of their relations with Europeans . The second volume contained the transactions that took place at many councils and shed considerable light upon Iroquois customs . A generation Slipped by before another Englishman Visited the

Iroquois and wrote an account of what he saw . The famous John Bartram Visited them almost seventy years later than Greenhalgh and supplemented the latter’s description of Iro he quois villages by reliable notes on the same subject . After t close of the Revolutionary War there appeared a hi story of the mission of the United Brethren among the North Ameri Loskiel can Indians, written by the missionary and containing first hand and reliable information about the life and the e habits of the Indians of the middle colonies . Working in th same field at the same time was the missionary Heckewelder. Following the close of the French and Indian W ar he spent half a century among the Indians and then wrote an account of the Indian Nations that has fine descriptions of customs e and charact ristics , including those of the Iroquois . The written evidence of the sixteenth and seventeenth cen turies concerning the Iroquois was not only scant but usually appeared at intervals of a generation or more . This unfortu nate condition would have been true in large measure for the eighteenth century were it not for two great collections that span the intervals . The first of these , the eighteen volumes of and documents relating to New York colonial state history, appeared as two separate works about the middle of the nine teenth f century . Most o the documents dealt with the rela tions of the Iroquois and the colonists and contained little of

and . o t value to a student of religion morals Fr m ime to time, e however, appears a document bearing upon a council , som E 1 5 TH E S TTING .

social custom , agricultural methods, or the Indian attitude toward drunkenness , that repays the tedious search through the many hundreds of pages . The other collection has been referred to several times . The Jesuit Fathers were in contact with the Iroquois from about 1 640 almost to the French and - ff Indian War . These patient and long su ering men left a behind them a record , in their humble reports of l bors in eastern Canada and the land to the south, that is second to none yet mentioned . From the time that Heckewelder terminated his missionary work until there appeared the next record of an observer

among the Iroquois , a half century elapsed . Then followed a

different type of investigation and a different type of worker . a The missionary gave way to the tr ined ethnologist , and the ’ latter s reports superseded those of the former . One of the earliest of such reports was by Schoolcraft who published 1 46 infr 8 . t e some notes on the Iroquois in These no es, not

e quently unreliable , marked the beginning of two decad s of

. 1 . 84 . activity among students of the Iroquois In 9 J V H . Clark got out two volumes on the Iroquois entitled Onon ” a daga , the ﬁrst of which contained m ny accounts of what he ’ sawamong them . Two years later appeared Morgan s “ ” League of the Iroquois , the classic on the subject . A trained e a d and nthusi stic ethnologist , he studied Iroquois life in his ay

and wrote an account of it that is indispensable . Although fte a his enthusiasm o n carried him aw y, his statement of what e he himself saw and heard is highly reliable . At the same tim ’ a a there appe red Seaver s biogr phy of an adopted Iroquois, e Mary Jemison , which sh d much light upon Iroquois customs

1 850 . about Just after the close of the Civil War W . L . Stone h published ﬁne biographies of two eminent Iroquois , Josep

‘ Brant and Red Jacket. Two years later Brinton published some New World Myths that included some of the myths of

the Iroquois . n A other barren decade then passed . It was the last inter r h 1 uption in t e stream of evidence . The year 880 inaugurated activity among students of the Iroquois that has gone on ever

si . u a nce The Burea of Ethnology has promoted interest, nd almost a score of trained investigators have written on the

. e Iroquois Among the old r writers must be mentioned Hale, EL 1 6 IROQU OIS R IGION .

“ whose invaluable Iroquois Book of Rites appeared in 1 888 .

Since that ninth decade J . N . B . Hewitt has contributed many

important articles dealing with various phases of Iroquois life . His studies of the social and political aspects of the League

of the Iroquois have been especially valuable . Shortly after ’ Hewitt s ﬁrst articles appeared , Arthur C . Parker, himself an a of Iroquois, began to publish studies of variety Iroquois activities so authoritative in character as to place him in the e foremost rank of the students of that p ople . For more than a score of years both Hewitt and Parker have been gathering a an extensive mass of m terial concerning them, a great part of a which still awaits publication . These writers of the l st gen eration v e s or more ha e recorded the myths, beli fs, institution m O and other elements , that ade up the life of the Iroquois f the e nin teenth century , on the whole with such accuracy and completeness that they furnish a body of information far su ! perior to any that preceded .

M AI F EATU ES OF I U I S LIFE N R ROQ O .

The Dutch and the French found ﬁve tribes of Iroquois a now Y settled in vill ges in what is New ork State . About a e e i Lake Onond ga w re the memb rs of the central tr be , the Onondagas ; to the west of them were the Cayugas while to the east were the Oneidas ; in the region below Lake Ontario and east of Lake Erie were the Senecas ; west of the Hudson and a a a r . 1 1 L ke Ch mpl in we e the Mohawks Later, in 7 5 , the Tus “ caroras ~ settled on Oneida territory . The land of the Iro

1 4 The m eme s h ov nt of t e Iroquois before the seventeenth century are k a a e T not nown ccur t ly . he following give a fairly complete dis cu ssion of the matter

RLY X LORER S AND WRITERS EA E P .

a e : M emoi rs o Jac ue Carti r — B xt r f q s e , 1 60 1 72 . Lafitau : M oeurs des sausa es 1 0 1—1 02 g , I , . C a ev : Histor o NewF rance 72— 73 h rl oix y f , II , . Vo a e to North Ameri ca 1 67—1 7 1 y g , I , .

L TER WRITERS A .

Bea am : O ” of the N . . s A m. A nd uch p rigin Y Iroquoi , in . a O . — — - Jour. 3 5 8 3 66 3 7 3 9 6 1 69 , VIII, ; IX, ; XVI , . C e se : M ths o the I ro u 1 8 onv r y f q ois, 2 .

D as : C s a of the a Co e e a Am . eo . ougl on olid tion Iroquoi n nf d r cy, in G g S c Jo n — o . a 41 5 4. , XXIX, TH E SETTING . 1 7

' quois was marked oﬁ rather deﬁnitely by the eastern Great

Lakes and the St . Lawrence River in the west and north , and

Y . a by the rivers, lakes and hills in eastern New ork To people capable of them this region favored intercourse , friend

ship and union , since a string of streams and lakes connected e the east with the west and obstacles to travel wer few . The

country was a forest region , abundantly watered , fertile and well supplied with the animal and vegetable life of a temperate ff clime . The woods o ered bear , deer and squirrel , and nuts , fruits and edible roots ; the streams were ﬁlled with ﬁsh ; the

open spaces by their fertility made maize culture simple . The a o home country , then , furnished goodly measure of protecti n and against possible invaders , favored intercommunication therefore union among the neighbors within it and offered fair

reward to savage labor . The Iroquois were a people who could and did use these

natural advantages . The men trapped and hunted and ﬁshed ;

- — the women the very children , too kept house , gathered nuts , a all a grubbed roots and , most import nt of , raised maize , be ns , a squ shes , melons , pumpkins, fruits, tobacco and sunﬂowers for 1 6 oil . Our common notions of savage life are embarrassed and “ disconcerted by the amount of extensive farming these mere ” savages did . The Senecas cultivated ﬁelds in the Genesee e e Vall y for miles of its l ngth . General Sullivan described the

Ha : a of H e a a Jour A F - — e m. . L . 1 1 4 l F ll och l g , in VII , . I ro uois B ook: o Ri tes 1 9 and A e t q f , pp ndix, no e 0 . “ ” He t : ma of Lea e of the s in Am A . nthr wi t For tion gu Iroquoi , . , ’ 61 —67 H e H an k - . s db oo 6 1 5 61 6 6 1 8 VII, In odg , I , , . M : Lea u the I ro uois 1 6 1 8 7- 1 2 a e o es 9 . org n g f q , II ( not P a e : O h Am An t e s . thr. . s . rk r rigin of Iroquoi , in , n XVIII 4 9— 8 03— 7 4 3 , 5 5 07 .

St es : E conomi cs o e I ro ois it f th qu , — - S : R ed Jac et 1 06 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 9 . tone k , , 6

MYTHS .

us k Hi stor o the S imNati ons 1 1—1 4 53—5 9 C ic y f , , . N n I r i S a : otes o he uo s h . t o c s . choolcr ft q , II , III 1 5 G esc s b e i n : C a ev : Histor 1 88 ood d ription will found h rl oix y, II ,

1 92 . Jesuit R elati ons L 1 65 6 V . . an d r D k , X III ( ch XI e onc ri N t n -1 8 9 D esc tion o th ewNe her a 1 3 5 . p f e l d,

M e e a re e : M 11 . s. 2 S e s a a . es or r c nt ccount giv n by org n, , I , ch . tit , P . s . t. . . u , I , ch I 1 6 — — P k e : I ro uois s M aize 1 9 20. es 1 5 1 9 . ar r q U es of , S tit , E 1 8 IROQUOIS R LIGION . town of Genesee in Revolutionary days as one containing one - a hundred and twenty eight houses , mostly large and eleg nt, well located and almost encircled with clear ﬂat land extend ing a number of miles ; over which extensive ﬁelds of corn were ” e 1 7 waving, together with every kind of v getable The the hunting season was the winter, hunting preserve the land from Maryland north and Ohio east . Fishing time followed he that of hunting and extended into the summer . Each of t — a nut other occupations berry picking , pl nting, harvesting,

- gathering , etc . was pursued in its season . The heavy work such as a big harvest , the felling of trees, the clearing of sites, the building of houses, fell to the men . They, too , usually

‘ made the tools of production . The actual planting and caring for grain and vegetables were done by groups of women . A the t matron was chosen to act as overseer, and whole par y The planted, cultivated and harvested under her direction . or fact that women farmed in groups was not a peculiarity, f hunters and ﬁshermen likewise worked in parties . Because they knew only extensive agriculture soil exhaustion occurred a bout every twelve years . This fact , in addition to the nigh total consumption of accessible wood fuel in the same time , n a 1 8 ecessitated a migration and the r ising of a new village . f i Although it has varied rom t me to time , the total Iroquois is a f hi population has been and bout ﬁ teen thousand , of w ch the

1 7 e P k e . 20 Quot d by ar r, loc cit . , . 1 8 M a II 88 - org n , ( notes 25 1 253 . P e : 1 - 6 m a . . 2 3 ass es a rk r loc cit , p i , giv full discussion of agriculture an m d es a s . C a e a he sa s M r includ photogr ph o p r wh t y with s . Jemi ’ s s a of her e Sca e : M r mi n - on ccount work, giv n in v r a y Je so , 69 73 . S s Pt t e . chs . it , I , II, III . Older writers discussed the subje ct Ba e e d L P e e : Hi stoi re 1 1 1 1 8-20 cqu vill e a oth ri , , . Heck ewelder : Hi stor o the I ndian Nati ons y f , ch . XVI . C a : A - e V a e to N. 9 1 94 . h rl voix oy g II, Losk iel : Hi s or M m t o the issi on a on the Indi ans P t . chs. y f g , I , VI , VII . Laﬁtau : M oeurs 75-8 1 86 1 07—1 1 2 3 3 6-338 , II, , , . On e s s all s s si f a food, ut n il of ort , divi on o l bor among the Hurons, who ere so se e a e the s see w clo ly r l t d to Iroquoi , m : Jesu s in N r Ame i ca 1 6—1 8 — P a k a it o th r 22 23 . use is r n , I, , ( Copy d ’ . the C am a E P arkman s s s e vol III of h pl in dition of work , publi h d in Boston in

E 20 IROQU OIS R LIGION .

The social and political unit next above the maternal family t e was the clan . In any tribe a clan consis ed of one or mor be maternal families . These clan members felt themselves to

c related , although the relationship was not always lear . A off clan did not live by itself, for in almost any village could - be found maternal families of different clans . In by gone days the total number of clans may have been close to forty . The names , however, were about eight , to wit , Bear, Wolf, Turtle ,

Beaver , Snipe , Deer, Hawk and Heron . The Mohawk and Oneida tribes seem never to have had more than three of these and u clans , Bear , Wolf Turtle , but all eight clan names co ld be found in each of the other four tribes . Each clan of a tribe , e e a had e how v r, m intained its own unity , its own s ts of indi s vidual name , elected its own chief or chiefs to the Confedera c was and e e a tion when su h its privilege , chos its own cer moni l

a . ofﬁci ls . All clans had the right to adopt outsiders The a clan , too , appe rs formerly to have had rights to a portion of he a 1 a t . 8 trib l property (see below , p ) and to h ve had its own a burial grounds . Cl nsmen were expected to protect and to e avenge one another . For the last two hundred years, mor or less, the clans have been the exogamous units , the interdict r extending throughout the Confede acy so that , for example , not only may a Seneca warrior of the clan of the Bear not marry

another Seneca Bear, but no woman of the Bear Clan in any

tribe of the League can become his wife . When a husband had become a father he left the dwelling of his mother and

joined that of his wife , although occasionally the wife became ’ 2 2 a member of her husband s house . Other features of clan 2 2 D iscus sion owf political and s ocial organiz ation of the Iroquois has gone on f or t o ce nturie s . a e : V a e 3 6 on e am 1 6—23 a a Ch rl voix oy g , II , , xog y ; on politic l org n

iz ation .

Laﬁtau has a s ss of the s e 463—5 80 a a long di cu ion ubj ct , I , ; p rticul rly 6 - 4 5 469-486 2- 5 53 5 5 6 5 58 5 64- 5 65 4 3 6 , , 5 5 , , , . m 3 7- Losk iel P t . 5 6 on e a 1 1 40 on t a a z a . , I , , xog y ; poli ic l org ni tion M a : House and H ouse-Li e ass m Lea ue tes 5 4 org n f , p i , g , II ( no ’ 1 —226 L s es o s b e m ared e 2 7 . loyd d cripti n Should co p with the mor authoritative accounts given by Goldenweise r and Hewitt which are

e noted b low . - — P a kma 46 54 a a z a 3 8 41 on S a e . r n, I , on politic l org ni tion ; oci l lif : C l el i s nd M urnin Councils ass m Beauchamp ivi , R ig ou a o g p i . m T eo le he Lon H ouse ss . Chadwick : he P p of t g , pa i HE T 2 1 T SET ING .

as the organization , such the relation to totem and the par i tion ff s see tic pa in Confederate a airs, will be discus ed later (

Chapter IV) . The clans of every tribe were grouped into two divisions or a sides or phratries . The Iroquois had no distinctive n mes for these divisions . The clans of one side called one another brothers ; they called those of the other side cousins . The phratries functioned mainly at social and religious ceremonies . a w ee ff The great g mes ere played betw n the divisions , and a airs at were conducted according to membership in the sides burials , and at the great religious festivals, at the election of chiefs , so a a on . But at politic l councils phr tric arrangements were not 2 3 observed . The social and political unit next above the phratry was the a tribe . As already mentioned , the cl ns were grouped into six a tribes , each of which , except the Moh wk and the Oneida , con

tained eight or more clans . The members of the tribe felt b e themselves to one , Since they had a common tradition , a and common land to use to defend , a common Speech and par ticipation in the great tribal religious ceremonies and feasts as a a well as in the tribal councils rel ting to religious, milit ry or ” other weighty matters . Even the women were interested e n directly in these councils, for th y took part in some a d in others could voice their opinions through some orator from men as - 2 5 among the , whom they chose their mouth piece .

In the later fifteenth century , probably , the five tribes in the New York region united into what was at first a loose a confederacy , but one which gradu lly became more closely

. re knit and strengthened The purposes of the League , as

l nw r s f r 1 9 1 2 1 9 1 3 Go de eise Re . o s m , p , , pas i . H H n ok 3 03- 06 1 e a db o 3 6 8 . witt, in , I , ,

A s e e e ce s te 3 of Ch . V e 76 l o r f r n in no I b low, p . .

The m s e e s ss of e o t r c nt di cu ion conciliar c remonial has been by C . “ ” M . a e : r s C an nd P es A a s a Am . a . nthr. . s B rb u I oquoi l hr tri , , n , XIX ’ 3 92-40 nd Gold nwis r mme 2 a e e e s i h. . s . co nt, , n , XX — 1 1 8 1 20 .

2 3 G ld nwi : Geol 1 1 2 4 - o e e se r . S un R e . 9 64 466 . He t u . s . , p for , wit , , I,

3 04 a lo . . Barbe u , o. cit 24 f . C . . 8 1 4 He . witt , loc cit , II , 25 S e : R ed Jacket 1 39-1 43 1 5 5- 1 58 e s of ton , , , giv s some illu trations s me s r old nweiser s a e . eak ff a . Cf G e thi u g Wo n did p uno ici lly, howeve . ,

. s . Re for 469 . u , p. E 22 IROQUOIS R LIGION .

De anawida eace vealed in the g Myth , were to secure public p - r s to by providing a means for eliminating inter tribal qua rel , provide more effective force against foreign enemies and to promote the welfare of all through the authority and justice of lawand the support ing arm of the whole body of warriors . The fifty chi efs who composed the Council of the League were chosen by the women of the tribe and clan to whom that right had been given and in the manner designated by the founders 2 6 of the League . n his An Iroquois , then , had a stro g tie of kin to bind him to h . e was household, clan and phratry To his tribe bound by the bond of kin and by the bond of a common land, speech and council . The League had as unifying bonds the kin tie , since r e n oughly speaking the clan systems w re in all tribes, a commo language , a common country to defend and a federal council . the Morgan sums up Situation , although incompletely, by say “ ing that The life of the Iroquois was either spent in the war- a - r t fi e. chase , on the path, or the council They formed ” s 2 7 the three leading objects of his exi tence . TO ri t 2 8 Other interests were mirrored in app p a e institutions . The details of the education of the young will be discussed later fi (see p . 83 ) here it will suf ce to say that education was strictly hi hi familiar, the mother teac ng the child until puberty, at w ch

2 6 The Deganawida M yth and conciliar ceremonial will b e discussed I Oh V 7 s . 3 . 5 e . 76 . in , p . q S e note , p

Bea am : I ro uoi Trai l 1 1-3 8 5 6- 1 04 1 3 — 43 J r s ass m 7 1 . ou . uch p q , , p i , In A F - 2 — - m. L 01 203 IV 2 5 0 . . 9 3 6 , I, ; , . “ B a -S e : Dek anawideh M n 1 901 1 -1 70 r nt ro , in a , , 66 . a : Ononda a 2 1- 3 0 3 8— 43 Cl rk g , I, , . - — ’ Canﬁ eld : Le ends 2 3 40 1 37 1 48 and Corn lanter s mm 0 g , , p co ent, 2 8 . Ha e : B k o Ri tes l oo f , ch . II . Hew : Le e of the o h L a m A 1 t e e A . n hr 1 3 itt g nd F unding of e gu , t . , V, 48 Han o 8 1 5 1 . d b o k In , II, . F or the a a ma of the Lea e see 1 4 ctu l for tion gu note above . S ome s a e s a es the ea ess in t nc tt ting w kn of conciliar control, whether fede ral or a and the se ess f h trib l, loo n o t e Confederation in the seventee nth

e are b e L I Jes . R el. 1 656 1 01 0 c ntury, to found in X II ( , 1 3 , 1 1 5 ,

1 3 7 21 5 . S a a S es i , r tit s of the opinion that sufﬁcient consideration hithe rto has not be en give n to the ec onomic inﬂuences underlying the - a t e a etc. . 9 6 1 2 politic l rib , cl n, Cf Stites, 0. 27 1 02 . I, 2 8 P a kma n n 3-87 n r n, I, i troductio pp. gives a easily accessible sum ma a e the e a Eas ry of Indi n lif in c ntr l t. T 23 TH E SET ING .

time , if the child was a boy , the father took charge and taught his son to hunt and to ﬁght . The Iroquois religion , as shall be

a . seen , did not unaided transcend Iroquois soci l conditions ’ Because much of an Iroquois s life was bound up with his a s economic and his protective ctivities , his gods were tho e of e war , of the chase and of agriculture . Finally , his morals wer was those of a group that was small and bound by kin ties . h ne His ethics ad a division . O line of conduct was to be pursued with regard to those within the group , and another a was to be pursued with reg rd to those without the group . CHAP TER II

O ON IR QUOIS RELIGI .

( CHIEFLY I N AND BEF ORE TH E EIGHTEENTH CENTURY AND UNAFFECTED Y R E B CH ISTIAN INFLUENC S . )

T D M DEFINI ION AN RE ARK S .

M E u for SO phenomena the Iroquois tho ght he understood, he 1 But had what were to him rational explanations of them . other phenomena were far from being matter of fact . He was thrilled by them and imbued with a sense of the presence of the mysterious : he was impelled to get into right relations 2 with the uncanny power that was making itself manifest .

e e Not only did his religion involv the emotional r actions, the beliefs and the practices that were connected with the mys

r a te iou s and the unc nny but , by its very nature , the religious attitude emphasized the importance of things religious and was of all that became associated therewith . Religion an evaluating agency superior to any other possessed by the Iro

uois s . q , and as uch it can not be divorced from their morals Knowledge of the religious beliefs and practices of the Iro quois in and before the eighteenth century is largely infer ial ent . They themselves kept no record of their society, its composition , constitution and history, other than in such a m stories , f bles, yths, oral traditions and conduct as have

v . i sur ived time Many of these , so long preserved n the memory , have been recorded since the middle of the nineteenth r century, afte having been subjected for more than two cen c turi e to White inﬂuences . Having p assed by word of mouth infre through so many minds and so many years , they not quently have become contradictory, inconsistent and confused . There is very little in the documentary sources that did not

1 Cf - . C e se 1 1 8 1 4 onv r , 2 . 2 ’ Cf . the Handb ook 3 65 . P a R a s a e a t e on the , II , ul din not bl r icl ’ R ” - e h N Am . t m n i ur . L e A e a a s n J o F . ligion of orth ric n I di n , . , XXVII 3 3 5-3 73 . N AFF ECTED BY H S T N IN FLUE N CE 25 U C RI IA S .

p ass through the mind of a white man in being recorded . are e Many records not only not over a c ntury old , but many In e of them were put together a haphazard mann r , being more like diaries of interesting things than records of scientiﬁc 1n vestigations and therefOI e lacking a much desired complete o ness . Moreover , the Ir quois did not wish lightly to present his sacred , precious beliefs and practices , the things of his very self in his sublimest moments , to the View of outsiders who 8 might scoff and make sport . It was given to few to learn of

the inner Iroquois life . One is compelled to believe , there a a fore , th t changes now unknown h ve taken place in Iroquois a religion before the nineteenth century , and th t a satisfying determination of their religious worship before that century can is impossible because it not be complete .

D IROQU OIS VIEW OF TH E WORL .

and The study of these traditions , practices other records impresses u pon the modern investigator how wide apart are his

outlook upon life and the cultural outlook of the Iroquois . This difference is exhibited strikingly by the Iroquois notions a concerning the earth and n ture . From the myths one gathers ’ that to the Iroquois the earth was merely several days journey e ﬂat in ext nt from his home as center . It was and was covered by the sky and its contents which touched the earth in east 4 and west . In this very circumscribed cosmos nearly all phe nomena had life and were interpreted usually in terms of

personality rather than in terms of mere physical causes . Life was a property not alone of animate objects but of inanimate

objects and other phenomena such as rocks, plants , water , tides,

. s stars , the dawn , thunder storms, and so on Pos essing life , they had desires and wishes and effectuated them by means

of their subtle power . In this connection Hewitt has asserted that Iroquois speculation upon such emotion -stirring phe

nomena . as storm and tempest , life and death , crisis and risk

led to the vague notion of a mystic potency in things , a potency

3 f . C e se 1 0 . Canﬁeld : Le ends 2 0 ow orn lanter re C onv r , g , , tells h C p

spected and ve nerated the hoary legends of his great ancestors. 4 M Hi t a 25 1 - 26 1 278—292 . S a : th o awa h . Cf choolcr ft y f , , Hewitt : R aising and Falling of the S k y in Iroquois Leg A r 4 nth V, 34 . EL 26 IROQU OIS R IGION . not understood but which could be recognized when it mani e was fested itself in some strange way . This imp rsonal power e e called orenda. The x rcise of orenda , called otgon if evil was resulted to man , a distinguishing characteristic of the 5 a world of spirits . Trained investig tors have reconstructed the conception of orenda by linguistic analysis . Hewitt perhaps has done most in analyzing this concept which is not peculiar to the Iroquois but is similar to those found under different names among other savage peoples in America and elsewhere . Among the Iroquois known to history the notion a a as always has been vague and elusive . In n lyzing it mir rored in their language the constant danger has been that meanings unthought of by the people may be attributed to them . Nevertheless , there can be no doubt that some notion of orenda was held by the Iroquois when history ﬁrst recorded and a a a a contact with them, th t the m nifest tion of orend was

common in the large world of spirits .

R T LD TH E SP I I WOR .

What Spirits or deities received worship in some manner from the Iroquois before the European occupation of America

e e e a e is not complet ly d t rmin bl . It is certain that before the Whites came the Iroquois had a host of deities and other spirits and had associated religious beliefs and practices with them . Some of these spirits were more powerful than others, was all some were more important than others , none important e or all powerful , all w re distinguished by the exercise of power in ways more efﬁcacious than man could exercise it and all were potentially harmful or helpful to man . Some of the deities were distinctly supernatural in our sense of the term , but most of them were partly supernatural and partly non natural or non -human personalities like the pygmies or the ” little people . A relatively late creation myth introduces many of the greater deities known to the Iroquois before the seventeenth century . To Iroquois thought the creation out of nothing of

5 He t H andbook 1 47-1 48 a s his m e e wit in , II , ; l o or thorough articl ,

r ﬂ ” Ore a and a De i f Re m An r I - 6 o A t n V . ﬁnit on ligion , in . h . , . s . , , 33 4

. s . a e s ma e u , t k rk d exception to the acceptance of the ’ Cf . Goldenweiser s mme R Jo r il co nt upon adin in u . P h M ethods 23 N 1 1 634-63 6 ov. . , XII, no . , ( ,

28 IROQU OIS REL IGION .

Her She who was kicked out of the sky was Atahentsic.

final dwelling place was in the West , where she ruled over evil spirits and over such spirits of the dead as had the misfortune ” to wander into her realms. Her representative , or her ’ was daughter s in those myths that credited her with one , the difierent in s moon . Her husband , under names , appeared ome h sh accounts as her son or grandson . Both e and e mayhap aren a a on im were previously Huron . As T y wg he was very ” e a firm portant , being the Hold r of the He vens, friend of he the Iroquois and sender of dreams . Myth says that it was its s who led the Iroquois tribes to New York, gave each eat a e there and t ught the memb rs of each to farm , to procure meat o skeha the and to live together . As J u he also ruled realm of m e spirits in the West, but his was the real where souls wer h i Ata entsic. H s happy . It is said he dwelt there with rep r resentative was the sun . As Ag eskoue he was the god chiefly

of war. Our recognition of the same deity under different f r n a . ames was not , so as can be determined, Iroquoian To f 8 an Iroquois each name denoted a dif erent deity .

8 He . s . c e s a Taren aw o witt, u , onclud th t y ag n can not b e identiﬁed h H ou skeha a A ahentsic with t e uron J , th t t could not have be come the

and a ousk eha s b e e e w h n . moon , th t J hould not id ntiﬁ d ith t e su . Cf ’ 4 H a ees B 43 2 5 246 . ew a e s in pp. 2 , , itt gr l rg ly with rinton conclusions

— ! H r M t s 53 62 . afﬁ m on the s s of s s e o y h , Both r , ba i lingui tic analysi ,

ou k a and Atahentsic e th E s that J s eh dw lt in e a t, and both identify

J usk eha the a an d Atah entsic w the o with d wn ith waters . Brinton Jo sk eh and T ren aw n endeavors to Show how u a a y ago became confused.

Cf a ea 28 8 s . e s ss Jou sk eha A hen sic . B rb u , q For furth r di cu ion of , ta t and Tarenyawagon see

a e : Vo a e 1 08 1 09 1 72 . P . 1 1 7 es es the es e Ch rl voix y g , II , , , d crib w t rn

realm of Atahentsic and Jou sk eha.

Laﬁtau 1 3 3—1 3 5 s the e a n the e e , I , , howing id ntiﬁc tio of d iti s one with e At n si P . 244 ss s ahe t c. another . discu B M the NewW orl 1 69-1 72 rinton : yths of d, .

usk eha as sun and Atahents ic as m o are set Jo o n forth, for the Hurons, - J . R 1 33 s . Cf . J . R . 1 1 7 1 1 9 . L in X . q VIII X II J R 1 65 5 1 7 ea Tar n aw w . . 9 s e a on D a as ( , d l with y g as rf, h s Holde r of the Heavens and Guardian of t e Iroquoi .

ff s m e e s s me e s. He a a . e a S g rd , I , ch XXX , di r fro oth r writ r in o d t il f he H wrote o t urons . — 1 - H s m F L . 77 1 e n m a Ha e : Jour. A . . 83 es a on a l , I , , giv ur cr tio yth a e related bout a g ne ration ago.

: Bo k Ri tes 74 Hale o of , . - r uoi s Tr i l 1 1 1 4 . Cusick, in I oq a , 29 UNAFFECTED BY CH RISTIAN INFLUE NCES .

Not so exalted as Tarenyawagon and Agreskoue but of prime a importance was the lovable old man , our gr ndfather Heno , b eneﬁcent god of storms , sender of the rain , solicitous care 9 taker of plants and terrible scourge of evil doers . The kindly a b and powerful but touchy Spirit of Winds was G o , who never left his western home in the sky and whose moods were mir rored in the blasts of hurricanes and in the zephyrs of spring 1 0 time . Of these gods three at least were worshiped long ago in Taren aw on a . a deﬁnite ceremonies y g , though venerated , p eared a p under that name in but one ceremoni l feast , that of an a a the White Dog , innovation h rdly anted ting the seven

eenth see . 56 69 t century ( below , pp , The sacriﬁce of the White Dog became a part of the older Feast of Dreams in which Tarenyawagon functioned as Master of Their Lives and

which will be described below in connection with dreams . This important feast was the one regularly recurring religious cere

mony performed before the nineteenth century . The time for observing other formal celebrations depended upon special

conditions such as war, a bad hunting season , drought , and

the like . A reskoue a g attr cted much attention . Charlevoix says of

him that he was their chief God ; or as they express it, the

Great Spirit , the Creator and Master of the World , the Genius who governs every Thing : But it is chieﬂy for military Ex peditions that they invoke him ; His Name is the War ” 1 1 Cry before the Battle , and in the Height of the Engagement .

am Am — ea . A O V 3 and . Jour. XI 45 46 B uch p , in . , , 3 . e se 3 3- Conv r , 34 . He B - ur. Ethn R e . XXI 1 83 1 8 5 8 2 witt, in . p , , , ( Onondaga) ; 22 , 3 0 23 1 S e e a 290 2 92-293 M a ( n c ) , ( oh wk) .

A resk ou e see es 1 1- 1 4 s s H For g not of thi chapter . AS regard uron ﬂ e es see e 1 4 of a A s in u nc not ch . I bove . l o a e : Histor 72-73 Ch rl voix y, II , . D e : I r uois and he Jesuits 1 5 6 onoho oq t , 5 , . XLI J R 1 654 1 1 . . ( 9 . 9 H - e u . s 33 6 39 witt , . , 3 . - M rs . m : M o S ths t Iro uoi r. Re 4 Bu Et 2 5 . he s hn . 5 5 5 ith y f q , . p II, , o e se 3 9—4 C nv r , 2 . M a : Lea ue 1 49-1 51 org n g , I , . 1 0 C s 6— 8 - e e 3 3 M a 1 51 1 52 . onv r , . org n , I , 1 1 V a 1 7 o e 7 . y g , I , 30 I U S EL ROQ OI R IGION .

How much is known of all their practices connected with him es is an open question . But it is certain that Agreskoue at tim a o exacted s criﬁces from his people . Father J gues was fami liar with such ceremonies and relates that

They have recourse in their necessitie s to a demon whom they ca Airesk oi m e ff e e e he ll , to who th y o r, as it w r , t ﬁrst fruits of every W e a hi . e sta a S a h s ee a e e t ng h n, for in nc , t g b n t k n , th y call the eldest he h V a e to th end m s of t hut or of t e ill g , e that he ay bles it or m e . s n s o s he ne m f Sacriﬁc it Thi a , tanding ppo ite t o who holds so e o

h fles a s e : Oh D em Aire sk u i w ff e t e h, s y with a loud voic , on , e o er the t s fles and a e hee a eas m s t hi h, prep r for t f t with it, that thou ay t ea of and S u s e e r he s a s nd s em a e it , how wh r a e t t g , a end th into our s n r s, ’ w e c in a eas t e ma s e m a a n h e et . or, t l t, hat y e th g i in t e wint r, ; or, ’ m me s ess t the nd t w a e e e . e th s ickn , o e tha e y r cov r h alth Th y do e a ” s w 1 2 ar c. in fi hing, , et

In this connection the Jesuits mention several times the re ligious duty of eating captives and say that the practice was 1 3 o ues customary . Father J g speaks of anthropophagy as being n not uncommon . He tells that during the winter, at a solem feast that the Iroquois had made of two bears which they had ' oﬁered A reskoue e : to g , they had expr ssed this prayer Air eskoi e , thou dost right to punish us , and to give us no mor e the s captives , because we have sinn d by not eating bodie of those whom thou last gavest us ; but we promise thee to eat the ﬁ s as two r t ones whom thou shalt give us, we now do with these ” h . e Bears And , says , they kept their promise . Of some female captives he relates that

e o hree me m the s m Th y br ught t wo n fro a e nation , with their

e e an e e e em a e e littl childr n, d r c iv d th n k d, with h avy blows of sticks ;

e off e nd a e a as e on m e th y cut th ir ﬁngers, a , ft r h ving ro t d e of the ov r her e e e her s e a e ﬁre m e ntire body, th y thr w , till aliv , into gr at , to ak her ie e — n ct mm e e a is h d th rein , a a unco on , ev n th re (th t , t e burning

me w mm And as e as e th re of wo n as unco on) . , oft n they appli d e fi a a ne c es and a Old man to th t unh ppy o with tor h burning br nds , an : Ai resk oi w a e e m a cried in a loud voice , e s crific to th e this victi , th t m se r fles and e u er thou ayst satisfy thy lf with he h , giv s victory ov our ’ m T e e f s s e se to the e V a es ene ies . he pi c s o thi corp e wer nt oth r ill g , ” e t b 1 4 th re o e eate n .

- 1 2 J R 207 209 . XXXIX . . 1 3 1 6 3 1 69 XLI J. R . 1 653 53 n e 1 4 XL J . R . ( 5 ; ( ; ot w Ye : Ri tes 97 sa s The I s e e urn wmen belo . t Hale , , y , roquoi n v r b t o

at the stake . 1 4 — xxx1x J . R . 21 9 221 . F F UN A ECTED BY CH RISTIAN IN FLUEN CES . 3 1

s Moreover , such eating of victim may have been more than o a propitiat ry , for it seems to h ve been believed that the par taking of strange food or of food under strange circumstances gave the eater a mystic power which insured success in hunting ’ A t the living members of the victim s species . hun er relates that at his initiation upon entering manhood he encountered a spirit that offered him a bit of human flesh . He was so horrified that he rejected it . The spirit then gave him some “ a bear meat to eat and he became a mighty hunter . He t tributes this excellent fortune that he has always had in the ’ fat chase , to the piece of bear s that the Demon made him eat ; and he judges from this that he would have had equal success ”1 5 a . in war, had he eaten the piece of human flesh th t he refused Heno as the nurturer of plants was asked at planting time aid he to send the welcome rains for the of the seedlings , and ” was thanked for his services at harvest time . During u n f dro ghts He o was appealed to and tobacco , the usual of ering 1 6 of the Iroquois , was burned to induce rain . Religious dances played an important part in the great e f stivals of the nineteenth century . Such dances were not of e recent invention , but so few are the remarks of observ rs before that time concerning the dance that a discussion of this mode of worship is best undertaken in connection with the religious

e . ceremonies of more recent tim s (see below , p e The Iroquois recogniz d no hierarchy in the Spirit world , a although some spirits were regarded as lower th n others . Such spirits were nearer man and usually were concerned more ’ fi ir a a s. directly with human In general , these spirits were most active in the summer season and hibernated during the 1 7 winter . These less exalted spirits round about man filled leading parts in tale and myth . Some of them were aids to the greater spirits . Notable among them were the Thunder ers , who assisted Heno in his work Of providing the b eneficient water for growth and in his opposition to evil . These warrior like individuals were dreaded particularly by the evil serpents that recognized in the Thunderers their sworn , implacable

1 5 - . R . 1 57 1 5 9 XXIII J . 1 6 M a 1 55 1 94. B . e Jour. Anthr Inst org n, I , , Cf oyl in . XXX ( or - . s . 268 . M rs Sm 2 . 11 . s . 7 73 . N 9 n , III) , ith, , ote above . 1 7 M a 25 5 . Cf . . 78 e nd 1 4 I a e f Ch V. org n , II , p b low not o . 2 E N 3 IROQUOIS R LIGIO .

1 8 s enemies . Similarly, the Spirit of Winds had his a sistants , — for the four winds the Bear or North Wind , the Panther or

West Wind, the Moose or East Wind and the Fawn or South — Wind were subject to Gaob . He it was who released them to 1 9 Taren awa on lead their winds up and down the earth . y g as Sender of Dreams communicated his wishes to the dreamer s through his messenger, Aikon . Because of mi sionary teach ing Aikon appears not to have survived the eighteenth century 56 (see below , pp . ,

Lesser spirits did not always have speciﬁc names . The Oki 20 t m the name , or manitou , of en was applied to the on whole with the same vague meaning as our word spirits . The name also was used in a restricted sense to denote the guardian spirits of men and of women and as such will appear in the h discussion of dreams . T e minor spirits were those that a guarded plant life in all its forms and that dwelt in all pl nts , and - were those of dangerous, strange , awe inspiring places 2 1 - f and things such as water falls and cataracts , clif s and deep a and nd ravines , peculi r rocks ﬁre , medicines and the seasons a 2 2 the . ld e . O stars Day and night wer incarnate Winter, an a man , was melted or driven away e ch spring by the youthful 2 3 male or female Spirit of Spring . Such spirits were spoken

1 8 - C e se 4 1 42 4 . onv r , , 5 M s Sm 55-5 8 r . ith, . Bea am : I ro uois Trai l 50—53 uch p q , . L ﬁt au 253 a the of s a es . , I, , on horror n k 1 9 C e se 3 6—38 onv r , . 2 0 P m 5 a a . s. 7 . Cf . a e . 3 a . s 3 3 rk n , u , I , B rb u , u , . 2 1 - 0 f . Laﬁtau 1 45 1 46 . , I , 2 2 The e e s es set the s l g nd b t forth pirit world, hence one should

s a t a M rs . C e se M rs . Sm C s con ult p r icul rly onv r , ith, u ick and Canfield . Canfield 1 8 6 has a fine a f the O e T , , photogr ph o ne ida Ston . he Journals

me a ma e a C s the have so dditional t ri l . on ult bibliography unde r the m s Be m -S H a H a e H r a e a a a e a e P e . B n , uch p , Br nt ro , g r, l , witt , ark r a beau give s many myt hs similar to those of the Iroquois . Be sides those me i e a e he m ea He 51 3 22 3 3 0 nt on d bov records yths d ling with no ( , , )

k i i is A a a es and the O H s introduction excellent. v riety Of t l ’ r t s nd n s M t Hi awatha a e to b e found in S choolcraft s No e a i hi y h of , ’ n s s Le nds Tradi tions and L w h Iro u i s . a d in John on ge , a s of t e q o 23 Am Anthr. IV 33 . Hewitt, in . , n . s . , ,

s 45 5 1 66 9 6—1 07 Conver e, , , , , etc. — M a 1 9 3 1 94 21 1 . org n, I, , - 6 LI J R . V . R 1 6 2 . I 1 6 1 1 L J . 5 5 XL J . R 54 23 25 . ( ; X I ( ; - 47— 1 49 6 1 8 1 1 83 LVI R . 1 6 72 1 . ( 1 67 ; I J . ( BY N F E 3 UN AFFECTED CHRISTIAN I LUE N C S . 3

2 4 of frequently as the Invisible Aids . Three of them came to

a . be selected for particul r attention The spirits of the Corn , Bean and Squash became especially important because they nurtured and cared for these most important of all the Iro

quois agricultural products . They were called the Three

Sisters for they were known to be inseparable , and the Iro 2 i e 5 h uo s . as q planted corn , b ans and squash together It been stated that things O f nature were thought to act in ways

analogou s to human ways since they were personalized . They

t i might , therefore , and of en did have des res ruinous to human the - welfare . For instance , notorious Flying Heads loved

human ﬂesh . Such spirits were not averse to using human e aid , witches , in ord r to accomplish their purposes . Serpents e S a wer the ign of evil spirits , and certain other str nge creatures as such owls were the embodiment of suspicious power . It ’ aw was one s duty to drive ay such animals . Evil spirits often e a hid themselv s in the ground , but little hillocks lways formed e e a ov r them , thus rev aling their hiding places . M ny Of these e - a e a r beings wer non natural r ther than sup rn tural , but , whethe maleﬁc was above man or not , their otgon or power danger and 2 6 ous one did well to propitiate or to get rid of them . Formal worship usually was not accorded these minor was f spirits , but it customary to Of er them presents . Such ff and O erings , of tobacco particularly of other plants and of

animals, were made for propitiatory purposes or for getting ’ a oﬂt aid or w rding evil , to spirits that could help or hurt man . e For exampl , in collecting ginseng one sprinkled a little the t tobacco on ﬁrs plant found , for good luck , and left the

plant untouched . Not to do so would indicate a lack of respect A for the spirit . Jesuit missionary relates that, in passing a wayside deity whose presence was made known by a couple of

2 4 M a 1 5 4 1 5 5 O f 1 94 2 1 1 org n , I , , ; . , . 25 1 M 1 2 . 1 94 2 1 a 5 . org n, I , ; cf , r S 3 nﬁ l 5 1— 5 3 e 63 - 66 1 5- m 5 . a e . C e 8 1 8 6 M s . t C d s i h, , onv r , ; .

a e : M aiz 27. P rk r e, 2 6 C a : On nda a 43 47 . l rk o g , I , , r Sm 5 9—62 nd -Hea P a e XV M s . 3 5 the e f ith, , , a pictur o a Flying d , l t ,

64 . facing p . — - - e se 4 7 48 5 1 52 74 8 7 . Conv r , , , — s k 5 1 1 . Cu ic , — c : N es 1 5 4 1 5 6 1 6 1 . S hoolcraft ot , , - V 3 48 349 . A A. 0 an XI nd . Jo Beauchamp in m. a , , E 3 4 IROQUOIS R LIGION .

it wa a round stones on the roadside , s customary to throw small stick on the stones by way of homage and to add these : s words Here is something to pay my pas age , that I may ”27 t proceed in safety . The Fathers have lef an interesting f account of another of ering .

Arriving within three -quarters of a league of the Falls by which

L k t S a me em es we all a te a s S a e S . cre nt pti , h l d t thi pot, without know

we sawou r S a a es at the ate -s e a e ing why, until v g w r id g th ring up m l ﬂin e a s l s a e . We at me ts, which wer l o t a cut into h p did not that ti

ﬂ u s ut a e e e e he m he re ect pon thi , b h v sinc th n learn d t eaning of t mystery ; for our Iroquois told us that they never fail to halt at this a a ma e to a a e s e men who dwell e e at the pl ce , to p y ho g r c of invi ibl th r s e mse bottom of the lake . The e b ings occupy the lve s in preparing

ﬂints ea all the asse s-b the a t a e , n rly cut, for p r y , providing l t er p y th ir m e s s respects to the by giving them tobacco . If th y give the e being m e the a te e e a e a s es t s . es much of it, l t r giv th lib r l upply of th e s one Th

a e -men a e a es as do the o s and e a w t r tr v l in c no , Ir quoi ; , wh n their gre t a a ee s to mse the ate C pt in proc d throw hi lf into w r to enter his P alace , he mak es so loud a noise that he ﬁlls with fear the minds of those n k e e of s a S n n who have o nowl dg thi gre t pirit a d of those little me . We asked them if they did not als o give s ome tobacco to the H e nd se e Th great spirit of eav n, a to tho who dw ll with him. e answer

w ee an s h e on . The as that they do not n d y, a do t e p ople the earth

s of h s is the th L k e i e occa ion t i story fact that e a s, in r ality, ” 2 8 often agitated by very frightful tempests.

sse the a e Evil spirits, many of whom were cla d under n m - and s w False Faces, had to be placated oothed so that they ould o n t deal harshly with man. There was a band of human False e s he un Faces, for th y wore hideou masks, that propitiated t

e a . e s i i u e s arthly ones by dance Since vil p r ts ca s d illness, a u s - r the Jes it so Often relate, the False Faces we e regarded as s and 2 9 curers of disea e were called in time of need . Sometimes a evil was avoided by the Observance of taboo . A Jesuit re ports that ou one occasionhe arrived at a spring whose water the Iroquois dared not drink because there was an evil spirit

in it that rendered it foul . It proved to be a spring of salt

2 7 L V - . R . 1 656 25 27 X I J ( . 2 8 - LI J . R . 1 667 1 8 1 4 ( 83 . 29 M a 1 57—1 60 org n , I, . — - e se 74 78 es . Conv r , (with pictur ) On the confusion of the False Faces and the -Hea s 79 Flying d , note 2 .

E 3 6 IROQUOIS R LIGION .

3 3 a onot be such extraordinary information . Father Ch um wailed the fact that the Iroquois clung so tenaciously to his faith in dreams .

Dre ams form one of the chief hindrances to the ir Conversion ; and to these they are so attached that they attribute to them all their e b wr d N w wll a s ess s a an . o as e e past gre t ucc , oth in in hunting , th y

h e e m i m e e a e know that t e beli f in dr a s s inco patibl with th F ith, th y

m st a e e s e a as e are a a e the a become even ore ob in t , p ci lly, th y w r of f ct

h m me he H s e e e the a and a a e e that, t e o nt t uron r c iv d F ith b ndon d th ir

s r a and e e C has e e s e ee dream , the ir uin b eg n, th ir whol ountry v r inc b n ” 3 4 declining to its ﬁnal total destruction .

He who desired the help of the spirits that appear in dreams t usually must go off to some lonely spo and there fast, pray, center his mind upon the dream and the dream Spirit and SO make himself ﬁt to receive a dream. Success depended upon religious conduct (see below p . 75 ) The Iroquois at least two centuries ago were wont to cele brate one of their most important religious festivals in con Taren awa on his nection with the deity of the dream, y g , in im capacity of Sender of Dreams . In those days the Iroquois plicitly obeyed the behests of that deity as delivered by his kn s messenger, Aikon . Some widely own account of the lengths to which the Iroquois would go in carrying out the will of the god as revealed in the dream have been written by

the Jesuit missionaries . The good Fathers had little sym p athy for the Iroquois attitude toward dreams and cou se quently were impressed most by the spectacular conduct of the

e ha n atives . It do s seem t t some of the Iroquois were interested e e s be in making spectacl s of thems lves and in little el e , but tween the lines in the Jesuit accounts of dream practices can a se a be seen the unusu lly strong emotion arou d , the e rnest desire to do or to have what was dreamed and the abiding D a lon h faith in the dream . Fathers b and C aumonot relate that they saw a celebration of the New Year’s Festival for the ” 56 22 2 1 6 3 24. Demon of Dreams in , on February , and

Th e e a m hr the e h e ld rs go to procl i it t ough stre ts of t e town . As s as e s was a e es es oon this f tival nnounc d by th e public cri ,

8 3 : C r m nial Bundle o Bl ck o Indians . M Wissler e e o s f the a f ot , Am us. H II 1 0 N t . s V 2 . a i t . , 3 4 L R . 1 65 5 1 3 5 . X II J. ( FFE E N UN A CT D BY CHRISTIA IN FLUEN CES . 3 7

w b e see men m and e nothing as to n but , wo en children running lik

m he s e s and the a s a mad en through t tre t through c bin , but in quite

r E e M f m re different fashion f om uropean masqu raders . ost o the a

a e and seem n ot ee the i s m nearly n k d to f l cold , which al ost unbear

s re h es e is e a s me e no able to tho e who a t e b t cover d . It tru th t o giv qther sign of their madn ess than to run half naked through all the cabins ; but othe rs are mischievous ; s ome carry water or s omething

se a se e m ee e s a e ﬁreb r nds a s wor nd throw it upon tho th y t ; oth r t k a , co l

nd ashes and s a e em a t a m a c tt r th bou without c ring on who they fall . Others break the kettles and dishe s and all the houseware that the y

m a m e e se . S e s s a s s ﬁnd in th ir cour o go r d with word , b yonet , knive ,

e s e s an e e s e i e ev n e hatch t or cudg l , d pr t nd to trik w th tho s ery o e th y

e and ll s es e e m i esse n e m et , a thi continu until th ir dr a s gu d a d fulﬁll d ; e re em as to which ther a two things quite r arkable . The ﬁrst i s that it sometimes happens that one is not clever enough

e e s e s a e em e to divin th ir thought , for th y do not t t th cl arly, but by

e ma ases of e mea si s nd m nig s, by phr hidd n ning , by gn a so etimes by

a O s r N e gestures alone ; so th t good edipu es a e not always found . e v r

th less e not ea e the s e is e and e th y will l v pot until th ir thought divin d,

one e a s one es s if d l y too long, if do not wi h to divine it, or if one

a e t ea e e e s c nnot , th y hr t n to burn up v rything ; which comes to pas only too often One of thes e idiots darted into our cabin and

s a we s e ss his e am and On u r insi ted th t hould gu dr fulﬁl it . e of o

s s ame him ea wat he a e ho t c to to l rn h w nt d . The maniac ‘ a s e e a e ma a i s m eam m s n w r d, I kill Fr nch n , th t y dr which u t b e ful ’ m e at an s . Ou r st e hi e a as ad ee ﬁll d y co t ho thr w a Fr nch co t , if it h b n

a e m a e a man and at the same me e a mse a t k n fro d d , ti b g n hi lf to r ge ,

sa a he s e t o a e e the ea the hm ying th t wi h d v ng d th of Frenc an , that his

es s b e e a of he e e h d truction hould follow d by th t t whol villag , which e

w e s s e a . as going to r duce to a he , b ginning with hi s own c bin The re upon he drove out his relative s and friends and house-people and all

th a ha at e e o se h s s e crowd th t d g h r d t e t e i ue of this disturbance .

e a e he s the s and s t th e ﬁre Thus l ft lon , hut door e e whol place on . At the moment when everybody expecte d to see the whole house in

ﬂam s e Chau mono am e m an e a of e Fath r t c e up , r turning fro rr nd

t He s wan a sm e m is a o se and chari y . a wful ok pouring fro h b rk h u

e a was he s he b ing told wh t it bur t in t door , threw himself into the

m s f he ﬁre and sm e e the ﬁreb r nd he id t o t ok , thr w out a s, put out t

ﬁre and e a e his s ea e a the ex , ge ntly pr v il d upon ho t to l v , contr ry to e ctation of all the a e eve es s he h D e p popul c , who n r r i t t fury of t e mon man his r D m . The He n e of rea s continued in fury . a through th

s n s s a he was e e t treets a d cabin , houting loudly th t going to s t ev ry hing m m a on ﬁre to avenge the death of the French an . They brought hi

dog to be the victim of hi s wrath and of the Demon Of his passion . ‘ ’ i e e ou t the s ame and the aff t That s not enough, h said, to wip h ron which has been done to me in wishing to kill a Frenchman lodging in ’ A s e as him and he was a ease at se . w my hou cond dog brought to , pp d n once and re turne d home as quietly as if nothing had happe ed . S E 38 IROQUOI R LIGION .

Our s s e a his a as e s h e s H sse ho t wi h d to pl y p rt w ll a t e oth r . e dre d a S a c e ms e n m e himself like tyr, ov ring hi lf with cor husks fro h ad to me m . He ma e W a a e se es e e M e s foot d two o n rr y th lv lik r al gara , their a ﬂ e a es a as a e es e e wo h ir ying, th ir f c bl ck co l, th ir bodi cov r d with t

s ea ma a a r e a e Th S a wolf skin , ch wo n c rrying club o a gr t stak . e tyr seeing them we ll e quipped marched through our cabin s inging and t h f h n r howling a t e top o is voice . The n climbing o the roof he pe me sa a s s n as e e had e for d a thou nd ntic , houti g if v rything gon to

s e he es e e ma e a e ll a he de truction, which don , d c nd d, rch d gr v ly a round t

the M e aras ea on and smas e e e met town, two g l ding hing v rything th y with their stakes . S carce had ou r S atyr and our M egaras disappeare d from view e man us ou r a S he was a me n a e wh n a wo r hed into c bin . r d with a rqu b us she had a e he r eam She s e e sa which obt in d by dr . hout d, howl d , ng,

h ws R wr E es a S he saying that s e a going O to a with the ri , th t would m nd r s e s s m ﬁght the a bring back p i on r , with a thou and i precations and a thousand maledictions if the thing did not come to pass as she

A m z a e s . H had dre med . warrior follow d thi a a on e carrie d his bow

n i H s a d a s h s a and a a e . a e he s s h ts rrow in h nd d gg r e d nc , ing , e shou , he threatens ; then sudde nly he ru she s at a woman who had come in

see s me he e e s the a e at her a a es he r to thi co dy ; l v l d gg r thro t, t k by the e s mse ff a few s nd hair , cont nt hi lf with cutting o lock , a then withdraws to give placwe to a Divine r whwo had dreamed that he could find everything that as hidden . He as ridiculously dress ed and held in his hand a sort of caduceus which he used to point out the place where a thing was hidden . Neve rtheles s his companion who carried a pot filled with s ome liqu or or other had to fill his mouth

and e the ea and e h a e he s with it blow it ov r h d ov r t e f c , ove r t hand and e h a e f the Di e wh n ov r t e c duc us O vin r, o the never faile d to find i l h s . n t e article in que t on That is al I ca tell . A wom an came next with a mat which sh e spre ad out and arranged as if she wished to catch some fish . This me ant that we must give r s me b e se h had dreame he o cau s e d it . An e s m a a ma on th oth r i ply l id ttock e ground . They divine d that she a e a e or a e e of a ws w nt d fi ld pi c ground . Th t a just what S he had

m and she was s a sﬁe w ﬁve s for a a in ind, ti d ith furrow pl nting Indi n corn. A e e e e u s a tes e ft r that th y put b for little gro que puppet . We d cline n was a e b e e e e n d d it a d it pl c d for oth r p rsons , a d after the y ha

e m mumbled some words they carried it Off without furthe r c re ony .

One of the e s O f the a ea e e e chi f town pp r d in wr tch d attire . He was all e e as es and e a se on u es e m cov r d with h , b c u no e g s d hi s drea ,

a e two man ea s h a se h m which c ll d for hu h rt , e c u d t e ce re ony to b e e n i m prolong d by a day , a d continued h s ad actions during all the m H e e r e s e . t e e e s a e a e e ti e n er d our cabin , wh re th r a e ver l ﬁr pl c , stopp d at the s t e as es and a s n the air and at the se n ﬁr t, hr w h co l i to , cond a d

es he sam at s of es e t . third ﬁr did t e , but did nothing our , out r p c S ome came fully armed and as if they we re in combat with the e em s s and cuiﬂin e two a m s a e . n y, po turing , houting , s g lik r ie in b ttl UN AF FECTED BY CHRISTIAN IN FLUEN CES . 3 9

O e s ma in a s and e m a e s c th r rch b nd , p rfor d nc with ontortions of m the o e en sse sse . s on e e e b e e b dy lik po d In hort , would n v r don , if he undertook to relate eve rything they do during the three days and

ee s a s ma ness as s s a a e at one thr night th t thi d l t , with uch r ck t th f cannot ﬁnd a moment o quiet . “ It would b e a crue lty and a so rt of murde r not to give a man

wa his eam a e for for the e sa m a se his ea . h t dr c ll d , r fu l ight c u d th Therefore they may see themselves stripped of their all without any

m e e e e e i hope of reco pe ns . For what v r th y giv s never returned to

m e eam it emse es e en am I e ss e e . th , unl th y dr th lv , or pr t d to dr it n

a re oo s ma e s ete e gener l they a t scrupulou to k uch a pr nc , which would . Y as e s ose a se all s s of m s es . et se are th y upp , c u ort i fortun tho found who disre gard their scruples and e nrich themselves by a clever

ﬁction .

n n r d S he r n o A poor woman was not so fortu ate i he ream . a ab ut

r day and night and got only an illnes s . They trie d to cure he with

h a eme e s he are eme s O e a t e ordin ry r di of t country, which tic f c rt in

s s e e e a e e ma e he r s o m a she root t p d in w t r , but th y d drink uch th t

e mme e h r s ma s e assa e two e t es di d i diat ly, e to ch bur ting to giv p g to k t l

e h ma e h r a e of water which th y ad d e t k . “ n u n ff H e A young ma of o r cabi got o with being we ll powdered .

e h e e s e his dreamed that he was buried in ashes . Wh n e wok h wi h d

e m me e s he te n of hi s e s a eas dr a to co tru , o invi d te fri nd to f t to

hi eam e a e ems es e e en s com fulﬁl s dr . Th y cquitt d th elv xc ll tly of thi

m ss e him as e m ea to f and s ff em i ion, cov ring with h s fro h d oot tu ing th

i W e e s s e into hi s nose and into h s ears and eve rywhere . wer di gu t d

s s e em e e e se e a e with uch a ridiculou c r ony , but ev ryon l r g rd d it in ” m a m e 3 5 silent ad iration s a grand yst ry .

It was not in the dream festival alone that the dream func tioned T aren awa on t , for y g , the Master of Their Lives , migh make known at any time through the medium of a dream what was his will and what was needful for the preservation of the ’

. a Iroquois lives Hence , whenever the dream occurred , th t

which was seen in the dream had to be performed immediately . One Iroquois found it necessary in fulﬁlling his dream to have a his house burned, while nother had to have his own legs and roasted , so well was that done that it took six months for 3 6 him to recover; Fathers D ablon and Chaumonot left another

3 5 — M a e 2 5 5 260 . The a is L org n, II ( not origin l given in X II J R 1 6 1 54— 1 6 L ’ . . 5 8 ( 5 . loyd s translation diﬁ e rs from that b — m e i i d . 1 5 5 1 69 . ea a has a s hi s I ro uois i giv n, , B uch p it l o in q Tra l, 1 1 9-1 23 m ms m . f e n e a C . r arks o dr a de by Wissle r in Ceremonial

Bundles 72-1 03 263 and his D ecorative Art oum In i n , , ; in of the S i d a s,

M s . N H s . V 1 902 247 . Am. u t a . t i , Bull X III ( 8 6 - V 1 f . L R 1 6 6 L R . 1 661 1 79 1 8 J . . 5 X II J . ( ; c X III (

273 . E 40 IROQUOIS R LIGION .

account of the fulﬁlling of a dream during the performance of so practical a task as that of conducting these missionaries

to Onondaga . One Indian had a horrible dream . It was so difﬁcult to calm him in order that the party could go on that his companions had to resort to extreme measures . He

dreamed of fighting with aquatic animals, so his friends pre tended they were as mad as he and also fought with animals in living in the water . They prepared to sweat themselves a order to get him to do likewise . As he cried and s ng aloud i the during the process of sweat ng , imitating the cry of hi e animals with w ch he was fighting , so th y also began to cry and Sing aloud the cries of those animals which they pretended e to be fighting , every one striking the poor fellow in the cadenc

of their song . Imagine what a chorus of twenty voices, imitat in see so men g ducks , teal and frogs, and what a sight to many c pretending to be mad in order to cure a mad man . They su

ceeded One of the most important functions of the dream was to bring assistance to the youth who had attained puberty and the R e was about to take up responsibilities of manhood . ligious ceremonial was necessary to make certain the success of a and the e this f teful step , it emphasized for boy as nothing els ’ e could the importance of man s state . At this grave time the to his son the importance ccordin g to custom , pre off to a simple lodge in s ome lonesome spot where he remained for at least a week, un in a fasting , h ting dangerous animals or other w ys seeking

w a . to Sho that he was brave , pr ying and hoping for a dream If the dream spirit appeared it probably would point out to

the lad how he c ould best serve his community . He was to

be a mighty hunter or a shaman or a warrior . t also would tell him the object or charm whose spirit wﬁ ild protect him

and s . throughout life , that Object was to be cheri hed Such i a guardian spirit has been called the Ok . a the a the c lled the dream spirit spirit of the clan , saying th t spirit which appeared in the dream really was the spirit of s the clan into which the boy had been born . If the youth wa so unfortunate as not to have a visitation from the dream

3 7 6 - Cf L J . R . 1 65 5 5 69 . . X II ( 41 UN AF FECTED BY CHRISTIAN I N FLUE N CES .

spirit , the chiefs, who kept in touch with him , permitted him e ac nu to return to the village . But he f lt disgr ed and was happy because he had no dream object to invoke in time of

need . In order that the continued good will of the guardian spirit i ki . Ok or O be assured , the Iroquois made it presents The being so important it was natural that the dream object asso fﬁ ciated with it should be carried as a charm . How e cacious a these ch rms , or Skins , feathers or other portions of the dream

e a animal or plant , wer believed to be , is illustr ted by the fact that when Gansevoort captured the baggage of the Iroquois at the battle of Oriskany they lost all heart in the campaign 3 9 because their charms at the same time fell into his hands .

e Furthermore , dreams possessed curative powers . The J suits state that the medicine men often would have the sick dream ff “ to e ect a cure . It frequently occurs , however , that a hot

fever, by causing grotesque and senseless dreams , gives the — “ 0 poor Medicine men much trouble . Dream Objects them selves helped to effect cures and therefore were preserved care “ . h are fully W en they ill , they cover themselves with these , a a or put them ne r at hand , as a defense against the att cks of ” the disease . S trong as was this faith in dreams it is not surprising that in the strength of good health the Iroquois 4 1 sometimes paid no heed to them .

3 8 C a e : Vo a 1 1 e 0 . h rl voix y g , II , S 45 5 L ﬁ 2 1 4 - 1 a a a tau 1 6 5 33 6 3 4 3 70. g rd, I , ; , I, , , , “ L gk iel P t 3 9- 40 63 H k wel r e . ec e de X . , I , , ; , ch . XXIII n : M t s o e N W orld 4 h th ew 5 . Bri ton y f ,

A A a r IV 3 6 m . n O ou X 3 45 4 . . d . J , ,

1 -1 08 M e - O - a e se 07 . t a Jis he t R . e Conv r , y h c ll d g g , obin Th re is a beautiful picture of The dawn drink of the dre am faster accom - ﬁne f a 1 07 1 1 0 . panying a tale o initi tion,

The r61e Of the totem in Iroquois religion is not known deﬁnitely . Us a has ee se the Ok i e s e the ~ u lly it b n confu d with by writ r , whil Iro r r l nw r h m D . Go d eise quoi s legends themselves a e s ile nt on t e atter . e

m he m e s ce em a all aintains that, if t tote did function in r ligiou r oni l ,

e e sa e e s a no can b e e Goldenweiser evid nc has di pp ar d o th t proof giv n . , - R e 1 9 1 2 466 467 . 470 nd Re 1 91 3 3 71 . . s . . a . u , p for , ; cf p for , 3 9 M a e 23 3 . org n, II ( not 4 0 1 1 8 1 . LV . R 1 66 X II J . ( ”1 IV 1 69 65-67 1 01 L R . 6 J . ( , . 42 E N IROQUOIS R LIGIO .

SOUL S .

e The Iroquois reactions to dreams, coma , faints and the lik were sometimes religious and sometimes matter of fact . An x m Iroquois , for e ample , was familiar with the fact that fro time to time the soul left the body and visited some spot . Such e a dream was a phenomenon easily understood and xplained . li He had little or no religious feeling abo t it . But when he and his fellows gathered together in a cabin on a dark night and , about a dulled ﬁre , prayed until the invited shades of was their dead returned to them , the religious attitude evoked n ac n a d a religious t was performed . To recognize a give belief or practice concerning the soul as religious or not is sometimes impossible for the Iroquois himself made no such

d . s istinctions Genuine under tanding, therefore , of such Iro quois notions and practices concerning souls as appear to be religious can not be attained without some knowledge also of those other notions and practices concerning the soul that in 42 fact were mingled inextricably with the religious . By the time the Whites became acquainted with the Iroquois some of the peculiar phenomena of human and animal be

4 2 He : a C e of he S o r A — t J u . m. F L I . . V witt Iroquoi n onc pt oul , , II , - 1 07 1 1 6 . s ﬁne a e e m es a and e Thi rticl int r ingl f ct int rpretation . The

a s are a sa the e e a s r n w s f ct not g in id, but int rpr t tion a e ot al ay e acceptabl . - - a e : Vo a e 1 1 5 1 1 8 1 46 1 48 . He s s es t e Ch rl voix y g , II, , di cu s he conc pt of the s its e and the a es e e in oul, futur pr ctic conn ct d with the de ad, the e e a of the es a h D e cluding c l br tion F tiv l of t e ad.

Laﬁtau 3 59-3 60 3 61 3 63-3 67 on e e s e the s s , I , , , , b li f conc rning oul of ma e s and a ma s and the e a h s hu n b ing of ni l , r l tion of t e oul to

e ams 3 86-4 5 8 s a es e a the a es e e dr ; II, , t t in d t il pr ctic conn ct d with ea 446—45 8 e the e e a eas th D d th ; giv duod c nni l F t of e e ad , including

the e es ma of ese s a etc. . 3 99 coll ction of bon , king pr nt , ch nting, Cf , — 4 1 3 41 6 ; 420 . H Vo A 4 3 -43 6 4 7 — 4 N . 5 1 4 La ontan : a es to . 7 eas e y g , II , , , on id conc rning

the soul and the dis position of the de ad . a 45 7-4 5 8 h nd XLV I S a t e s a its e . . LV g rd, I , , on oul futur ; II, ch ; ch X D describes the Feast of the ead. - a e e 6 1 1 the s as the a e e s e etc. B cqu vill , III, on oul g nt of d ir ; - Ha e : Bo k Ri tes 70 3 . t e s e e s s e e se l o of , 7 For h oul in l g nd e Conv r , — - - - 84 8 I b . 9 6 4 9 6 o r. Am. F . L 47 48 ve se 7 1 1 9 J u . 5 9 ; I , ( cf Con r , ) , I , , , 0 A A XIV 3 46-3 47 Am Anthr 2 6-287 m . n . r . 8 2 0 a d 0 Jou . ; . , , ; XI, ; I r uois Trai l 1 09- 1 1 2 ss m oq , pa i . 45-5 Other accounts of practices are referred to in notes 2 below .

E N 44 IROQUOIS R LIGIO . doors about the house indicated the comings and goings of these harmless souls . Just after death souls could hear and

Old . a understand . They could revisit their abodes Such soul might be born again in some child . Sometimes the struggle of souls to get to the surface of the earth caused an earth ” quake . Finally , every animal , bird, ﬁsh and insect had a a n e was soul , good or bad ccording as the livi g creatur con he sidered good or bad . T soul of each of these creatures had a bodily form similar to that O f the animal itself . Such a soul lived after the death of the body, could see how the body was treated and would act accordingly , either urging their living kin to permit themselves to be taken for food or urging them to escape the hunter .

Since the soul was to live in the West as it had lived here , it must have suitable weapons, food and raiment ; so with the body were buried such things . A ﬁne description Of the cere monies following the death Of an Iroquois has been given by a

Jesuit .

As s as a e es a a one oon nyon di in c bin, hears in it the cries and lame ntations uttered by the assemble d relative s of all ages and both sexes ; and so frightful are they that one would take that lugubrious

a as s m s and e e e upro r, which l t for onth v n for ntire years (that is , the ceremony is repeate d until the decennial or duodecennial Fe stival of the De a is e e a e m the s H ea e -a d c l br t d) , fro howling of ell . M nwhil , fte r the ea man i s e an hi s d d buri d, d s grave i ﬁlled with provisions for the

s s e a e of his s and a s f ff u t n nc oul , fter a ort o sacriﬁce has be en o e red

him a er a a f — h e he to by burning c t in qu ntity o corn, t e eld rs , with t

e s and e a es th ecease are e s fri nd r l tiv of e d d invit d to a fea t, to which

ea one s hi e se fﬂ One ch bring s pr nts to cons ole the most a icted . of the m s a of the E e s a eme a e a me a o t not ble ld r , with gr ve d nor, xcl i d in

s e A as a as m e e e a es ! a e lugubriou voic l , l , y b lov d r l tiv I h v e e m o s e s c n n ith r ind nor w rd wher with to con ole you . I a do nothing m e m ea s s nd C m a the but ingl y t r with your , a o pl in of the severity of es s u m e ! illn s that treat s S O ill . But take courage y relativ s Let u s not cause sorrow any longer to SO honorable a gue st ( the French) but let u s dry up the tears of Onn'ontio ( I roquois name for e - H e i a ese Fr nch Gove rnor General) by wiping away our own . re s pr nt ’ The e em e i a that will dry up their source . c r ony conclud d w th

4 4 s e The inconsistency i s very noticeable . Why were these soul und r ground and not in the realms of the shades in the W est ? Howcan the persistence of these be liefs b e reconciled with the later notion that the sk y was the ﬁnal dwelling place and the M ilky W ay the road thereto ? FF E E N F UE E UN A CT D BY CHRISTIA IN L N C S . 4 5

e e s m se s e e ese e for the s e s s of feas t , th b t or l of which w r r rv d ick p r on

he e As all s a es the tea s and the rank in t Villag . thi could not rr t r

e s one m e ne O the e a es e es hi e cri of oth r , o f r l tiv , in ord r to t tify s d vo

s r s e the ea and a e hi tion by con oling he , di int rred d d body ; , ft r clot ng - n w a me s h e the a e es he ﬁre . s it with e g r nt , e thr w gr v cloth into t Thi he did two or three times on different occasions until he found noth

n the e e s he a e a e ese i g but bar bon , which wr pp d up in cov ring to pr nt m th fﬂ m a s me me a e e se e e the to e a icte d wo an . Fin lly, o ti ft r th c r m es th e of se had e ese s f ns a oni , e lib rality tho who giv n pr nt O co ol tion i s acknowledge d by distributing among them the effects of the ” 4 5 decease d . The great Festival of the Dead formerly was held once in a twelve ye rs and was a great ceremony of reinterment, a “ ” a a . solemn feast of the de d , as the Iroquois c lled it The bodies of those Of the tribe who had died during the preceding had e twelve years were exhumed , if they been buri d , or were h taken down from the scaffold on which they ad been laid . The decaying corpses and the clean bones of those long dead were placed into one large pit which had been lined with e all rob s made of beaver skins, the most valuable of Iroquois

furs . Such valued possessions as wampum , copper implements and a e e e rth nware w re thrown into the pit , and then the grave

was ﬁlled with earth . While this ceremony was going on , rich presents of all kinds that had been gathered during the

past twelve years , were distributed among the people by the a e rel tiv s of the deceased . In this distribution it often a a happened that v lu ble fur robes were cut and torn into pieces . To lavishly display wealth and to recklessly destroy it were a deemed honors due to the Sh des of the departed . This feast disappeared during the seventeenth century and was replaced 46 in part by the Condolence .

At sundry times , probably before the summer and the winter

, a s seasons a fe st was spread for the soul of the departed , who , — if bidden , would revisit the habitations of men . A well known - a wampum keeper of the Iroquois writing in the l st century , i h ” quaintly descr bed this ceremony t rough his messenger, a

letter .

4 5 - ' L J . R . 1 65 6 6 2 ( 2 7 71 . S ee e M a 2 6 X III furth r org n, II, 7 ; C — - — lark, , 5 1 5 2 ; Laﬁt au 33 9 41 3 41 6 420 446 458 I , II , , , , ; Charlevoix Vo a e 1 46-1 48 S a 9 - - y g , , ; a 63 s . 654 65 7 a e e 8 1 1 II g rd , II , q , ; B cqu vill , III, . 4 6 Ha e : B ook o R ites 72- 73 s e l f , e b e . 75 s . and e 3 ( low pp q not , p .

Cf. J . R . 1 43 Ha X . nds ome Lake pointed out the evils con nected - a es . S ee e 64 and P a e : with buri l rit b low p . rk r Code, 1 07 1 1 2 . E N 46 IROQUOIS R LIGIO .

’ m s m e a es se e . e e s e J B s I John Buck ng r Th r for li t n . ohn uck say in Olden times of my forefathers was able to recall their departed e a a h relatives to se e th m g in, t e living ones will make one accord whatever the number they may b e will get a feast at a certain house the ea es nd e h s for d d on , a wh n t e living one will assemble at the appointed place each of them will take a sliver off the bark door ’ e s at ff o e ses wher it turn , this their di erent n s hou , and enter noise

e ss the se e e he eas i s s a h e and l ly in hou wh r t f t pre d out for t e d ad, they will now all set down next to the wall of the house on the ground

all a he se and he a i s ea out he e he round t hou , t fe st s pr d in t c ntre of t

se n ne e as a s ea e a ess t e C s7 hou , a d o is appoint d p k r to ddr he Gr at reator at e a s he an a a the ﬁre he int rv l would throw Indi n Tob cco on , will h se e a a es for ask t e Creator to nd the ir d d rel tiv , the y are desirous to e m a a and e h e his s ea s e the g in , wh n e nds it , p king , he will sit down

a d e le th ﬁre d the ease s again, n th y will t e go own till light c s, o that in the house be comes dark and no one is allowed to speak or to mak e

s an a e e e a e e e m t s e any noi e , d in littl whil th y will h v p opl co ing ou id , and they will e nter the house and will set themselves around the

S s nd h ss m es a the ea pread fea t, a t e a e bled living on will w it until d d e he es e the s i e s ones are about done e ating, th n t living on will kindl l v r

ve w em and the ea are now of bark which the y ha brought ith th , d d 4 8 m . He is a s of a m. see n through this light . re tring w pu am e I your fri nd, H H K C IEF JO N BU C . ” 4 9 ee e f ix Na s Ca a a. Fire k p r o S tion , n d

v A year after a death , if the berea ed family asked therefor, the Dance of the Dead was given . This dance was performed

secretly for one whole night by women . There were several practices connected with beliefs about souls that were not a part of special ceremonies. Since souls a e a a rem in d for time ne r the village and needed food , it was customary to place edibles on the graves or in separate re ce tacles p on the dining table . For the spirits of the weak and the old who could not go to the West, corn was heaped up

. e from time to time in a little pile Thes spirits, however, often i provided food for themselves by hunting and by plant ng com ,

4 7 S e the ea of a C inc id Great re ator was not Iroquoian it may b e a e a s the s a es e e a e sse e th t in old n d y h d w r ddr d dir ctly, if at all. 4 8 Th v e gi ing of wampum solemnly attested the truth of the state me s the e he t e m the e e d nt of giv r or or h y who giv r r presente . It was e ou r ma s a e o s lik for l ign tur r eal . 4 9 Iro uoi s Trai l 1 08-1 - q , 09 . B k as fﬁ a am um ke e e w uc , o ci l w p p r , as in ’ a s et e his e e s as po ition b t r to know of p opl p t than others, for the am m was the a e w pu ofﬁci l r cord, e ach string being a document the ea n e the ff r di g of which f ll to o icial k eeper. EN E 47 UN AF FECTED BY CHRISTIAN IN FLU C S .

- which is recognizable as ghost or squirrel corn . When a nursing child was taken out at night the mother rubbed its face with some white ashes to keep spirits away , for having come so recently from the Spirit world , the baby could converse re with them and might be enticed . A more pronounced ligiou s element appears in the practices connected with the vanquishing of the discontented souls of those who had been buried improperly , or of the revengeful souls of those done to death by violence whether torture or somwe other form , or of the malevolent souls of sorcerers . Such ere feared and were “ a a scared away from the vill ge by the loud crying of H ii , ” 5 0 and and Haii , Haii , by much banging knocking and doing e a ff the of viol nt acts, the total upro r being very e ective for and a a purpose of inspiring both terror the desire to get w y ,

in the he arts of lurking ghosts . De Q uens mentioned that in states O f violent p assion the rational soul was driven from the w a . a as body SO , said he , when person ngry or was seized a w with ﬁerce desire for revenge , the people ould make him a “ present in order to restore the rational soul to the seat of ” 1 reason 5 Since the souls of dead animals were jealous of the tre atment accorded their corpses and could make hunting a bad , those creatures that were useful s food or in other ways

. a were handled carefully Dogs , for ex mple , were not allowed a e a to gn w the bones of a de r , an elk , a be ver or any other food or pelt animal Since the soul of th at animal would be dis a a 5 2 ple sed and therefore would spoil hunt . Sometimes , to

- prevent any ill treatment befalling the bones of such animals, the Iroquois would preserve them carefully or cast them into a

running stream .

E N E MISC LLA OUS . Wizards and witches dealt with and received power from 5 3 evil spirits . They could transform themselves into animals

. t such as hogs , dogs , and particularly owls To bring abou

such a change a mysterious charm was used , of which the fol

5 0 — L R 1 65 5 1 3 7 1 3 9 . X II J . . ( 5 1 1 6 5 1 .

5 2 w m ma e e is s ma a es Ho ve ry hu an ani ls Oft n w re, hown by ny t l — — — m 1 1 4 1 1 6 1 1 8 1 24 1 5 1 1 52 . Ba eau i e e a e . n Conv rs ; for ex pl , , , Cf rb , m passi . 5 3 f . P : C 27 e 3 . O ark er ode, not S E 48 IROQUOI R LIGION .

lowing is an illustration . Two bits of witch medicine acquired

recently by M . R . Harrington consisted of bits of woody r an a oot, one , the larger and Older, being about inch and n quarter lo g by half as thick, with the surface fairly covered

with tiny carved faces of men and animals ; while the smaller, ” 5 4 about half as large , bears but one carved face . The name otkantra ut ontra m of the charm , or g , clearly includes the ter

t on . p g , meaning evil power

Properly speaking , the Iroquois had no priestly class . In

olden days, at festivals and such other occasions as necessitated

a leader, an old man acted in that capacity . There was, how a s ever, class of men who performed few of the ordinary dutie

of warriors and who were appealed to in time of need , be it

illness , impending war or other crisis whose outcome could be ff a a ected by religious or magical pr ctices . Charlevoix, in e sp aking of the preparation for war, mentions among other a things , the p rt played by the medicine men . They dance and A reskoue sing in order that g aid the Iroquois warriors , and a a thus they mitig te risks and improve the ch nces for success. Father Jogues has told above how an old man offered some - A reskoue stag meat to g , and it may be inferred that he was a 5 5 shaman . According to the Jesuit Relations the chief func s l s tion of such men were connected with i lness. Illness wa caused by evil spirits . Toothache , for example , was caused ' ’ by demons . When Father Millet removed a su ﬁerer s decayed “ t the a x tooth thus s opping pain , he c used great e citement for s the common mean was, after preliminary fasting by the patient and after personal exaltation on the part of the medi cine man , to draw out the power of the demon by abstracting from the patient bits of wood or leaves or stones or other 5 7 objects . Some Shamans had live crystals within them which could be expelled through the nose or mouth . If the crystal were placed in a gourd of water it would make visible the apparition of a person who had bewitched another. By apply

a s s ing the crystal to bewitched per on , hairs, straws, leave , pebbles and other small objects could be extracted, thus reliev

5 4 Am A r . nth . u . s. 87 , , XI, . 5 5 Vid . . 3 0 a p bove . 5 6 - LV J . R . 1 6 72 1 47 1 49 II ( . 5 7 Of . . 8 7 s . and e 3 0 8 8 p q not , p . below. F 4 UN A FECTED BY CHRISTIAN IN FLUE N CES . 9

f . ing the suf erer Sometimes a medicine man , after boiling

certain roots or herbs in a small kettle , held a blanket over his he head and t kettle . Then he could see clearly the image of 5 8 a witch in the liquid . m A ong the Iroquois, as among so many other peoples , a articu women were taboo to all during the menstru l period , p

larly at its ﬁrst occurrence . At that time the girl had to live a a lone for several days in secluded hut , where she fasted and 5 9 ﬁ . She performed dif cult tasks At puberty , also , was given a string with which to tie her limbs together above the knee when she retired . This string she kept all her life and used when she wished . No man dared to untie it . Pregnant r women and those with children just born were taboo , and thei husbands abstained from them . Women in periodic condition had to leave the house when a medicine man was about to cure a person who was ill . Hunting medicines and weapons were taboo to women . A faithless wife would bring bad luck and misfortune upon her husband no matter where he happened h . a to be Except in these c ses, t at emotional fear O f women at e certain times , which is so often exhibit d in other parts of the a world through the use of taboos, r rely was to be noticed the a e among Iroquois . A t boo wid ly observed among many e was a tribes, for xample , that men bout to go on a hunt must e be continent , if they would succe d . But an Iroquois O ff for a e hunt might take along his wif or , if she did not w ant to “ ”

. a go , a captive or a free woman In many p rts of the world , a lso , a warrior who desired success had to be continent ; but a a - mong the Iroquois that was not the c se , although over in dul ence a 6 0 g was frowned upon as being unduly we kening .

5 8 Witches and shamans are discuss ed in - a e : Vo a e 1 27 1 28 1 3 6 . Ch rl voix y g , II , , - Laﬁtau 3 73 3 94 . , I , “ r m - De C s S m : a Jou . A . F . L 1 84 1 94 o t ith Witchcr ft in I, ; II, - 2 77 28 1 .

m . M rs . S . ith , ch III - e se 8 7 92 . Conv r , — V 3 - 229 m . L 22 . our. A F Beauchamp in J . ,

M a 1 5 6 . org n , I , - a 42 47 . Cl rk, I ,

5 9 7 Cf . C a : Vo a e 1 Golde nwiser u . s . 4 0 . e 4 . e , h rl voix y g , II, 6 0 i h Charlevoix, .

Laﬁtau 2 5 7 262 . , I, ,

1 5 4 1 77 . XLI J . R . ( 6 5 0 S E IROQUOI R LIGION .

n e er to Taboos of other ki ds, but lik the above aiming eith e e e n s e o ed avoid som und ﬁn d evil or to i sure uccess, wer empl y from time to time . Some of them were religious prohibitions ’ such as the interdict laid upon food during a boy s initiation. Others were akin to the religious but now appear to be mainly the the magical , such as prohibition of the performance of

Condolence Ceremony while crops were growing , or the man ’ date that the white dog used in the NewYear s Festival must s in be killed without hedding a drop of its blood. Similar nature were such other taboos as that a salt spring never must be tasted (the Iroquois did not know of salt until the Whites r came) , that the bones of animals valuable as food or for thei n be pelts ever must be eaten by dogs , that myths should not the told in the summer, and that a man never must witness

n of . performance by the wome , of the Dance the Dead l s c Final y, some taboos were chieﬂy ocial prohibitions , of whi h the outstanding illustration was the ban upon the marriage s of individuals of the same clan system . On the whole taboo appear not to have been widely used by the Iroquois.

E 52 IROQUOIS R LIGION .

s e sa e e te he B k nd a e thing , which th y id w r writ n in t good oo , a w nt d

e all W e a a e e so wh d ee u s to believ it . would prob bly h v don , if e a s n a e e e e b e and them pr ctise what th y pr t nd d to elie v , act according to B the good words which they told u s . ut no ! While they held their

ne the o e h d m e ea s s big Book in o hand , in ther th y a urd rous w pon , gun an s s e e u s a s ! Ah ! and e so d word , wh r with to kill , poor Indi n th y did i e se e e e e o as e as se too , they k ll d tho who b li v d in th ir B ok, w ll tho who ” e m no s ! 2 did not . Th y ade di tinction

and Secondly, the Indian set himself up as the standard measured thereby the ways of the white people .

’ G S the e es s of the W es The reat pirit , knowing wick dn their ( hit )

ecessa e em a ea and a disposition, found it n ry to giv th gr t Book, t ught wt o ea a e m k and se e ha he them ho r d it , th t th y ight now ob rv w t

em and a s a m. e the a s a e wished th to do to b t in fro But th y, Indi n , h v no need Of any such book to let them k now the will of their M ak er ; they ﬁnd it e ngrave d on their Own hearts ; they have had sufﬁcient

m s s m and discernment given to the to di tingui h good fro evil , by ” 3 e are s e to err. following that guide , th y ur not

The third fact is of great importance . The Iroquois view of

s Indian or pagan . It ed in a small universe miscellaneous host of spirits of diverse nature and character . Their wealth comprised but skins, a nl few tools and such , and their interests were concerned mai y e with matters of food , war and success, and good fortun in this life . In such a milieu how could they comprehend the ’ teachings of missionaries from Europe to whom life s emphasis 4 was upon Christian faith , Christian love and Christian duty ?

Father Millet saw the barrier .

a sThe e s a Ca e and st F ith hold und r t nding ptiv , rives to subj ect man to the duties of a true Christian ; but The Iroquois cannot endure The s s he amme Him lighte t Thing in t world that tr ls . The nature of the a i s e as he e ases nd a sav ge to liv pl , a to follow str nge maxims only in m so far as e s hi . The s is not e Th y uit Iroquoi guide d by r asons. The ﬁrst idea that he has of Things is the s ole light that illumines

Him . As a e e e a e se T rule, th y b li ve only wh t th y e . o conve rt The u e s b e e es sa to s e em The pp r Iroquoi , it would n c ry ubdu Th to faith a ms as e e— one of and The e me by two r , it w r gold, oth r of iron ; I an to sa o em e se s and ee em e y, t win Th by pr nt , to k p Th in subj ction by

2 wel 8 He ck e der, 1 8 . 8 I 87 b . , 1 . 4 Ant r I - Cf . e Jour. h . nst. 11 . s . 263 273 . Boyl , in , XXX ( , III) , AF FECTED BY CHRISTIAN IN FLUEN CES . 5 3

O Th e a f s me e or Th e a f a s. e o e The fe r o rm nly f r o vil , hop of ” 5 some temporal good can de termine Them to embrace our religion .

c w Su h notions and practices, therefore , as might be borro ed from Christian teachings would be subject to alteration before they could ﬁt Iroquois conditions and Iroquois ways of looking i at th ngs . Some of the beliefs and practices of the mission aries either did or seemed to harmonize with Iroquois ways of

living and thinking . Like the missionary the native had his 6 a e e and . f sts and feasts , his sol mn ceremoni s deities That is , there was some common ground upon which the missionary

could work and obtain results .

CHRISTIAN IN F LUE N CES AP P AREN T BEF ORE T H E NIN ETEEN TH EN C TURY .

E arly missionaries relate that the idea of a Great Spirit as and all omnipotent as ruler over was not aboriginal . In 1 624 a Father Le C ron said , Their language , natural enough for e anything else , is so st rile on this point that we can ﬁnd no D terms to express the ivinity , nor any of our mysteries , not ’ ” 7 . a Le even the most common Sag rd , a contemporary of “ Caron , said of the Hurons and Canadians that they Seem to have neither customs nor practices relating to God that we ” 8 could ﬁnd out . About a century later Charlevoix mentioned 9 the fact of the confusion of the idea of a Great Spirit . 1 0 Furthermore , the myths fail to reveal one supreme god . But

the Jesuits , preaching and teaching , interruptedly, for almost 1 640 Of a century after , impressed a notion God upon the

5 - L J . R 1 7 1 2 1 V . 6 2 7 29 II ( . G Beau cham : Ea Re Am A n . . a d 0 . p rly ligion Jour.

XIV, 3 44 . 7 I b 3 48 .

8 4 f I 1 66 H s r 7 . . L R . 6 i toi e 4 C J . 1 83 D 9 e 1 8 M rs . , I , ( ; onoho , ; Sm 5 1 C ve se 3 2 e 1 r n : M ths o the New l ith , ; on r , not ; B into y f Wor d,

m : 52 P a k a Jesuits 75 . ; r n , I , 9 V o a e to N . A 1 07 . Lafitau a e es C a e M ccure y g II , gr with h rl voix, S auva s 1 1 8 L H u s his en a s N ew des e . a a e t e g , I , o t n , who p nt y r in a e C ev e ffi ms Fr nce a generation b fore harl oix visit d the country, a r ‘ a the a s e e e a G ea S One es a e s to th t Indi n b li v d in r t pirit (II , h it t m m e he a s accept hi s affirmation . His s tate ent ay b e tru for t Indi n with whom he actually had cont; st and who had been under Jesuit

inﬂuence for many years before 34 a Hontan arrived in Canada. 1 0 . rs m C ﬁel . e s M . S an d Cf Conv r e, ith, E 54 IROQUOIS R LIGION .

H wenne u m pagan Iroquois under the native name a y , com only s translated Great Spirit . What the Iroquois could do mo t e easily and what he did do , was to add this new god to thos a already known to him . Of the simple way in which the ddi was i tion could be made , and of what expected of the new de ty , an anecdote about some Iroquois hunters gives illustration . They had gone out accompanied by their wives who were

Christian converts . Several days passed fruitlessly so that e the men were constrained to appeal to the women . For som days nowwe have been coursing these great forests without

finding anything . Why do you not pray to him who made us ac the animals to give some for our food , Since you are ”1 1 qu ainted with him ? Apparently the Iroquois felt they had no claim upon a god whom they refused to worship , yet in time of need he was acceptable if he could and would fill Iroquois wants . It will be noticed that God was expected to act like a an Iroquois deity . The first public mention , by a p gan Iro uois t q , of the name Great Spirit that has been found , was tha made in the opening address at a conference held on September

1 2 1774 . h th, The speaker said , We are very thankful to t e Great Spirit for permitting all our Chiefs Warriors to see

. n r you (Col Guy Johnson) here this day, Joh son e plied , Brothers , I am heartily thankful to the Great Spirit for permitting me to see you all this day , But in the Condolence performed subsequently the Great Spirit seems not i and Old the to have been ment oned , the custom of covering ” i Sk grave , wip ng away the tears, clearing the y, and so forth , ” e was adh red to . Upon a similar occasion eighteen years not before , the Great Spirit appears to have been addressed “ at all . The account of this meeting, however , is not so cir cumstantial as that given of the conference held by Johnson . Meager as it is this is the only bit of evidence found so far the that gives a date for the emergence of Great Spirit . If his name was used familiarly in a public address in 1774 it must have been used commonly for some years before . This newgod soon appeared ancient and became the most important

1 1 LI J R 1 65 4 1 X . . ( 77 . 1 ? C Hi t ol. Y 4 s o N . . V 98 . . f , III,

1 4 I VI - b . , I , 1 33 1 3 4 . E 5 5 AFF ECTED BY CHRISTIAN IN F LUEN C S .

and the most powerful of all the Iroquois deities . In fact , as early as the seventh decade of the eighteenth century and de s t H eckewelder spite long contact with Indian thereaf er, did not recognize the Christian origin of H awenneyu or of any a Oh of his attributes . Almost a century later such c reful

a and . . a e servers and students as J . V . H . Cl rk L H Morg n wer certain that the Great Spirit was entirely a native god .

In Iroquois eyes H awenneyu was not the God of the Whites . the He was peculiarly Indian . He was born . He created 1 5 e e . a Indians , and he rul d and pr served them He const ntly ff a superintended and administered the a airs of the world , th t

sa ffa the . is to y, the a irs of red men According to Corn planter he was a great and loving spirit whose extended arms ob bore up and encircled the universe . He created all the

ects a a . j , both nimate and inanim te , upon the earth He smiled w and e upon his people in sunshine and sho er, frown d upon n them in ﬁerce storms a d whirlwinds . He peopled the air with millions of embodied spirits . Some of them were evil e and , unless propitiated , caus d pain , sickness , trouble and de ath ; but others were good spirits and aided the hunter in a the and a ff his ch se , lover in his suit , brought m le o spring to ’ a had the mother s arms . Fin lly, he prepared for the Iro “ ” quois a Happy Hunting -Ground where every one should “ e a go after d ath . There beautiful birds would m ke resonant

the hills and valleys with their enchanting song . The Great Spirit had covered that vast and magniﬁcent country with and plains , and forests, limpid streams , in which and over a f e which would Sport the red deer, be rs , buf aloes, wild hors s ” 1 6 and all animals and ﬁshes useful for clothing and food .

Such a spirit n aturally would ﬁgure largely in ceremonial . The important r61e Of the Great Spirit in Iroquois religion will be shown in the discussion below of Handsome Lake and the

nineteenth century religious festivals . The appearance and spread of these beliefs connected with the Great Spirit during the seventeenth and eighteenth cen turies did much to minimize the worship of the deity most

1 5 Yet the older myths of the origins of the Iroquois tribes and - - - 1 1 0 1 1 2 Canﬁeld 85 8 7 . . C s 1 1 1 4 C e se clans persist . Cf u ick, ; onv r , ; ,

n M h lo s a m e s m t s . Barbeau : Huron and Wya dot yt o gy, ha nu b r of uch y h 1 6 —1 0 Canﬁeld, 1 69 7 . 5 6 IROQUOIS RELIGION .

h e A reskoue. antagonistic to t e Christian teachings, nam ly g By the seventh decade of the seventeenth century the Jesuits were e A riskoue s saying, Many p rsons no longer invoke g and thi ”1 7 has often been professed in open assembly. They asserted

at the same time that the faith in dreams also was lessening . Yet as late as 1774 Colonel Johnson found it necessary to give

be . But a large kettle to used at a dance , because of a dream the the it is true , nevertheless, that as belief in Great Spirit became more current that in Tarenyawagon and his messenger 1 8 e i Aikon faded . The oth r deities and spir ts, great and small, appear to have been affected only in that they came somehow wn u under the supervision of H a e ney . Their persistence and the persistence of the duties connected with them will be noted belowin the accounts of the religious festivals of the past ” century . Since the seventeenth century a native innovation which has lasted almost to the present generation made its appearance ni from Obscure beginnings . That a mals were sacriﬁced some

t has . e imes been seen Dogs were so used frequently . For som u nknown reason , possibly through Iroquois imitation of jwestern neighbors, it became customary to sacriﬁce a white dog I during the Feast of Dreams . As the belief is the Great Spirit strengthened and that in Tarenyawagon weakened the dream came to play a less responsible part and the ceremony came

to center about the worship of the Great Spirit . The white - as w e dog, whose color represented peace and good will even hit

wampum symbolized them , was strangled during the ceremony s e and its soul was sent as a mes eng r to the Great Spirit . To

him it presented the condition and wants of the Iroquois . The

1 7 LV J . R . 1 672 1 23 . L J . R 1 669 II ( ; cf III . ( 239 .

LV . R . 1 673 205 III J ( . 1 8 LV J . R . 1 6 73 2 05 L J . R . 1 669 VII . I n III ( ; III ( ch . the a te e i a e 261 is ﬁn s m l t r, b g nning on p g , a e tate ent of how the mis si n rie s and of e s esses and a es H o a e . the Col ist work d th ir ucc f ilur In . .

o N . Y V 522 is s ate a De em e 1 774 f III , , it t d th t in c b r, Col Johns on de livered a large kettle to b e use d at a dance in con sequence of a dream The effect of the Jesuit labors to do away with beliefs in dreams seems to have been that some of the barbarous a d e pr ctices were iscontinu d . 1 9 - S ee 65 71 . e mme the G e a S pp . For furth r co nt upon r t pirit - - M a 1 44 1 46 1 47 1 5 4 He ck ewelder 1 00 1 02 Losk iel P t . org n, I , , , ; , ; , I, - . e se 3 2 e 1 1 32 e . s . 264 272. ch III ; Conv r , not , ; Boyl , u , 5 7 AF FECTED BY CHRISTIAN IN FL UEN CES . details of this ceremony are told only by observers in the ! 0 nineteenth century . A missionary among the Hurons wrote in 1 627 that Our Indians believe that there is a certain invisible spirit which all had governs , one good and one , yet without power to under or S e stand p cify which is the fortunate , which the unfortunate ” ’ 2 1 a genius . Their name for a devil was the same as th t for a “ good Spirit . The dualism which ranges On one hand the good spirit with his legion of angels , on the other the evil one a Of w with his sw rms ﬁends , representing the orld as the scene

the of their unending conﬂict , man as unlucky football who ” 2 2 a . gets all the blows , is unknown to savage n tions But , possessing the notion of spirits that were sometimes good and

sometimes evil , it was possible for the Iroquois to adapt and a to use the Christi n idea of good as over against evil . In the ff creation myth , so powerfully a ected by Christian theology ,

the cleavage was introduced . In that myth the spirits Sapling and Flint were respectively the embodiment of good and of

e . vil Sapling, as the good spirit, created all things good and made man and woman even as Adam and Eve had been

. a made Flint , as the evil spirit, cre ted all things evil and

fought the spirit of good . The myth was very deﬁnite upon e 2 3 the matt r . But other myths retained the notion that a ma 2 4 spirit y at one time do good and at another, evil . The - r False Faces a e a familiar illustration . a The heaven described by the mission ry was adopted , but be

came modiﬁed considerably in the process . It was an Indian

heaven only, no white persons being found there . George Washington was the only white man permitted in the region ; ha even he , however, could not dwell in heaven , but d his abode

just outside , on the road to it . To reach heaven the soul had

2 0 - 1 m . . 98 ea am Jour. A . F L s . and e 2 i h V 209 B uch p , , I , q not ; III , - n XI 347 3 8 . 21 2 ; Am. A. a d 0 . Jour. , V, 4 VII 7- 1 23 -23 9 A n . r A M Am a d 0 Jou . 4 5 . s 262 Ha e . . a l , , , , l o org n , II, m i e t 69- 70 see e e e e s ve . 2 65 . Bri f d scription of c r ony gi n in t x , pp ;

4 1-46 e note s ther to .

2 1 : arl R eli ion 3 45 Beauchamp E y g , .

2 2 H n 448 n Losk iel P t. u . s . 5 9 . La onta a d te Brinton , , ; cf , II , no ; ,

I , 34 . 2 8 S ee Ch . e 7 . 27 . II , not , p 24 r m e s nﬁ ld nd M s . S . See Conv r e, Ca e a ith 5 8 IROQU OIS RELIGION .

to pass along the Path of Souls, called by us the Milky Way . ff rac This belief , however , little a ected the older beliefs and p tices regarding the abode of souls in the West or in the ground “ ” or in that place from which they come to enter the bodies a 2 5 of infants t birt . The Iroquois did not take either kindly or willingly to the as his idea of eternal punishment . That idea w too foreign to 2 6 experience . It seems that not until the religious revival under Handsome Lake in the early nineteenth century was the notion of hell as the place of punishment for sinners deﬁnitely a ccepted . t e At festivals it became customary, hough possibly not befor

the e . nineteenth c ntury, to make public confession of sins But the conception neither of confession nor of sin , judging from the practice , was that of the old Jesuit teachers . Confession meant simply the acknowledgment of contrition . The Indian

m . disliked punish ent intensely The sinner, after confession ,

e te . xpected no punishment here or hereaf r If a man , said t they , be truly sorry, says so and promises fai hfully to do ? wrong no more , Then what more can be expected of him a us Oral prayer became a p rt of the regular, public, religio ceremonies, the Great Spirit being thanked for the favors he had shown to his people and asked for continued aid since his fu 2 7 people so faith lly carried out his behests . Prayers seem to have been uttered not so much in the spirit of true Chris tian humility as in the spirit, We have done our duty and ” t respectfully remind you to do yours . It was customary a the sa conclusion of the regular morning meal for the man to y, ” “ ” Thanks are given and for the woman to reply, It is well . w 2 8 This practice probably as not aboriginal . a was B ptism never adopted . It was black magic , danger ﬁ 2 9 ous and lled with malignant power .

2 5 — — LV J . R . 1 6 72 1 1 7 1 1 9 Canﬁeld 1 69 1 71 e II ( ; , ; Convers , 5 1-52 5 6-57 M - a 245 246 . , org n , I , 2 6 2 1 . Boyle, 7 2 7 a . 1 1 chs . s m . as . e Morg n, I, bk , I, II, p i ; cf Boyl 2 8 P a k er : M aize 61 e se 1 34 1 L J R . 1 69 r , ; Conv r , note ; III . ( 6 - 265 267.

29 D e 1 22 . L J. R . 1 65 5 1 35 onoho , ; cf X II ( .

E N 60 IROQUOIS R LIGIO .

e e H awenne u m his They told him , at the b h st of y , to refor 3 0 people . Intemperance beyond all other vices had played Obvious and 3 1 e dreadful havoc among the Iroquois . Some fear d its inroads

would exterminate them altogether . Whatever may be said ’ to of Lake s motives and methods, he did endeavor late in life work a reform and did carry through a successful campaign

against drink . Though this was of primary importance in e his eyes it was not his sole mission . Mer talk about the

necessity Of being good would carry little weight , for men had a e long talked thus . So Lake pre ch d good conduct on the h n . a e pain of eter al , fearful punishment In his te chings perpetuated both the old forms and beliefs and the newones

that had crept in . He powerfully emphasized the religious sanction back of conduct on earth by describing the rewards that H awenneyu would give the good and by emphasizing the ills that awaited the wicked in the form of dreadful punish ment from H awenneyu . His chief and striking inﬂuence was was upon morals , and his instrument for improving the morals

the religious belief in the Great Spirit . His preaching bore

fruit immediately .

’ His (Hands om e Lake s ) introduction to the Onondaga nation was

At the me the es ame amo like this . ti whit c ng this people they were

a e to the us e of a e s s an d e e greatly ddict d rd nt pirit , fr qu ntly indulged ’ m s b eas e e ss . the ea 1 79 0 or 9 1 l r the e M . in it to o t tly xc In y r , whi W e s e e his a se at the m of O a C ek b t r occupi d tr ding hou outh nond ga re , eighte en of the principal chie fs and warriors of the Onondagas calle d

im s at a e had st set at e a ea on h , t ing th t th y ju out to t nd gr t council

the six a s b e e at ffa . As wa m of n tion , to h ld Bu lo s custo ary, M r.

e his e and i was W ebster produc d bottl , t plie d with a right good will a to the lips of all . W ebster was always special favorite with the a s and on s as a e hi s ues s s a Indi n , thi occ ion p rt d with g t with unu u l

em s a s of m a a ta me . du e me ese e e a es d on tr tion utu l t ch nt In ti , th d l g t returned ; and as usual the bottle of strong drink was placed b e fore m T the e as s e O f M r. W e s e e e m n of em them . o utt r toni h nt b t r, v ry a th

. The e s e a e a e m t refuse d to touch it chi f xpl in d , th t th y had et a ff P ROP H ET the S e e a a had ass e em and Bu alo , a of n c n tion, who ur d th ,

d h m s m e e a in thi s assurance they ha t e o t i plicit conﬁd nc , th t without

3 0 M a 2 1 7-220 P a e : C ode o H andsome Lake 5 9-1 3 org n , I , ; rk r f , , , — 6 1 9, 2 1 2 . 31 0 H 7 2 6 7 2 5 D o . N 1 5 9 2 LV J R . 1 673 c i st . o . III . ( ; f II, , 7 6 1 0 1 9 n l 1 043—1 044 P e : C ode 9 623 640 65 6 9 1 7 1 0 a d vo . a , , , , , IX , ; rk r , , 1 0 1 7 1 8 20-21 , cf. , , . E 6 AF FECTED BY CHRISTIAN IN F LUE N C S . 1

a st e e m the u se of a e s s e and e a e a total b in nc , fro rd nt pirit , th y th ir r c would shortly become extinct ; that they h ad e ntered upon a re solu

o e e a a as th a e a e and a e e ti n, n v r g in to t te e b n ful rticl , th t th y hop d to b e able to prevail on the ir nation to adopt the same salutary ” 3 2 resolution .

’ 1 888 a a In a Seneca , spe king of H ndsome Lake s work , de scribed it thus

‘ The e e a e i s on ea s o s e e n G g n r l beli f , e gr t pirit contr l v rythi g ; od,

he i s a e E s he is a s eme e e a e e t n c ll d in ngli h , upr pow r on rth, v ry hi g ; and the n they believe in temperance ; that i s the most part of the ir

e is em e a e and e e e e a m s o the r ligion, t p r nc ; th y b li v in th nking , o tly, t

G ea S a is the m s m r a m s e e t r t pirit, th t o t i po t nt thing ; o t v ry hing the y

see he n him i e ne a e t t y tha k ; it s th ir doctrine t o b e kind to o noth r , o

b e es e e and e e eve a man i s a e one good, hon t p opl ; th y b li to h v only woman to live with ; and they are strict ; their doctrine is against m arry more than one woman ; it comm ence d about e ighty-eight ye ars ago that way ; b e fore that we was wild ; the y would murde r one

a e and s a me e ws r noth r, drinking ju t bout that ti ; th re a a g eat deal Of whisky brought for the Indians ; and they h ad terrible times ; and then they g ot up this Indian doctrine ; and H ands om e Lake he preache d the a s he was a e s he a me and s me s to Indi n ; t k n ick , t y cl i d, o good thing he s we to the e e and e e a e a a a e a ho d p opl , v rybody dopt d right w y ; ft r th t doctrine everybody was good ; everybody was good ; and all shaking hands and all feeling good ; and that i s the starting of this Indian ” 3 3 religion .

The religious ceremonies of the nineteenth century described a a and owe by Clark, Morg n , P rker others much for their emphasis upon morals and upon the Great Spirit as the sanc tion of morality to the teachings of Handsome Lake and his a immediate and sole successor , Jimmy Johnson . What H nd some Lake preached is related by Jimmy Johnson in a sermon “ occupying three mornings . Johnson opened his address with a brief statement of the visit of the four angels to Handsome

3 2 C a : Ononda a 1 05- 1 06 P a e 11 . s 6 l rk g , I , ; cf . rk r , . , . 3 3 M a e 23 5- 23 6 e m I ndian P rob lem org n , II ( not , quot d fro , II, 1 1 04 .

’ 3 4 What follows is a summary of the translation of Johns on s ad ess at a e e a C C e at a a a O t dr g n r l ondoling ouncil h ld Ton w nd , c . 4, 5 , 6,

1 848 . El P a m y S . rker who ade the translation was thoroughly fami — a the s se . It is e in M a 224 248 li r with di cour giv n full in org n, I , . Cf. E L n - . s : e e ds Tradi ti ons and Laws 1 85 208 . J s was John on g , , ohn on a

s a a e . His a i s s m a a f M a A ﬁ e Tu c ror chi f ccount i il r to th t o org n . n

d s ss is e P a e : Code th s s i cu ion giv n in rk r , in which e code it elf i trans a e a 20-80 l t d, p ges . 62 IROQUOIS RELIGION .

i and Lake . Follow ng that as the ﬁrst of a number of exhorta tions he pointed out the evils of intemperance and solemnly e the warned his listeners against the habit . The r mainder of ’ ﬁrst morning s discourse dealt mainly with family relations . a far a s a Marriages, s id he , as possible should be kept f ith

i . It is fully . Hypocr sy and deceit Should be shunned a duty to care for orphan children and properly to rear them . All children should be taught morality and reverence for the be Creator. As for the marriage relation, adherence must given to the ancient Iroquois dictum that it is right and meet e for a mother to select a suitable match for her child . Onc a s married , the ende vor should be made not to give ground for divorce . Here Johnson repeated the command that children be taught the old moral virtues of obedience to and respect

for their elders, and also that they be taught the duty of He obedience to and reverence for the Great Spirit . pointed out that quarreling between man and wife was wrong and that e they should support ach other, since quarreling and antagon ism between parents were of evil influence upon their children . After telling his listeners that the Great Spirit thought it a e s ffi as i we gr at wrong to ell land, to tra c in earth though t er th t paltry merchandise , and that consequently e Great Spiri s h urely would punish the transgressor, Jo nson concluded his ’ fi i i : s rst day s Speech at noon w th th s remark Chiefs, keeper of the s and - w faith, warrior , women children You all kno a e a th t our religion teach s, th t the early day is dedicated to the re is e G at Spirit, and that the late day granted to th spirits of ” the dead . It is now meridian and I must close . Taking up his discourse again the following morning John son declared that adultery , always a great wrong in Iroquois e es was sin the the i y , a in eyes of Great Sp rit . Regarding puni shments the Creator had declared that the chastisement of children by means of the rod was wrong and that the Old m ethod , that of sprinkling water upon the chi ld to be corrected e ffi or ven of ducking him , was su cient . The Great Spirit sanc tioned Old es s and s and e we e all the f tival game , therefor they r to be continued . Then Johnson portrayed what were to be the fu ture punishments meted out by the Great Spirit to all a s drunk rds and inho pitable people , and what were to be the re a s to the w rd granted hospitable. He verbally castigated FFE ED B A CT Y CH RISTIAN IN FLUE N CES . 63

those who evinced pride because of their possessions . All men were made equal by the Great Spirit ; but he has given ce them a variety of gifts. To some a pretty fa , to others an

u r . gly one ; to some a comely fo m, to others a deformed ﬁgure

Some are fortunate in collecting around them worldly goods . ou a e But y are all entitled to the s me privileges , and therefor must put pride from among you . You are not your own

t . makers , nor the builders of your own for unes All things are O f a the gift the Gre t Spirit , and to him must be returned a k e thanks for their bestowal . He lone must be ac nowl dged ff as the giver . It has pleased him to make di erences among men ; but it is wrong for one man to exalt himself above ll . a another Love each other, for you are brothers and sisters ” a s of the s me great family . The love of music and the pa sion for gambling had led the Iroquois to frequent gambling dens and dance halls , to the detriment of his physical and moral health . Johnson told how in the message to Handsome Lake the Great Spirit had urged the maintenance of the old religion se he and had pronounced , through his four mes ngers , t ﬁddle and cards to be temptations set in the path of the Iroquois by - the Evil minded . Consequently indulgence in them was a great sin . In the name of the Creator the Keepers of the Faith were exhorted faithfully to continue the moral instruction of e o their p ople . The assembled persons were commanded t speak no evil of one another and to cultivate friendship with those who surrounded them , an act pleasing to the Great Spirit .

Thus ended the discourse at noon of the second day .

On the morning of the third day , having called the attention of his hearers to certain omissions, Johnson once more state d the need of perpetuating the old religious ceremonies at the

- . i behest of the Great Spirit Then , in quasi Dantean fash on ,

. Y v o hell and heaven were depicted et the Indian ersion , s was palpably modeled on the theology of white missionaries , ne e verthel ss Indian in its punishments and in its sarcasm . hn e Jo son sol mnly pointed out that witches , murderers and i those guilty of nfanticide never reach heaven . The people were reminded also that stealing was displeasing to the Great

i . Spir t The Iroquois mourning customs , as can be gathered e asily from the descriptions of them already given, often led to se n the impoverishment of tho co cerned and sometimes, be E N 64 IROQUOIS R LIGIO .

c s . so e n au e of their rigors, led to death Handsome Lake , k e in his recognition of inﬂuences favorable and unfavorable to is his people , sought to reform these customs . His success ’ seen in John son s declaration that the custom of mourning for a year was wrong and that it is commanded that the bereaved r mourn ten days for the dead and not longer . The fou s a Mes engers further said to Handsome L ke , they were fearful the that, unless the people repented and obeyed his commands , patience and forbearance of their Creator would be exhausted ; s that he would grow angry with them, and cause their increa e ” to cease . With a statement concerning the ﬁnal day of reckoning in which the good and the faithful shall go home to s their Creator while the wicked Shall perish , and with thank re to and a blessing on his listeners , Johnson concluded a

markable sermon . This brief synopsis of Johnson’s discourse contains three a m tters of importance , whether looked at from the point of view of the history that lay back of the sermon or from the point of view of the ceremonial and duties that partially

ﬂowed from it . In the ﬁrst place the meat of the discourse is the e really Indian . The purport of sermon is to tell peopl howto act ; and the things to be done or not to be done are

mainly native . His exhortations regarding marriage , regard to ing the rearing of children , regarding the duties of parents

each other and to their young , regarding hospitality, friend of ship , the evils witchcraft , boasting , defaming persons , pride ,

thieving , inchastity , prescribe duties known to the Iroquois a before the strangers came from over the sea. But there are

few duties that were learned from or imposed by the Whites .

The white man gave the Iroquois drink and cards . The virtue of temperance and the viciousness of gambling and dancing

were apparent to all observant persons before Lake died . In ’ the second place the reasons given for conducting one s self

properly are really Christian . The references to the Creator and fu and or Great Spirit, to hell heaven , to ture punishment e a judgment day, to conf ssion and sin and to the duty of thanking the gods are examples of how the contact with the Ol Whites gave a newsanction to the d virtues. Over and above all such considerations the sermon contains in the third Old place a reiteration of the duty of preserving the festivals, F N E 65 AFFECTED BY CHRISTIAN IN LUE C S . dances and games that is made effective because of divine

Old. behest . The Great Spirit wants these things done as of The regularity and care with which the nineteenth century ceremonies were conducted have been due in large part to the commands of Handsome Lake and Johnson . These men molded the religion of their people whilst their ideas in turn were fashioned partly by beliefs and customs that formerly were held only by the white people . The sermon , then, com ing at a time when Iroquois ways of living were changing over a from those of a hunting , ﬁshing , gricultural and ﬁghting people to those of a peaceable and farming people , presents a curious mixture of the old and the new . But it presents more a we a than th t . It clearly urges what call a high stand rd of morality and urges it upon a religious foundation and sanc a tion . The words of the sermon bespe k genuine spirituality in the orator .

E E I N TH E N E EEN R LIGIOUS F STIVALS NI T TH CEN TURY . In the nineteenth century the systematic and steadied a economic life , mainly agricultural , th t engrossed the atten

a e tion of more of the social group th n ever before , reﬂ cted its a a interest and v lue for the community in the more el borate ,

e . a regular , religious c remonies Upon at least six st ted occa feastivals sions during the year were held , each lasting from

one to ten days . The regular recurrence of a complicated ceremony necessitated the formation in the tribe of a group

with managerial and supervisory powers . These persons were

. e a the Keepers of the Faith It has been seen that in old n d ys , e i A reskoue for exampl in nvoking g , some important man ,

usually one of the elders , took charge of the conduct of affairs . The e Keepers of the Faith s em to have been functionally , if

a e . not also historically, descend nts of thes men Each tribe ,

Mr . Morgan reports , had some individuals , men and women , who were appointed by the men and women of the clans of the e e trib to take charg of the religious festivals . These Keepers the of Faith had no special dress or other distinguishing mark. Except at festivals they differed in no way from their com fﬁ rades . In fact they held o ce only so long as they fulﬁlled i i the r duties , resignation be ng permitted them at any time, subject to public disapproval if the resignation were thought E 66 IROQUOIS R LIGION .

e m all to vidence ere shirking . It was they who made the arrangements with regard to the holidays, arrangements of a a time , of place , of order of ceremoni l , of ddresses and so

forth . The women Keepers had especial supervision over the provision and conduct of the feast or feasts that capped all a such gatherings . In ddition to their duties as administrators e o of the public f stivities, and pr bably because of the preach e two ing and t aching of Handsome Lake , the Keepers had other duties which gave them something of the position con

noted by the name of priest or minister . They were also the oﬂicial o he cens rs , reporting to the council at t religious meet

ing the misdeeds of members of the community . They them e selves made the address s , both religious and moral . Their work as moral advisers will be touched upon in the next 3 5 chapter .

One of the primary modes of formal worship was the re ! li ious g dance , for the Indian danced his worship . It was not

. a s he saw play to him The interpreter, Conr d Wei er, says that O a 1745 some Iroquois dance at nond ga , in , for three hours Off or more until the perspiration rolled them . He wondered that human exertion could be so strenuous for so long a time 3 6 and marveled at the physical endurance displayed . The “ ” e was . danc sacred It was praying with the feet . At all

f . estivals they danced to some deity It also was a record , for the love of dancing and the desire for it prevented the loss of

the deity danced to . s s The ﬁr t of the great festival was the Maple Dance , held when the sap began to ﬂowand having for its religious Object ” the thanking of the Maple itself for its sweet waters and the thanking of the Great Spirit for the gift of the tree and 7 s 3 e for his kindness to the a sembled folk . This f stival and all others were preceded by a confession of sins and were e s marked by dances and feasts . Much time during the r ligiou cermon e y was devoted to social enjoyment, the activiti s being more or less colored by the notion that they were sacred- the e dance was sacred or the game was sacr d .

3 5 M a 1 7 7- 1 79 S e o 8 5 . e e . . org n, I, b l w, p 3 6 M z 6 P enna a ine His 0 . m . a o t Of . M a ass e . g f , III , org n , p i ; ind x p

3 1 8 is e to a e s . C a 62 s . of vol . II guid d nc l rk, I, q 3 7 P a e : C ode a a f a Se e a sa e e em 9 4 rk r , gives tr nsl tion o n c cr d c r ony, — 1 00 n n t rn l n in nd ma e a s s 1 01 1 04 . , a d a ou line of co p a t g a pl th nk giving ,

E 68 IROQUOIS R LIGION .

was e in i to marked by speech s , by the performance , addit on several other dances, of the special dance to the Great Spirit,

a e . the Fe ther Dance , and by an addr ss to the Great Spirit On the second day addresses were made again and the Thanks a e was s a giving Dance was given . The l tt r imil r to the

Feather Dance and like it was performed by a select band . This day also was marked by a series of very short speeches H awenne u not to y alone but to various phenomena , mainly he da e a v natural . T third y was distinguish d by a th nksgi ing concert in which were sung thanks to and praises of all natural n da - objects . O the fourth y the old peach stone game was the played . The chief religious element in the festival was Thanksgiving Dance Of the second day and the accompanying addresses . A series of two minute dances was performed to the a a and a a music of th nksgiving songs and shell r ttles , fter e ch dance one of the following sentences was recited until this list was run through

W e e a s ou r m e the ear r turn th nk to oth r , th , which sustains u s .

W e a s the e s and s eam return th nk to riv r tr s , which supply u s with

e wat r . We e a s all the e s m r turn th nk to h rb , which furnish edicines for the

o r e e cure of u dis as s . “ We e a s the and her s e s t r turn th nk to corn , to i st r , he beans and w u es e e . squash , hich giv s lif

e e s th e s es nd es w W r turn thank to bu h a tre , hich provide u s with f ruit .

e e a s the m n h ir W r turn th nk to wind, which , ovi g t e a , has banishe d

eas dis es. “ We e a s the m and sta s a e r turn th nk to oon r , which h v given u s h n wa e the ir light when t e su s gon .

e e a s a e H e W r turn th nk to our grandf th r no , that he has protecte d i a e m es and e e s and h h s gr ndchildr n fro witch r ptil , as give n to u s his rain . “ W e n s the su n he has e r turn tha k to , that looked upon the earth ﬁ e with a b ene cient e y .

Last we e an s th e G ea S t m is em e ly, r turn th k to r t piri , in who bodi d ” 3 9 l e ss nd e s all s the of his e . a l goodn , a who dir ct thing for good childr n

The ﬁfth regular festival and the last so closely connected with agricultural interests was the Thanksgiving to Our Sup

a . porters , held for four days after the harvest had been m de The festival resembled closely the Green Corn Festival and

3 9 - M a 1 94 1 95 . org n, I, E AF FECTED BY CHRISTIAN I N FLUEN C S . 69

s had for its especial Object the thanking of tho e inseparables , a the corn , bean and squ sh , together with the triad of spirits “ that cared for them . These religious councils were seasons a a of animation and excitement . The gre ter activity in soci l e e e a a intercourse among the p ople , g n r lly aw kened by these e and feastivities a ceremoni s , contributed l rgely to keep up the ” 4 0 spirit of these occasions . ’ New a e a s a The Ye r s F stiv l , the mo t import nt and longest e a th of the Iroquois religious ceremoni s , is rel ted directly to a a a e White Dog Feast and the more ncient Dre m Fe st , b ing held at the same season of the year and including the same sort

a e . e of ctiviti s The cer mony, commencing about the ﬁrst of

a a l a . e Febru ry, usu lly asted seven d ys Confession befor the beginning of this ceremony was more thorough than on any e other occasion . The c ntral object seems to have been the burning of the dog or dogs . All the sins of the people had been collected and concentrated in the Keepers of the Faith “ ” who by some peculiar manoeuvering transferred them to ” two individuals who in turn by some peculiar ceremony ‘1 worked them O ff into the strangled dogf The cre ature was the da strangled on ﬁrst y , this method of killing being em ployed to prevent bloodshed Since the spilling of a drop of

. a a blood nulliﬁed the whole proceeding Then the p int , fe thers

and , in recent times , the ribbons which pious persons had given

e e . in order to receiv blessings , w re put on the dog Thus deco

was a . rated , it hung some eight feet in the air on pole There d a . it remained until burned on the ﬁfth y The second , third and fourth days were passed in ways reminiscent of the seven teenth century and of the account of the Dream Feast wit n e D ablon hau o 1‘ 2 ess d by Fathers and C m not. Formal visits e were made ; danc s were performed ; gifts were collected , even e a a a l gitim tely stolen , for the feast ; persons m squer ded ; dreams were guessed and solemnly fulﬁlled ; games were

4 0 I 1 9 b . , 8 .

4 1 9 M nd e m 5 . e a s Clark, organ , Boyl oth r fail to ention this fact

s s w e e a the m as a mea which Clark ay he sa . Th y r g rd dog Si ply ns of sa ma a e ff r communicating with the Great Spirit . U ge y h v di ered fo f i eﬂ am the S e e as M organ wrote o h s obse rvations chi y ong n c , Boyle of later Canadian Iroquois and Clark of mid-nineteenth centu ry

Onondagas . 42 — 3 6 3 9 . Se e pp . 0 E 7 IROQUOIS R LIGION .

played . In this manner every house was made a scene of

gaiety and amusement , for none was so humble or so retired as to remain On the early morning of the ﬁfth c day the white dog was burned on a wood pyre . This ere monial burning was preceded by a speech of thanksgiving, after which a solemn procession bore the dog to the ﬁre and A the Great Spirit was invoked . long religious address was

made , the body of which was like the address given topic by

topic just above in connection with the Green Corn Festival .

The introduction, however, consisted of an invocation of Hawenneyu requesting him to make his people steadfast in the “ e p rformance of duties . In contrast with this long address given at the Seneca ceremony it is interesting to compare the

brief one used by the Canadian Iroquois .

We ask that the sun will continue to Shine on u s and mak e all s w thing gro .

W e ask a the m ma a a s us th t oon y lw y give light by night .

W e ask a he ma th t t clouds y never ce ase to give u s rain and snow.

We ask a the s ma a s th t wind y lway blow .

We ask a the t e s and s ma s th t r e plant y alway grow . We ask that Thou ( Gre at S pirit) would send all s orts of animals ” n m m e 4 5 a d an a e e se . for food clothing, d ke th birds incr a in nu b r

The religious exercises of the sixth day were concluded by e o the Feath r Dance , though ther dances were performed and the usual feast consumed . The seventh and last day was given over to a thanksgiving concert and to the playing of the peach “ stone games 6

4 3 M a 204 . org n , I , 44 - — 1 b . 21 0 2 1 3 P a e : Code 85 94 e , ; rk r , , b ing the translation of the S eneca praye r as recorde d on the Cattaraugus Re servation in P ebru r 1 9 0 a y, 6 . 4 5 267 Boyle, . ’ 4 6 M organ s account is of the S enecas of the ﬁfth decade of the last e C a es es a he c ntury . l rk d crib wh t sawat Onondaga at the opening

the s ame e a e I 5 5 He sa s a the e em ws com of d c d ( , y th t c r ony a T pleted by a War Dance . he brie f account given by Boyle for the ’ Canadian Iroquois just be fore 1 900 should b e compare d with Hale s stateme nt of what he sawand heard among them some twenty years ’

M a w A A. n 0 m. a d our a e s a s n . VII ft r org n ccount a writte ( J . , , 7 Beauchamp recounts what Albert Cusick told him of the feast among - — O ur A F . 1 98 P m. L a C the a as Jo . . k e : ode 8 1 8 5 nond g ( , I , r r , , c s n Ne R ontain a account of the festival at wtown, Cattaraugus eserva r 1 0 tion, Janua y, 9 5 . D AFFECTE BY CHRISTIAN IN F LUEN CES . 7 1

E E F N N E N E G N RAL SUMMARY O CHRISTIA I FLU C S .

From a consideration Of the things religious that the Iro uois r q took over f om the Whites, much of it being palpably imitation of Christian ways and words , it is to be seen that fundamentally the Iroquois was little affected ; that which su erﬁcialities he did take were largely the p , the outward signs of Christianity . The depths of its thought were not plumbed ea a by him . The id of tonement , for instance , was not under

so . stood , that Iroquois confession was never Christian The central rite of Christianity, the communion , was never taken a over by the pagan Iroquois . The pr yers quoted in connection with the festivals Showhowthe older spirits remained and functioned and how the Great Spirit was simply added to the Of host of deities already existing . The labors Handsome Lake made the Great Spirit superior to and ruler Over all spirits . That the Iroquois so easily accepted the notion that his good conduct was sanctioned and his bad conduct was dis

x e . approved by religion , is e plicable by the nativ Situation The fact that his conduct ordinarily was bound up Somehow with his gods , that he knew that he and his gods always had ’ a been interested in e ch other s conduct , made it possible for s him , when he was led to make ome distinction between what are called morality and religion , to comprehend and to accept the teaching of the missionary that there is a deity who over ’ sees all men s thoughts and actions . With this belief could come a notion of S in and the adoption of a heaven that was ff o skeh A h a di erent place from the realms of J u a and ta entsic. A reskoue These gods, along with g , faded and disappeared ; Tarenyawagon became less important and dreams became some a a e wh t less comm nding . But whil the greater deities were suffering largely because they were so near the exalted Great

Spirit , the minor spirits with their many earthly duties that

demanded daily attention , bowed acknowledgment to the Great

Spirit and persisted along with their work. CHAPTER IV.

M L AND IT LA N IR OQUOIS ORA ITY S RE TION TO THEIR RELIGIO .

EF N N A E K D I ITIO N D R M AR S .

TH E Iroquois conception of moral conduct was conditioned largely by the fact that they formed a relatively small kin group whose members dwelt in a but slightly artificial en vironment and lived lives fraught with danger whether from other men and animals or from disease , famine and such other ills as appear in a society hampered by the fewness of invented and e en discovered , physical and intell ctual aids to human d vor TO and ea . w them right was that hich tradition, custom a n the ccepted ways of doi g things prescribed, and wrong was failure to do as tradition , custom and accepted ways of acting are e demanded . Their morals to be defin d as those motives, notions and particularly those modes of intercourse and action which the community approved of as right or disapproved f o as wrong. In order to determine the extent of the relations between Iroquois religion and morality it will be necessary not only to note the religious content discernible in some forms Of moral conduct and the significance of religious belief and practice s w for morality, but also to ob erve hat modes of ethical action were independent Of religion . Such distinctions of course can not always be made , for the native neither thought of nor con to formed his acts them . In connection wtih the Iroquois the ’ subject is complicated further by the accident of America s discovery and its occupation by Europeans . Because of that occupation it can not be asked Simply : To what extent and how were religious influences at work at various times through out the few centuries under examination ? For the question frequently arises : IS the practice native ? If influenced by contact with the Whites , to what extent and in what way has it been affected ? 73 IROQUOIS MORALITY .

N TH E MORALITY OF IROQUOIS RELIGIO .

It is a matter of course that since Iroquois religious conduct and thought were approved by the community they were also moral conduct and thought . Two general comments on their religion from the standpoint of their ethics are worth making . In the ﬁrst place it happened that among the Iroquois religion te did not hinder to any great ex nt the conduct of political , economic and social life by encumbering that life with many

- e . re requirements of tim , energy and things A examination of the religious practices already described Shows that either because of the time when such demands were made or because of the nature and amount of the demands, the time and energy and things given over to religious uses could have been but of slight consequence in the development of political , economic ff a and social a airs. Those acqu inted with the life of savages in many parts of the world or even with ancient civilizations may wonder whether this generalization concerning the Iro qu ois be not false because of the mi le of the taboo which so Often elsewhere and in ancient times hampered practical ao tion or actually forbade it or the use of an implement best ﬁtted ff Of to e ect some practical end . The reader the history of the Iroquois is surprised to ﬁnd how rarely taboos interfered with

affa . their conduct of mundane irs The Iroquois , he learns, appear never to have had prohibitions against adopting such a valu ble foreign articles as guns or knives or cloth . Moreover he notes that often the taboo was helpful in the work of daily

life . It was advantageous to have a powerful taboo upon

- - story telling during the busy summer time . During the ini tiation ceremony the taboos aided in strengthening the re ligious emotion that did so much to give Signiﬁcance and value

to that ceremony . A taboo might have a distinctly ethical e a s t ndency . The injunction th t the bones of valuable animal must be handled with circumspection and kept from dogs was a e conducive to the creation of respectful attitude . It is tru that the records sometimes mention that fear for the conse quences of some act which is observed frequently in other parts of the world and which appears to be due rather to magical o than to religious belief . The Jesuits refer all too casually t e s the Iroquois f ar of baptism or of telling their personal name , knowledge of which would give the Jesuit power to cause the E 74 IROQUOIS R LIGION .

1 in death of the man . But such references whether myths or in other records are SO scanty that it is impossible to tell to what extent that type of belief and the taboos following is from it , existed . This lack of evidence certainly an indica tion that in the period under review the Iroquois were not influenced on a great scale in their daily life by that type of e Iro taboo , Of even great r significance is the fact that the quois himself could see the practical evil that flowed from

‘ s some ancient custom and could overcome it . A notable illu r tion t a is derived from the history of the Feast of the Dead . In the eighteenth century the extravagant giving and the reck less distribution of valuable furs and other articles were waste e ful and impoverishing, and wer recognized as such . Hand the some Lake preached against this lavishment, called upon Great Spirit to aid him and brought about the abolition of

. e e a the old elaborate feast It does seem tru , th refore , th t,

whatever the reason may be , the Iroquois religion in the last few centuries in fact did not interfere noticeably with conduct

in the secular world . a the In the second place , mong Iroquois religion was clearly of tremendous signiﬁcance as a valuating agency and as a h sanction . In this life it cast the spell of t e sacred over the great needs of the workaday world so that secular demands be

came also spiritual and were met and striven for more hopefully . What are to us non-religious acts frequently were performed in a religious “ frame of mind ” and that attitude increased the

importance Of those acts . Its evocation often in meeting secular demands helps to explain the frequency with which the religious sanction was used to make Obligatory essentially non

religious conduct . Those forms of conduct , for example , or which are demanded nowadays for political , legal military reasons or because conscience or custom sanctions them were

forms usually sanctioned among the Iroquois by religion . In t f fac , as has been said , the religious was the most ef ective and f the most widely used of Iroquois sanctions . This difference o e on the Iroquois from us is acc ntuated further by the fact that, the a other hand , such matters as m rriages and chastity, truth fulness and other virtues which among us are sanctioned gen

I — XLII J R 1 655 1 3 5 L J . R . 1 65 6 3 09 3 1 1 . . . ( ; X III ( — - G l enweiser 469 470 366 3 68 . On personal names cf . o d ;

76 IROQUOIS RELIGION .

e . eve a mony. It was also in part a r ligious ceremony S r l writers have described this council at length so that an addi 3 n tional description may be omitted . Although the occasio was that of the death of one and the choice of a succeeding ofﬁcer— a - political either lord, peace chief or sachem, or, when n — in the eeded , a deputy , assistant or war chief eyes of the he performers this political ceremony was also religious. T use of phrases and cries similar to those employed in burial 4 Karenna 5 ceremonies and of the or sacred hymn , the taboo r 6 on ce tain times of performance as dangerous to crops , the a danger that c me if before burial the horns, symbolic of 7 s c e we a h mship , re not removed from the head of the dead chief, even the use Of phrases whose meaning no longer was known 8 to the speaker, are signs of the penetration of this political ol mit . s en ceremony by religion Furthermore , the y, the grief and the appeal for aid to the Founders of the League as to a divine powers , indicate that the attitude was not merely secular one but was also religious . The value of it all in the eyes of the participants was not simply the value that attached

to s. e a mundane thing Ther was n awfulness , a sacredness , a supreme value about it all that only religion could give . Yet the actual choice of a sachem was not governed by any 9 religious consideration . It was laid down that the title rested with the same family and clan to which belonged the members

3 : D nawd M Ha : B S e a i a th. e ook o Rites. S t 7 cott g y l f cot , pp . 23 246 a of , reprints trans lation a part of the condoling rites given in — a and s a Ha e . 1 1 7 1 3 9 origin l tran l tion by l , pp . The former also trans a e s the s n e m h C l t word of a introductory c re ony to t e ondolence, pp . 234—23 7 a is b e Ha , th t not to found in le . “ ” Ha : r e s C C T ans R o l S c. an . a o C ada 2d l Iroquoi ondoling ouncil , in y , — ser. 1 8 95 S e 45 65 , I ( ction II, . P k e : Consti tuti F v a o ar r on of the i e N ti ns . Introductory ceremony me e a e is e a s P a k e 1 1 0 ntion d bov giv n l o by r r, pp . sq. M — — — 1 o a 5 9 71 83 84 1 09 1 6 . rg n , I, , , C a : P e le o t e Lon H ous 32-53 h dwick op f h g e, . Bea am : R eli i ons and M ournin Counci ls N M 1 3 . . S . . . 1 . uch p g g , Y Bull 4 Hewitt Offe rs an r explanation of the origin of the cry used in the m A 86-2 7 e e . Cf . A . nthr. 2 8 . Condol nc , XI, 5 - A — Ha : s 1 3 6 4 An . IV 41 H m r . s 5 e Rit 2 2 6 . th . 3 . l e , ; of . ewitt, . , n , , 6 - He i b . 3 3 3 4 witt , , . 7 234 of P k 11 . s . 1 09 . S cott, ; . ar er, , 8 H : R 6 a1e ites, 4. 9 — - 2 233 P 3 9 44 oldenwis r 468 . t 32 f . a e G e e S co t, ; o rk r, ; 77 IROQUOIS MORALITY .

O f the ﬁrst confederate council and that a nominee was to be named by the women of that family and clan , the Chief h Matron being spokesman . W en a vacancy occurred because a of the deposition of a lord , the Chief Matron of his f mily and clan named another warrior of her family and clan as the ’ successor and crowned him with the deer s horns . That Simple act made him a sachem ; no further ceremony was required . But if a vacancy occurred because of the death Of a lord or

the ff a . The sachem , successor was chosen in a di erent m nner Chief Matron and the warriors of the family and clan of the deceased nominated another lord from the warriors of the Of the e and family and clan d ad sachem , the nomination was submitted to the lords of the phratry of the deceased . If they confirmed it the matter was submitted for further confirma tion first to the other phratry of that clan and then to the

corresponding phratries in Confederate Council assembled . It was after this procedure that the candidate went through the a was a extinc Condolence Ceremony . If title thre tened with tion because of the death of the last member of the family and a the cl n to which the title belonged , it reverted to Confederate Council which appointed a successor from any family of the e a phratry of the deceas d s chem . They could invest the title

in that family there to remain as long as they were satisﬁed . the a a Finally, if Chief M tron of a family and clan in which was and e lordship title vested , died l ft females too young to fﬁ nominate candidates , the lords of the tribe undertook that o ce

e until in their opinion and upon the requ st of the heirs, the females were Old enough to undertake properly the making of

nominations . SO in no case was religion called upon to aid or in choosing a new sachem a war chief . It was when deal ing not with the new lord but with him who just had died

that religion ﬁgured as described . Even in the choice of that

- third type , the Pine Tree Chief, religion did not enter . For the Deganawida Myth states simply that if a warrior were found to be wise and trustworthy and if he were a person who

helped his people and therefore aided the Confederacy, the lords could acclaim him publicly and confer upon him the

- 1 0 title of Self Made or Second Chief , the title to hold only

during his life time .

1 0 - S 23 P 41 of . e se 4 56. cott, 3 ; arker, ; Conv r , 5 N 78 IROQUOIS RELIGIO .

In all important councils— the Deganawida Myth made it mandatory for all Confederate Councils - a chant or prayer 1 1 No preceded and concluded the consideration of business . n other religious practices, except those referred to in con ection

w . with the Condolence , ere connected with political councils

The mi le of the religions in political affairs was not ﬁxed .

Two extremes may be recognized . The puberty ceremony,

which was an individual and not a conciliar matter, although it was an admission-to -citizenship ceremony was nevertheless

a religious ceremony throughout . On the other hand religious

play in ordinary councils probably was nil . The prayers, ma e being customary, y have had as little force as thos that

open meetings of our legislative bodies . The Condolence is intermediate S ince in dealing with the dead it was religious

but in dealing with the living it was secular .

RELIGION AN D ECON OM IC IN STITUTION S . The Iroquois religion since at least the time of Handsome - Lake was concerned largely with food getting activities . With the exception of some minor practices1 2 the religious rites con nected de with economic life have been stated , and from the scriptions it is plain that Iroquois religion interfered little e with the actual work of food procurance . The wom n may e have danced to the Three Sisters, but they nevertheless car fully tended to the crops themselves and did not leave them e entirely to the care of the Sisters . John Obadiah may hav weakened himself by fasting and by drinking as an emetic the e a- s liquid of boil d green Osiers before he went hunting, but thi apparently unrelated means did give him an amount of con ﬁdence 1 3 r that went far toward bringing him his deer . Anothe interesting illustration is the reason given by the Iroquois for not e - making a practice of t lling stories in the summer time . Many myths dealt with spirits and had a quasi-sacred char

1 1 M a 1 05 C a 49 Ha e 62 org n, I, ; h dwick, ; l , . 1 2 e am e C e se : 3 4 3 n n For x pl , onv r , note , o su and moon dances ; 63 , e 3 s e me a not , on oci ty of wo n th t propitiated the Three S isters ; 66, ess f e s at a m 1 01 1 on bl ing of i ld pl nting ti e ; , note , on propitiation of - dwarf stone givers .

1 3 B a m : I r e a o uois Trail 92 . C s uch p q , u ick gives an account of hunt m — s s on . 34 35 n a m a d e a mm . ing cu to pp B uch p co ents upon them, pp 9 1—9 2, 1 1 2 . 79 IROQUOIS MORALITY.

” acter which revealed itself in the religious tone of mind of

e the narrator . Everyon knew that the spirits hibernated in a e the winter . Legends therefore could be told s f ly only in - e a and the winter time , for in the summer the spirits w re bout were listening and might be offended at what was said or might become SO intereste d that they would neglect their duties . This explanation hints at a more practical one of why these entrancing myths could be rel ated properly only during the wa - a and w ea e ry , time dr gging bleak inter s son and not during “ and . the summer with its ﬁghting , ﬁshing farming demands a e had Moreover , lthough r ligious festivals to be performed in and connection with planting , harvesting other farm activities , a a e a a a the f ct th t the numb r of festiv ls was sm ll , that gener lly they lasted but a few days and were performed before or after a a e the p rticul r conomic labor itself , brought it about that

a a was . re actu l work h rdly interfered with Furthermore , n ligion did not forbid good w ays of supplying economic wa ts . NO e a an m ntion is made anywhere , for ex mple , of objection ’ on religious grounds to the use of the white man s plow or he a e spade . T Iroquois ws fre to employ the best means she

and he could ﬁnd to supply food .

On the other hand , by means of the performance of the a intermedi ry, indirectly related religious ceremonies , men and women were ﬁlled with the conﬁdence that meant much for the a e . the successful outcome of pr ctical , economic activiti s Religion entered economic life not Simply by tying together daily labor and such religious beliefs and practices as have been a t described , but also by calling forth religious a titude toward th a e workaday world that enhanced the v lue of the work . This fact is more true probably for the nineteenth century than for

the two or three centuries immediately preceding . For prior to the days of Handsome Lake most of the religious ceremonies apparently were not performed at stated times and for stated e e e a a purposes, but s em to have been p rform d when a p rticul r

crisis such as a famine or a death or a war demanded it . But

during the past century the major ceremonies were standard ! ized and were performed regularly in connection with food

getting activities ; they consequently by the repetitive , habitual

1 4 M H 1 — l : th iawatha . s 0 1 1 nd the S choo craft y of , p xxiii ; Conver e, a - a 1 06 1 07 . de lightful par graph , E N 80 IROQUOIS R LIGIO .

m s appeal to the feeling of the holy , threw an at o phere of sacredness about economic duties and acts whi ch could not have been evoked solely by these duties and acts ; these forth with became even more valuable and more necessary than they

had been heretofore . There was a reciprocal relation . The increased importance of the farming life since the days of Handsome Lake drew special attention to the religious cere r in monies that aided fa ming, and the ceremonies in turn

of . creased the value that basic , economic activity An illus tration of this interplay is found in the history of the mi le of

a and . religion in the r ising of corn , beans squashes If the lack

of mention be a proof, the Three Sisters were unimportant ’ before Handsome Lake s time and before the change from a te n . hunting, fighti g life to a farming life But in the nine enth new a a ricul century, under the conditions lready described , g a ture was recognized as the chief occup tion ; and the corn , beans and squash were the chief agricultural products . The Three Sisters consequently attracted more attention ; they enter definitely into at least two Of the half-dozen great re ligious festivals that had as a purpose the assurance of a suffi h cient food supply . The religious ceremony could be as muc e 1 5 a m ans of economic production as a digging stick . all e ff But economic lif was not so a ected . A reviewof property ownership , for instance, shows a lack of religious Th influence . e forms of labor and the means of production employed by the Iroquois make it certain that property was limited in amount and in diversity . In its entirety it consisted s e of planting lots, orchards , house , implements of the chas , e weapons, articles of appar l , domestic utensils , personal orna m e a S a is ll n ents, stor s of gr in, kins of anim ls, and those m ce a eous fabrics which the necessities of life had led them to

1 5 Of C a k s Th . l r Wis ler e Functions of P rimitive R itualistic m ” — Ce e es P o . S ci . M onthl L V Au 200 r oni , p y , XXX II ( g , 203 . He sa s a a e em a e ame h y th t, l cking writing, c r oni l b c for t e Indian a vehi cle e se a was ea e m e e m for pr rving wh t l rn d fro xp ri e nt . A ritualistic cere mony in primitive life is an express ion O f a Speciﬁc series of

e es so esse and a a e as t e ere s proc dur dr d rr ng d to hold h int t, emotions and e e e m I r t ntiv activitie s of e n . ts primary function is to perpetuate e a e e and se e re s i a a x ct knowl dg to cur p ci ion in ts pplic tion (p . ’ From what is said in the text it is plain that Wissler s explanation of the function of a ritual is ve ry incomplete and that other causes also

e se th u se m giv ri to e of ritualistic cere ony. 8 1 IROQUOIS MORALITY .

” 1 6 t invent . But the individual owned , to use a convenien measure , only what he could carry with him As a member e of the hous , clan or tribe , he had a special property in other chattels and in land so long as he was in possession and use

~ there of as a member of the community . But when this rela ” 1 7 tion ended , his rights ended also . Since husband and wife

e remained m mbers of the clan into which each had been born , the property rights Of each continued distinct after marriage . But this statement is not to be construed as forbidding the the e transfer of property . The clan owned dw lling of the h w e household , the general chattels t erein as ell as the p rsons , and e such r sults of personal labor, invention or discovery as

. e a trophies , cures , game and other food This gen raliz tion must not be interpreted too strictly Since at times the Iroquois - himself did not make clear cut distinctions . The tribe was the A possessor of the tribal territory it occupied . S such it con

trolled the hunting, ﬁshing and trading rights within that territory and also these rights of tribal members when exer ci ed s without that territory . Such other chattels as wampum , - and e slaves , council house so forth belonged to the tribe if th y

did not belong to the clan or household . There was also a e restrict d communism for, with some limitations , food was common . That fact is to be expected since the Iroquois lacked means of preserving , buying and selling food . Nevertheless i a n . e there was disparity wealth Wh n one of the Fathers , 1 669 t who had baptized a young Seneca woman in , attemp ed to console the mother upon the subsequent death of the met daughter, he was with the reply, Thou dost not under

stand . She was a mistress here , and had at her command

more than twenty slaves, who are still with me. She never

knew what it was to go to the forest to bring wood, or to the ” . i river to draw water She knew noth ng about housekeeping .

Hence , troubled as to the lot of her daughter in the land of

S intr souls , the mother urged that a Sick lave be baptized , ucted and 1 8 killed so that she could follow and care for the daughter . This brief outline is sufﬁcient to indicate that religion had little

to do with the evaluation and distribution of property . It may

1 8 M a 3 17. org n, I , 1 7 72 s 1 0 II ( note 2 q. 1 8 V - Of LI J . R 1 669 93 95 . . . ( 82 IROQUOIS RELIGION .

th e O s a have enhanced e valu of such bject as tob cco , corn , game , e medicinal herbs , sundry stones and so forth , b cause the acquisi tion of them was sometimes dependent in part upon the use of religious means or because they played a part in religious a ﬂ ritu l . But on the whole religious in uences were missing in this institution . Property did not attract much attention to e its lf .

RELIGION AN D SOCIAL IN STITUTIO N S .

Similarly, matters of family relationships in the household - - a group , the face to f ce relations , were so matter of course that they rarely provoked thought about themselves and there s fore did not provoke the religious attitude . Such social fact - a as the household group , cl n and tribal ties and relationships

. e were not viewed religiously The pr sence , however , of that ’ will-o -the-wisp the totem suggests the guess that in centuries long gone the notion of kinship and the religious attitude 1 9 somehow were connected . The only definite religious influ ence in social life before the coming of the Europeans was the e fl negativ or restrictive in uence of taboos, and these , as preced

ing remarks indicated, were few . Among the Iroquois the union of two individuals in marriage - was a Simple matter . A full grown man needed but to have his proposal accepted by a woman and marriage was con

tracted . Mothers frequently arranged the marriage of their e te the n childr n, Of n without knowledge of those whose unio

was contemplated . But the mothers were not necessarily arbi trar a and as ew y, for at h rvests such other times thr young

people together the elders studied probable matches . Orphans h o a e . could c ntract marri ge t ems lves . Limitations were few No marriage could be contracted lawfully between members of a e the same cl n , the exogamous rul being commanding and

s . binding . Marriage were monogamous The average hunter

e . could not p rovide meat for several wiv s It will be recalled , o h wever , that if the wife would not or could not accompany her husband on trips he could take with him a captive or a “ ” e n free woman . Incontinence on the part of unmarri d wome hus was not wrong, but a wife must maintain faith with her t w band a all times, else she surely ill bring bad luck and mis

1 9 - — Goldenwe iser 465 467 ; 3 69 3 72 .

84 U E IROQ OIS R LIGION .

c n m was child persisted in his miscondu t , condig punish ent visited upon him in the form of water which was sprinkled or thrown over him . Corporal punishment, conﬁnement and 2 1 similar severe remedies were not used . Such was the account given by H eckewelder who spent about a half -century among the Indians of our central East during the life time of Hand o te same Lake . His descripti n of later eigh enth century edu c a s ation contains combination of ancient moral rules, religiou ideas and a general religious sanction that was in great part

. v if not wholly Christian The precepts themselves are nati e . r The punishments a e native . But the admonition to Show

gratitude to the Giver of Life , to act in accordance with his

wishes and to avoid the influence of the Evil One , is a Chris tian turn . The sanction, by the Great Spirit , of good conduct e s in general as over against bad conduct , r sulted from Chri e tian teaching . Beside this newer inc ntive stood that older Of the rs incentive to good conduct, the power the word of elde and the promise of Similar treatment at the hands of the gen te cration to come . It may be asser d that the education of c was e hildren, such as it was, not influ nced by religion until t the e missionary teaching made itself fel , and then influenc a was mainly as a sanction for old w ys of rearing the young. From remarks made at various times it is seen that the posi

tion of women was anything but degrading . It has been stated a had ert th t women charge of the household, could own prop y

even when married, played an important part in religious and ff political a airs , shared the responsibilities of providing food e s and e for the community, arrang d marriage educated the littl n children . To these rights may be added the fact that wome had the right to send men to war and to try to bring about e e e peace wh n war exist d . As mothers of posterity they wer

valued more highly than men . The composition for the killing Of ws a woman a twice that demanded for the killing of a man . e Notwithstanding the poss ssion of so many political , social , religious and economic rights women were regarded by the v 2 2 men and by themsel es as being somehow inferior to men .

2 1 - ﬁt 99 k w r 1 1 3 1 1 6 . . La au 5 Hec e elde a e x u . s . , Cf , I , ; Ch rl voi , , II , - 23 24 Losk iel P t . V Ba e e 1 6 1 7 P a k e : Code o , ; , . I, ch ; cqu vill , III, ; r r f

Handsome Lake, 34 . 2 2 r Am - - Bea am : s me Jou . . F . L. 8 1 9 1 28 1 uch p Iroquoi Wo n , , XIII, , - — e 1 3 1 38 ldenweiser 468 469 . Convers , 5 ; Go IROQUOIS MORALITY. 85

E N AND E E E R LIGIO SOM MISC LLAN OUS IN STITUTION S . The Keepers of the Faith who arranged religious festivals 2 3 were also teachers of morals . As instructed by Handsome e Lake , thes persons urged the people to live in peace and harmony, to avoid evil speaking , to be hospitable and chari table and to treat orphans kindly , because the Great Spirit re warded the doers of good . They taught too that wrongdoers a should not be treated h rshly , and that one should not make enemies since that kindled the spirit of revenge . It seems sure that this moral function of the Keepers and the sanction used Old and are not much more than a century , that the origin of both function and sanction may be traced to the changed con ditions that resulted from the formation of the United States and the teachings of Handsome Lake and the missionaries

before him . Most , perhaps all , of the moral precepts them

selves were aboriginal .

of a The moral inﬂuence the dance was attested by Morg n .

the s as the red a e at a e a w With Iroquoi , with r c l rg , d ncing as not e a e as a a s e em a s only r g rd d th nk giving c r oni l , in it elf acceptable to the

G ea S t e e e a s e r t piri , but th y w r t ught to con id r it a divine art , designe d - - Ha-wen ne u for e eas e as e as his s by y th ir pl ur , w ll for wor hip . It was cherished as one of the most s uitable modes of social intercourse

e e the se e s m e e s e a as the ea s m b tw en x , but or p ci lly gr t in tru e ntality for

s a e eme and for ee e he arou ing p triotic xcit nt, k ping aliv t spirit of the The s a m e s m n wa nation . popular enthu i s brok forth in thi for , a d s e nourished and stimulated by this powerful agency . Th first stir of feeling of which the Indian youth was conscious was e nkindled by e th m se tism h a es e ms of am the danc ; e first i pul of patrio , t e e rli t dr a bi was m e he tion were awakened by the ir ( sic) influences . It or in t ” 2 4 nature of a spell upon the people than of a rational guiding spirit .

Of Charlevoix , in Speaking Indians generally , described the

fasts , dreams , dances , songs, feasts and the conduct of medi 2 5 e cine men that go to make up the preparation for war . Whil on the one hand these now decadent practices were performed

in order to raise the warriors to ﬁghting pitch , to work them ” up by strenuous physical activity and to do something to

23 — P a e : Consti tuti on 5 6 M a 1 77 1 79 . rk r , ; org n , I , 4 - 2 M a 249 25 0 . org n, I , 2 5 - - — — 9 Vo a e 1 77 1 78 1 86 1 95 21 0 21 5 . Cf . Losk iel P t . 1 41 1 5 y g , I , , , , I, n n 1 62— 1 9 9 243- 246 248- 25 7 260-3 25 e . La a ( ch XI) ; t , II, , , , ; Cold n, I,

passim. E 86 IROQUOIS R LIGION .

ease the nervous tension under stress of war excitement with

the dangers and tortures and deaths of war, on the other hand the religious attitude underlay and largely caused the activi s ties . For by fasting the mind was prepared for the dream r wa on a that Ta enya g would send, and these would foresh dow

victory or defeat, the very central consideration . The medi cine men would diminish risks by enlisting the aid of Agre

skoue through the use Of dances and songs . With risks dimin he u be is d, with divine aid ass red , the victory could not in e ni doubt . Religious cer mo al, like the arrow , was a means to

this end . Hospitality well may be denominated the cardinal attrac his eu tive practice of the Iroquois . Morgan with customary e thusiastic appreciation of the ﬁn r side of Iroquois life , painted

an alluring picture .

P erhaps no pe ople ever carried this principle to the same degree

e sa as the s . e ses e e n O e of univ r lity, did Iroquoi Th ir hou w r not o ly p n at l s the da and of th a s he to e ach other , a l hour of y e night, but l o to t a a e nd the s a e S e a m e m s w yf r r a tr ng r . uch ent rt in ent as th ir ean

ff e was ee s e e him o f e a ord d fr ly pr ad b fore , with w rds o kindn ss and of

e me. a e or a s a e e e e her e a s w lco If n ighbor tr ng r nt r d dw lling, di h hommon a e s she h d ws mme a e a e of y, or wh tever l e a prepared , a i di t ly pl c d m e e hi an a a a e . ma diﬁ erenc t b for , with invit tion to p rt k It de no e a a the da um e s the s was wh t hour of y , or how n rou calls, thi courtesy

e e e orner n ws he e e . xtended to v ry c , a d a t ﬁrst act of att ntion bestow d s s m was e n h a s s a Thi cu to univ rsal , in fact o e of t e l w of the ir oci l

s s em and a e e on the a of the o se e as re y t ; n gl ct p rt wife to b rv it, w a e as a ea s a nd e a A g rd d both br ch of ho pit lity, a as a p rs on l affront . e a s a e a n m se to se an a n ighbor, or tr ng r, c lli g fro hou hou , through Indi n

a e b e us e e a e at e e e he e e e . the vill g , would th nt rt in d v ry dw lling nt r d If a e e the ue s h d s e sa s e e was et pp tit of g t a thu b en fully ti ﬁ d, h y bound in es as e f h s s nd e th ma court y to t t O t e di h pre ente d, a to r turn e cus to ry a cknowledgment . I thank you ; an omission to do either being e s eeme a a o o e u sa A t d viol ti n f th ges of life. stranger would b e thus

e te a e a e as as he ws e n n rt in d without ch rg , long a ple ase d to r main ; a d

a e a was e e o a m e am n i dre e r l tion ntitl d t ho ong a y of h s kin d, while h was s e U e di pos d to claim it . nder th operation of such a simple and n e sa lawof s nd e u iv r l ho pitality, hunger a destitution w re entirely k m ” 2 6 un nown a ong them.

Le Jeune wrote that

NO Hos itals are ee e am m e P n d d ong the , b cause there are ne ither

' me ndicants nor paupers as long as there are any rich people among

2 6 - - ’ - 3 1 8 3 1 9 . . a k 9 5 96 P a e : M axize 61 65 . I, Cf Cl r , I , ; rk r , IROQUOIS MORALITY . 8 7

em. e e ss m and tes ma m th Th ir kindn , hu anity, cour y not only ke the

e a a a e a em to s es a a t lib r l with wh t they h v , but c use th po s s h rdly ny hing

e e mm A a e m s e e e n xc pt in co on . whole vill g u t b without corn , b for a y

a c n b e e e e e the individu l a oblig d to e ndur privation . Th y divid pro duce of their ﬁsheries equally with all who come ; and the only re ~ proach they addre ss to u s ( Jesuit missionarie s among the I roquois ) is ” r 2 7 ou he sitation to se nd to them oftener for our supply of provisions .

’ a In Morg n s account a Christian inﬂuence is plain . At least Since the days of Handsome Lake hospitality was enjoined the ea had had by Gr t Spirit . He made all and given every a thing for the many and not for the few . Natur lly each must ’ give of his to supply a neighbor s wants ? 8 There was prob

- a e sa . ably mor primitive , quasi religious nction Among the tales de aling with strangers is one of a repulsive old man who e a was rec ived by none but a poor wom n . He rewarded her kindness and hospitality by revealing to her some secret cures f 2 9 a O diseases . Apparently the notion that the mana of stranger may be uncommon and therefore he should be treated

e a . well , li s back of the t le In by-gone days the method of healing frequently was satu rated with religious feeling which was essenti al for the success ha a of the cure . Mention s been made of the f ct that ordinarily the medicine man caused the patient to fast and himself per formed various violent and unusual acts that induced in him a

feeling of exaltation , without which he was unable to overcome

the power of the demon that made the patient suffer . These doctors frequently were members of secret societies and these a f f ord excellent illustration of how certain forms of behavior ,

that have become associated with religion , were essential in f assuring the healing power of a medicine . One of the Oldest o a these societies , a Seneca medicine society called the Gu rdian i n . of the Little Waters , is described detail by Arthur C

Parker , himself a member , to whom the myth of the origin of e or t th association was related by C nplan er. The Society is very Old and its ritual is tinged but slightly by Christian no

tions . The whole modus operandi is saturated with religious

feeling . Under no circumstances must the ceremonies and

2 7 1- 7 X I R 1 65 9 R 1 6 27 2 3 f L . 9 L . 65 o . J . 4 X III J . ( ; ( ;

- P 22 23 . a e 11 . . rk r , s , 2 8 - P 62 63 . arker, 29 - ﬁ ld 1 5 5 1 5 8 M rs m 78 . Can e , ; . S ith, E 88 IROQUOIS R LIGION .

secrets of the society be revealed to the uninitiated . The myth of the origin of the medicine related many weird occurrences that contributed to the magic efﬁcacy of the medicine . A ritual must be performed at meetings in the dead of night to acquire and preserve unimpaired the power of the medicine . The medicine alone was not efﬁcacious ; its healing power de f pended upon the continued performance O a ritual . The “ e society , as a member relates , was institut d primarily to pre serve and perform the ancient rites deemed necessary for pre f serving the potency o the little waters , and the ” method of its administration . The administration of the medicine necessitated acts that are recognized as religious .

H e . The p atient must be purged . must eat only white meat s The house must be rid of all uncleanly thing , uncleanly ani e No mals and wom n in periodic condition . wthe medicine a an man comes . He repe ts ancient formula and casts some e tobacco into the ﬁre . Th n he is given a cup containing water that was dipped only from a running stream and with the H e o current . dr ps the secret medicine , a powder , thrice into e the water, forming a triangl . If the powder ﬂoats the patient

e will recov r ; if it clouds , the case is doubtful ; but if it sinks he dies . If it Should happen that the patient is wounded , the

medicine is sprinkled on the wound and is taken internally . t After this, the doc or sings a chant and the matter is concluded 3 0 with a feast of fruit .

E AN D E R LIGION P RSON AL MORALITY . Among the Iroquois such duties as truth-telling and respect

for the life , liberty and property of others were not universal e obligations but held only for members of the group , xcept where treaties guaranteed a wider application on a reciprocity -hon e b asis . The very name Ongwe w which was applied to e e th ms lves by the Iroquois signiﬁed a unique people , a people who e were apart from others , a peopl who had obligations one

e to another but who did not of necessity owe th m to strangers . It is from this point of view that personal ethics among the ha a Iroquois must be examined . W t m y be called the Iroquois

3 0 C se 1 49— 1 83 s u sse se e A e s e s s . P onv r , , di c cr t oci tie ; cf arker in m. A r 61- 1 ﬁt 7 k n h . u . . 1 8 5 a s La au 3 3 nd c w t s a He e elder . , , XI , ; l o , I , , ch I XXX . 89 IROQUOIS MORALITY .

has ﬁeld code of morality been stated by several writers . Can n has given a summary for the nineteenth century , which , whe Of stripped Christian accretions , may be taken as an ideal r statement of Iroquois mo al rules, ideal because violations were e known among them ven as they are among us . It was wrong

e le the Old an ma e s To n g ct in y nn r , or to refu e to share with ” em the s of the ase or the s of the e s and wa th fruit ch product ﬁ ld , it s es e a e e or s e a a e r p ci lly wrong to n gl ct di r g rd g d o inﬁrm parents . To S eak e s s of a e m m p in d ri ion or lightingly nyon who ight b e la e , sane— r e in an ma blind, idiotic , in c ippl d y nner or unfortunate in any e e e or to e se em sic aid or s e d gr , r fu th ( ) h lter . To refuse to Share food or shelte r with anyone who might apply

e e or a the for ith r, to f il to care for s ick and for orphan children and

widows. To break any treaty or agreement made at the council-ﬁre when

he ea e - e ha ee sm k m t p c pip d b n o ed , or after parties aking the treaty

e had partak n of food together .

a h s m To viol te t e cha tity of any wo an . To kill animals for any other purpose than for food and cover

and for the e of s nd h ma ing, prot ction growing crop a u n life.

O e a se e u m b e f the m s e T t ll a f l hood, ev n tho gh it ight O o t innoc nt

character.

To Show cowardice in me eting any kind of danger !or to shrink

m e s a s ffe s es s or e a . fro xpo ure , p in , u ring, ickn d th “ To take human life unless the person killed was a member of a ” 3 1 tribe with which the Iroquoi s was at war. The Iroquois have been characterized frequently as more ﬁerce and relentless than other peoples ; as more revengeful and as rarely forgetting their revenge ; as more uniformly 3 2 merciless and cruel . The Jesuits said not simply that they would do all they could for the Indians but that they would do “ it in spite of all the rage of hell , and the cruelties of the ”

are . Iroquois, who worse than the demons of hell An Iro quois did not condemn these dispositions in a warrior SO long

as they were controlled by the ideas and customs of the tribe . They were part of the warrior’s outﬁt and were vented only not upon strangers . The Iroquois who was ﬁerce , cruel and relentless permitted an enemy to live and perhaps thereby en compassed his own death ; for the interminable Indian wars

1 - - - 3 i 1 3 1 8 S 1 44 1 46 . 1 72 1 73 . Cf Losk el P t . es . , I , ; tit , 3 2 1 6 V R V J . 42 . . A . . f . R s C . XXI ( ch XII l o XXXI J - - m 3 7 L J R . 1 65 6 1 65 7 271 . A a of the ea e 25 X III . ( ) full ccount tr t nt V v i J . R . I . of condemned capti es s given In XXXI . ch 90 IROQUOIS RELIGION .

re developed these dispositions in all warriors . The only ligious inﬂuence connected with cruel practices was the exac

tion of torture and sacriﬁce by Agreskoue. It was recognized by the older Iroquois that evil conse quences resulted from the rash conduct of loosely controlled e - e young men . Wars, h art burnings and other troubles cam in o the train of such behavior. Educati n did not teach self m s control , and the loose govern ent together with the emphasi upon the warrior ideal constantly led young men to make 3 3 outbreaks . Games of chance were enthrallingly interesting to the Iro i e quo s. In fact so great a hold did some games have that th y

were played regularly at religious festivals. The Great Spirit

himself, as announced by his emissary Handsome Lake , sanc ion o t ed some of these ancient games . But the Iroquois was s the s enamored of game that often he staked his all , the lo s of “ which brought hardship upon him and his . 4 “ 3 5 1668 Bru as re In a letter written in January of , Father y e to be As lated what s emed him to the vices of the Iroquois .

a cultivated Frenchman he found only four, namely, lust for “ . oh war, drunkenness , dreams and inchastity I have not ” “ served , he continued , any other vices in our Iroquois . They 88 do not know what Cursing is . I have never seen them be c ome angry, even On occasions when our frenchmen would have u t f ttered a hundred oa hs, As they live only rom Day to

Day, they do not desire much ; and all their wishes end in

s eat. having omething to For my part , I compare them to

our peasants in France , and I do not think that they are more ”3 7 i . ntelligent Morgan , writing almost two hundred

8 3 . R . V 8 7 L . . R . 1 6 56 1 01 1 0 XXXI J ch , ; X III J ( , 3 ,

1 1 5 , 1 3 7, 21 5 . 34 On games among the Iroquois see ” He : s Gam La s Am Ant r V - e C se . h . 1 89 1 91 witt Iroquoi of ro , , , .

H W . : S e e a S S a e Game Am Anthr 1 34 ough, n c now n k , . . , I , . ” P a k e : S S ak e Game Am Anthr - . . u . s . 250 25 6 r r now n , , , XI, .

A e e a s ss s ames is e M a b k . g n r l di cu ion of Iroquoi g giv n by org n, I , 11 V , ch . .

A m e s ss m s i e m e a a e s S . : Ga es co pl t di cu ion of Indi n g giv n by Culin, o the North Ameri an I ian B - 9 c n Am. E n 80 d ur. th . R e . V 3 f , , p , XXI , ( 1902 3 5 LI R J . 1 666 3 . . ( 1 7 sq 3 6 . Losk iel Pt . 1 4 Cf , I, . 3 7 i h 1 Cf . . , 3 .

E N 92 IROQUOIS R LIGIO .

he M e ou r e t S e e a h Brethren, t urd r of Br thre n a ch n ct dy by t e es as m as had ee e se s for French griev us uch, if it b n don to our lve , B e w r sam C a . e . are e s . e e e e a e in the e h in ( i , fri nd ) not th r for

. W s e e discourage d e give thi B lt to wipe away your T ars .

e e we ame the De a so ma O ou r e e se Br thr n, l nt th of ny f wBr thr n, who Blood has been shed at S chenectady . But now e gathe r up our

D em s se e . ead, to bury th , by thi cond B lt

n s i h M s e as i had a e m Hea e Great a d udden s t e i chi f, if t f ll n fro v n

r a s a u s all S ee to em a upon u s . Ou Foref ther t ught to go with p d b o n

r e e an D sas e or M s e and lame nt with ou Brethr n, wh n y i t r i fortun

happens to any .

b s D sas e is an Afﬂ t has a e Brethren e patie nt , thi i t r iction wi h f ll n

u The S u n a b ee and se s from Heave n upon s . , which h th n cloudy , nt thi

D s a a its easa eams . a e C a e . isaster, will hine g in with pl nt B T k our g 3342 A less formal expression of the sense of loss was couched in the words Of a sachem irritated by Sir William Johnson who was pressing the Iroquois for aid in King George ’s War just at — a time when small pox was raging among them . You seem

to think that we are Brutes, that we have no Sense of the Loss our e of dearest R lations , and some of them the bravest Men we had in our Nation : You must allow us Time to bewail our ” 4 3 Misfortune . anassate o C g , speaking at a great council held in the summer 1742 e of , exhibited rare ﬁneness of feeling when in the cours ’ Of his speech he craved pardon for the Iroquois uncleanliness and offered recompense in the form of presents for having in “l n convenienced the white people . O the same occasion he gave evidence that the Iroquois appreciated the efforts made

in their behalf . Conrad Weiser had acted as an interpreter e and th y were grateful therefor . He has had a great deal w w out his of trouble ith us , ore Shoes in our Messages, and ’ dirt d e y his Clothes by being amongst us, so that he is becom

a . u recom as nasty as an Indi n In ret rn for these Services, we

mend him to your Generosity ; and on our own Behalf, we give ”45 him Five Skins to buy him Clothes and Shoes with .

Another instance of such feeling is the following . A nephew

4 2 C e 1 42- 1 45 old n , I , . 4 3 m : H Bea a istor 287. uch p y, 4 4 C e 1 1 0 . old n, II, 4 5 1 1) 1 1 1 . 93 IROQUOIS MORALITY .

of Conrad Weiser had shot the son of Seneca George . At a council Frederick , son of Conrad , endeavored to soothe the ’ ff e old man . Seneca George was much a ected by Fr derick s “ He I I words and replied , was all the Child had ; andwnow am old , the loss of him hath almost entirely cut a ay my rt am Hea , but I yet pleased my Brother Weiser, the Son of ”4 6 Old . my Friend , has taken this Method to dry my Tears That the Iroquois ever should have loved peace seems in compatible with their warlike proclivities . The older folks, e however, found war to be not so desirabl . When a peace was made with the French in the middle of the seventeenth cen tury the following eulogy was delivered as a song of welcome a to the amb ssadors .

Oh the e a a he b ea b utiful l nd , t utiful land, That the French are to occupy !

G e s s ood n w , very good new ;

e m e e we are S eak o e e In v ry truth , y broth r, in v ry truth , p ing t g th r ; r w m s m e e a e a es a e ea e . In v y truth, h v g fro h v n

M y brother I salute thee ; M e b e me y broth r , welco . Ai i ai a . , , , hi

0 the b ea e 0 the ea t e a utiful voic , b u iful voic th t thou hast . Ai ai ai , , , hi .

0 the b ea e 0 the ea e a a e ! utiful voic , b utiful voic , th t I h v Ai ai ai , , , hi .

M y brothe r I salute thee ; A a s g in I alute thee . all s e and s m at a e the ea e at In inc rity without i ul ion, I cc pt h v n th thou has shown me ; Y es a e a e . , I pprov it , I cc pt it

a e e war a e ! F r w ll , ; f rewell , hatch t We have been fools till now ; But the w in future e will be brothers . Yes we , will re ally b e brothers .

-da h To y t e great peace is made . a e war F r well , ; Farewell, arms ! the affa i e For ir s ntirely be autiful . ” e s our a e c m 47 Thou uphold t C bins, wh n thou o est among us .

4 6 B ea m . a . 33 uch p , loc cit , 5 . 4 7 - L . R . 1 655 1 1 5 1 1 7 X II J ( . 4 S EL GI 9 IROQUOI R I ON .

Ambassadors and also Ordinary strangers in times of peace “ e c were rec ived with ex lamations of pleasure and with gifts. a o e Messengers themselves were inviolable . It m y be that nc e e e upon a time such missari s, strangers, were under the car of Heckewelder es some divine power . For , speaking of later tim , “ s r e c aid , It was with them a point of eligious b lief, that paciﬁ messengers were under the special protection of the Great a fu a the Spirit, that it was unl w l to molest them , and th t nation which should be guilty of so enormous a crime would e surely be punished by b ing unsuccessful in war, and perhaps , ” 9 4 e by suffering a total defeat . It was a matter of prid with a the Iroquois that solemn Obligations were kept . Morg n and others testify that To the faith of treaties the Iroquois ad ” r lit 5 ° hered with unwave ing ﬁde y . Colden relates that

The Five Nations think themselves by Nature superior to the rest M a and a emse es O we-honwe a is M en s ass of nkind, c ll th lv ng ; th t , urp

all e s . s O e e C a e o ing oth r Thi pinion, which th y tak are to cultiv t int e C 5 1 e a s e e th ir hildren, giv s them that Cour ge , which has been o t rribl to all the Nations of North Ame rica ; and they have taken such Care m es s P s to i pr s the ame Opinion of their e ople on all the ir Ne ighbour ,

a e all s s e m s s m ss e e e to th t th y, on Occa ion , yi ld the o t ub i ive Ob di nc em A M m n . n e d th old ohawk S ache , in a poor Blank t a a dirty S ma be e A hirt, y se n issuing his Orders with as arbitrary an uthority,

as a R ma D a is the S ak e e e at o n ict tor. It not for of Tribute how v r, th e mak e War m he of G e a e e e th y , but fro t Notions lory , which th y h v v r

most strongly imprinted on their M inds .

was as It should be noted that such bravery due largely,

e . s e e Colden says , to social fost ring Scores of captive w r adopted by the Iroquois and many acquired the full rights of the e con an Iroquois. Many a brave Iroquois of eight enth tury who drove fear into Huron hearts was himself a lineal

descendant of a captive Huron of the seventeenth century . e The Iroquois were a composite people. They were brav

4 8 9 9 nd Bea am . . 21 3 . L J . 1 654 a Cf. X I . R ( uch p, loc cit ,

49 II 5 09 and e . 2 . B 1 8 Cf. La ontan, , not 0 5 327 . I, 1 - rm m es s er 5 Of e se 5 4 56 . He en es a the e . Conv r , witt d i th t t i pli up 4 orit Am. Anthr. . s . 33 . i y . , n , XIX , - 5 2 H ck ewelder . V . e x i . e Cold n, I, pp. vi xix ; cf , ch X III

E 96 IROQUOIS R LIGION .

Lake which summed up the many years of White inﬂuences, the Iroquois enforced peacefulness and their loss of the hitherto a of normal , manly occup tions because of the decline warfare r ula~ and hunting, and the astonishing inc eases in White pop tion , have been three important factors in standardizing n e Ob serv religious observa ce , in producing conomic inﬂuences s able during the festivals and in making the great , sacred feast regularly recurring celebrations that could not fail further e to dignify Iroquois religion . Additional comment upon thes Of e facts will be made in the course the concluding, gen ral

discussion . CHAPTER V .

L N CONC US IO .

Now it is possible critically to examine the generally ac a fr ~ cepted view of the rel tion of religion to morality . The e quently recurring statement that the religious beliefs and practices of savages had slight bearing upon their morals , 1 needs revision . Writes in making that remark have been thinking of morality in terms chieﬂy of the virtues and vices

n e of agents . They have given slight co sid ration to the moral 2 ity of institutions , except when some virtue or vice happened to depend upon customary practices . Their discussions have been handicapped seriously because the ﬁeld has been nar a rowed , and the more subtle and important rel tions of religion

he and ethics have not come into view . T sphere of morality includes not only the obligations of agents but also the morality of institutions , that is , of standardized behavior . From this viewpoint it has become clear that in uncivilized c so ieties , in which the social constitution had comparatively

l . I t Ch . a e a s M a e 23 4 n roduction , I , bov ; l o org n, II ( not ,

and S es 1 44 . tit , 2 S tudents of religion usually have re stricte d the s phere of morality

e s a et s e s e s e s to p r on l hic , whil tud nt of thic usually have taken too H narrow a view of religion. obhous e furni she s an excellent illustra “ ” . His M a s E t has ee of ea a tion or l in volu ion b n gr t v lue . But he ’ se to e e e e s e m s a e cho d ﬁn r ligion in Tyl r t r , d ﬁnition no longer ao

ce tab le and he e e the m a of p , ov rlook d i port nce religion for the moral

e s n e a a e A h s Sph re a a v luating g ncy . lthough e wa aware of the in

ﬂu ence f a s as a sa t he a e o t boo nc ion for conduct , reg rd d the spirits

a s e se e a s as m a e sse a M th t puni h d tho who brok t boo un or l nti lly . ore

e e s e his a e m a he not es s ov r, d pit bro d vi w Of or lity, did r i t a tende ncy to view the morals of savages according to current European notions

a ea es s e e hi e Of ethical oblig tion . This w kn , tog th r with s conc ption Of the religion of s avage s in terms O f beliefs and practices connecte d with

e im a a e O see n ea the m a in S pirits, r ndered h inc p bl f i g cl rly or lity of m r ms of s . s stitutions among savage Finally, although o t of thei for

z a me e e s a al behavior we re standardi e d r the r than r ly p r on l , individu

s h as the m a e O the m a of act , e faile d to gr p i port nc f or l function

s name a e a a and sa c n . religion in s avage institution , ly th t of v lu tion n tio 97 E 9 8 IROQUOIS R LIGION .

f little dif erentiation , religion to some extent and in some way functioned in all the major and in those minor institutions 3 that demanded attention , whereas on the whole it functioned

3 D e m was am a ese s urkh i f ili r with th ubtle functions of religion . His Elementary Forms of the R eligious Life was the ripe product of a noted Fre nch sociological s chool and had the advantage of intimate e i acquaintance with a wide ﬁ ld . H s very ﬁtness for his task has m z he ea est a a e s s e phasi ed t gr t h ndic p und r which inve tigator now labor .

H e e ee was his we e the A s a s n ow v r d p kno l dg of u tr lian a d othe r peoples, i he o s w h s acquaintance with t Iroqu i as not intimate . He referred mainly to a fewgeneral works on Indians and to those by S chool ’ M H e e s craft and by organ . e nowh re qu tione d S choolcraft s u nre

s e e s I is no s s e o e ma his liable tat m nt . t t urpri ing, ther f r , that ny of

e e a z a s a e ee a a e the s . H e asse e g n r li tion h v b n in pplic bl to Iroquoi rt d, am e a e and m a r e for ex pl , th t r ligion or lity a e id ntical . The student of the s e e has e sa s e h an e a a Iroquoi , how v r , not f lt ti ﬁ d wit xpl n tion f e s m a t s e ms m n o their p r onal or li y ol ly in ter of their religion . TOO a y e a s of nd s a en other consid r tion tradition , warfare , social a phy ic l vir n en n s a ﬂ e e s H s m La o m t , a d per on l in u nc uch as that of and o e ke, ’ e m es a e ee D e m s hav ade it d ir bl to s k additional explanations . urkh i premise makes imposs ible any such discussion of the morality of

sa a s has e e s a e . L e se is e v ges a b en giv n in thi p p r ik wi , h l ngthy argu m e em sm as h m n ent conc rning tot i , not only t e os t primitive religio s th h h but also a e religion of t e clan, as found no approving echo in h of s A e t e facts Iroquoi life . lthough th y had a deﬁnite clan system e s l as e their r ligion hi torical y h b en divorce d from totemic notions. M e e is not t e the u s a the mem e s a a or ov r, it ru for Iroq oi th t b r of cl n a e ee e ma e s s Th i h v b n unit d inly by r ligiou bond . e Iroquois in h s torical m s a e e e h i a ti e pp ar to hav view d t e clan t e secul rly . They did not hesitate consciously to adopt into a clan some captive or some

m m e a s e e an e e e e e c . whit who r nd r d th gr t rvi Furthermore , most re li ious es e e sua e a i g rit w r tribal, u lly und r phr tr c directions, and were not distinctly clan functions . In fact there is no conclusive evidence am he he m e n that ong t Iroquois t tote ver had a y religious function . Durkheim has said that the totem also was the s ource of the moral h e life of t e clan. Too much has be n learned regarding other Iro u ois s s t a ass e b e a e v q in titution for h t rtion to cc pted . Their irtues and e s for s a e e e o vic , in t nc , have b en xplained m re satisfactorily without m the u se O f e s . ee a the o s had a tot ic notion Ind d , lthough Ir quoi e e a s s m the em nd i d finit cl n y te , tot a notions concerning it in h s t ric l m fl Th es o a time s have had very slight oral in uence . e clan figur the o a z a the Lea e et e e th D e an wi in rg ni tion of gu , y n ith r e g a da M yth nor the actual structure of the Confe deration shows that totem no tions functioned in that institution . S uch facts as these have made ’ many of Durkheim s gene raliz ations concerning the play of the totem in the re ligion and morals Of peoples with clan organiz ation inap a e he s Nor has e e ee e a e s ess a plic bl to t Iroquoi . th r b n gr t r ucc in pply

E 1 00 IROQUOIS R LIGION .

u s by the religious attitude . It is not tr e for the Iroquoi , there s r fore , that the religion of avages has slight bearing upon thei morals . Their religion was connected deﬁnitely with insti o tuted practices, s metimes in the form of a taboo or of a myth and that gave an explanation other than a worldly one , usually as a positive sanction or obligation to perform some act and mi as an evaluating agency . Among the Iroquois the chief le of religion in the moral sphere was that of a valuating and u f sanctioning force . Moreover, this f nction of religion ef ected itself in the moral sphere more powerfully than did any other

sanctioning or evaluating agency . Reﬂection upon the cir cumstances of their life makes apparent why their religion

played such a part in morality . The Iroquois cultural out

look , their knowledge of the physical world in which they

lived , and their life from day to day, both precluded the use on many occasions of sanctions and valuational standards that function among us and made eﬂective religious forces in what - 4 e we call non religious activities . In a really incomprehensibl his ff the a a was manner and espite best personal e orts , s v ge disappointed in so many important desires and found so many f crises to be truly fate ul . An enemy might prove to be physi se cally stronger , the ed might not grow , the boy may be an e h unsuccessful man , or the hunt may be fruitless . Und r suc circumstances and because of his outlook upon and the con ~ ditions instru of his life , the Iroquois had in religion his best ” o -to~face ment of control . One recalls h weven their face e t relations, their marriag and proper y arrangements , and some other forms of behavior which normally happened not to cer attract attention or to be dangerous , under tain circum ff stances did become a ected by religious inﬂuences . To insure m e uncer wifely continence , for example , uch to be d sired but off on the - tain when one was on a hunt or war path , a quasi

religious sanction was imposed . Would not her misconduct in some mysterious way inevitably bring untold peril upon her a ? as a husb nd When , in this case , a contingency has arisen th t o wse e e ther i could not be guard d against, or when there has be n encountered some religious element like the dead in the Con

dolence , the supernatural in the dream , or the incomprehensible “ ” a o power of the little w ters in healing, religion is f und to be

4 C I Ch . V a e . f. bov 1 0 1 CON CLUSION .

connected with the institution as an integral element or rite , - or as a taboo or sanction , or because of a value giving sacred myth . All such matters certainly demanded attention . Their uncomprehended elements raised doubts , hinted at dangers, ne made success uncertain and stirred up many emotions . O The turned naturally to the spirits who were able to help . religious became the most important sanction in life . The fundamental effect of missionary influence upon the Iroquois was to enlarge the sphere of the religious sanction a e behind behavior . It will be rec ll d that the introduction of ff Christianity , on the one hand , a ected but superficially the fl religious in uences already Operating in or upon institutions . a i A reskoue Some religious pr ctices , such as the worsh p of g , e disappear d ; additional beliefs , like that in the Great Spirit “ e and in heaven above , were accepted . Some myths w re affected . The Creation Myth set forth a duality of good and evil that was Christian ; the explanation of the founding of the League as given in the Deganawida Myth was subject to the influence of Christology . A fewminor institutions became

i e . sanct oned by r ligion For instance , customary ways of edu

cating children came to be approved by the Great Spirit . But o the old views persisted . Fundamentally , religi us practices and the religious attitude manifested in institutional life were 5 not modiﬁed . The Christian Church and the cultured Euro peans’ conceptions both of it and of its relations to man and to

God were simply not comprehensible to an untutored Iroquois .

They were foreign cultural elements . But contact with Chris a f tian teaching, on the other h nd , did af ect fundamentally the

O f ne forms of approval of virtues and of disapproval vices . O a remembers th t the Jesuits , civilized religious teachers, laid

great stress upon personal chastity, kindness and other virtues .

That emphasis never was made so sharply by the Iroquois , because they were not so individualistic as the cultured mis i ries e s ona . The former tend d to act more similarly , that is , At their behavior was more standardized or institutionalized . those times and upon those occasions when some important a e e f s ction had to be p rform d and per ormed rightly , Iroquoi re behavior was ceremonial , the manner of acting being p scribed by religion which furnished the most important sanc

5 hs IV e S ee C . a . III, , bov E N 102 IROQUOIS R LIGIO .

tion . On such occasions a savage would say, as it were , that on s the god commands e to do thu , in much the same way that

t a , a an Englishman, urges conduct beﬁtting a gen lem n or

Prussian expects conduct proper to a soldier, or an American “ ” u ses remarks , Act like a man . The Iroq ois , already pos sing gods and minor deities closely related to himself, could assimi late the notion that his kindness or respect or veracity was e demanded by his gods . It was not altogether a for ign notion

and a . V e to him . It was an old one clariﬁed emph sized irtu s and vices therefore could be and did become sanctioned or dis ﬂ e approved by religion . The crystallization of this in uenc came through Handsome Lake and his emphasis upon the

character and the role of the Great Spirit . The results of missionary teaching as embodied in the career of Handsome a 6 a Lake are truly remark ble . Bec use of his work and that of a the e the mission ries , the Iroquois in nineteenth c ntury present the rare spectacle of a savage people who name their virtues and e vices and their duti s one to another, who consciously

regard them as sanctioned or forbidden by their greatest god , a f and who m ke it the duty of their religious of icials, the of Keepers the Faith , regularly to remind the people of their

moral obligations . his According to preaching , the missionary believed not only that the chief function of religion in the moral sphere a was to sanction personal ethics, but lso that religion was the a most important s nction for individual conduct . Among the a Iroquois, religion rarely inﬂuenced individu l behavior di rectl a d y, but was the chief s nction that underlay standardize

. eff the behavior , institutions Missionary ort among Iroquois r v e r makes this contrast vivid and p o ok s reﬂection . Appa i ently, while increasing complex ty and specialization of human e had Old activiti s developed in the World , religion had come m to be regarded ore and more as simply one element in society .

Religion had come to exist alongside of business and politics . had the The priest taken a place alongside the statesman , ee soldier and the merchant. It does s m that as such changes as occurred , that religion remained fresh and grew which , o o society became more c mplex and individuati n increased , shifted it emphasis from the divine in institutions to him who

6 e . 5 9 s . 85 . S ee abov , pp q ,

BIBLIOGRAPHY.

Those books and articles referred to in the text that do not have direct bearing upon the Iroquois are not included here . An asterisk indicates material that has been found to be of marked value .

B L OGRAP H ES IB I I .

e e s n m Th r i o co plete bibliography .

e : ! w — a c am W . H s N B u h M . the e s 1 28 1 30 . p, i tory of York Iroquoi , pp . N m B . 78 . A a . . S a e M se Y t t u u ull ( lb ny,

P ark er A. C . : o s Uses of M a ze and O e P s 1 1 0 , Iroqu i i th r Food lant , pp .

1 1 3 . M 1 44 N . . A S . . . an . Y Bull ( lb y, ( : * a Pi lin J . 1 the s La a e . Bu Ethn l g, Bibliogr phy of Iroquoi ngu g r. .

. 6 . as Bull (W hington, — S ti e S ara. 112: E m s f t 1 t s o he s . 5 7 1 59 . , cono ic Iroquoi , pp Bryn M awr M e e a S er. . 3 . M a Coll g onogr ph I , no ( Bryn wr,

BOOKS AND AR CLE TI S .

’ De Bac ueville de L a. P otherie : H s e de l Ame ri u S q i toir q e eptentrionale, ’ 4 s . P a s G s s vol ( ri , ive a vi itor s account of a trip along

eas ast e 1 696 . our tern co , b ginning in The third volume deals

particularly with the Iroquois . Barb eau C M : a a n P m . . s a d a es . A er Anthr , Iroquoi n Cl n hr tri . ., n . s . , - 3 92 402 . C sm A A. . G l nw XIX , ritici by o de eiser in same

r a 1 1 84 20 . jou n l , XX, Bartram 5L : O se a s Lo , b rv tion ( ndon, Bartram traveled

t the s the s mme f 1 743 H s hrough Iroquoi country in u r o . is note

are reliable . am W M : A mm Beauch . a C a L e p, . borigin l o un l if in America. Amer. — n r l r. IX 34 3 A ti q . and O i enta Jou , , 3 50 .

nd M C a C m Civil , R eligious a ourning ouncils nd ere onies of Adop

o of the New o a s . N . . S . M . B . 1 1 3 . A a ti n Y rk Indi n Y ull ( lb ny,

An . Am. i r Ea Re the s . t and O ient . Jown rly ligion of Iroquoi q , — XIV, 344 3 49 . M m l h H and th s e e. Jour. A F o k T e Good unter e Iroquoi dicin . X 5 —1 9 Lore, IV, 1 3 5 . m -L IV 29 —306 H our A . F . 5 . iawatha. J . ,

H s of the New o is . N . . S . M . u . 78 . i tory York Ir quo Y B ll , A a ( lb ny, IB I AP B L OGR H Y . 1 05

An s C - - e e . Jonr. Am . F L . V . 3 1 3 Iroquoi ondol nc , III , 3 1 6 . - — s N es . Jonr Am F . . L . IV 39 46. I Iroquoi ot , , bid . , V, - 223 229 .

The s a . a e e N e . Y Iroquoi Tr il (F y tt vill , . , This little book es D d ’ includ avi Cusick s Sketches of the Ancient History of ” the S ix Na ns is an tio , which account by an Iroquois of the a a s hi e tr dition l hi tory of s p ople . s W m — - e . J ur A F m . . . L . 8 1 9 1 2 1 Iroquoi o n o , XIII, , 8 . The N ewRe - — of the o s . Jour m . A . F . L 1 69 ligion Iroqu i X , 1 80 . D ffe s e m a e i r littl fro ccount giv n by M organ . O a a and M - — a N es . r Jou . A F m. . L . 209 22 1 . nond g oh wk ot , VIII ,

O - — - a a a . e s Jour. Am. F . L . 44 48 261 270 VI 1 73 nond g T l , I , ; II , ; ,

1 84 . 1 88 88 ( 8 , 1 9 ,

O a a C s ms m - — . J nr A F L o . . . . 1 9 5 203 . nond g u to , I , O and A of th s Am An e . . ti . and Or. Jour rigin ntiquity Iroquoi q . , V 3 5 8— 3 66 3 7- 3 9 1 8 8 6 III , ; IX, . ( , The O of he Am A — t s . . d 0 VI . an . Jour. X 61 69 rigin Iroquoi , , .

P e ma e s C a s and S a m A e s m . s . A an 0 r n ncy of Iroquoi l n ch hip . d . J ur V 2—9 . 8 1 o , III, .

Dr. e a am has s e s m a s F r B uch p tudi d Iroquoi life for any ye r . e e he has ee a s o i m qu ntly b n uncritic l , it s well to co pare his observations and interpretations with those made by other in

vesti ators . S ee the mme L ﬁt a e and g co nt following a au , P rk r

M rs . Smith . e D : On th P m Bo . e a an s the C ze s O a . Jour yl , g i of ivili d Iroquoi of nt rio . An hr In - t . s it te 7 t u 11 . s. 2 63 2 3 . An a e , XXX ( , III) , bl a e rticl by a curator of the Archaeological M useum of Ontario . r - ew - B ant S . Dek an wid h : he L w n ah k as . , J a e t a giver of the Canie g a M an 1 901 : 1 66— 1 70 A i s , . uthor a Canadian M ohawk . i Brnton D G : Ame a H M s . P , . . ric n ero yth ( hiladelphia,

M s of the Ne wW New yth orld . ( York, a ne a W * l n W . : L e n n r C . e s the s The Cor a te . l , g nd of Iroquoi , Told by p New ( York,

Cartier J. : M em Ja e a e s a e nd a a e , oir of cqu s C rti r , tran l t d a nnot t d

. P . a e . New k es a a by J B xt r ( Yor , Includ bibliogr phy , o n m us f e n m s a ams rigi al an cript o the ﬁrst voyag , a d ap , di gr

an e Th k i e e . d pictur s . e wor s edit d w ll i Chadwck E M : T P e L H se . , . . he eople of th ong ou (Toronto ,

The treatment Of political and social organiz ation is good . The a s r m Ha e M a s and f ct a e drawn mainly fro l , org n, Cu ick G olden . ai f m de am Champl n, S . de : Voyages and Explorations o S a uel Ch B e and e te plain translated by Annie N . ourn di d with N w m s. n . G. e e e introduction a d notes by E Bourn , in two volu (

k e e is e a s a . P . O is of Yor , Th r an old r tr n l tion, by C t , which the Bournes make use and which includes many supple 1 06 E N IROQUOIS R LIGIO .

m me O s s a s s. entary docu nts . ti tr n lation is published as vol the P a s the P e S e and is XI , XII, XIII of ublic tion of rinc oci ty l r 8 8 E . . ft s 1 0 e e nd a a e . dit d a annot ted by F S (Bo ton , ar evo P de : H n w Ch x . X s a d e D l i , P . . i tory Gen ral escription of Ne

a e . a s te nd a a . S a in Fr nc Tr n la d a nnot te d by J. G he ,

six mes . New his a New volu ( York, In ccount of a e C a e o x e e th Jes a s Fr nc h rl v i r li d upon e uit Rel tion . * V N e 2 s . e s e Am a . D u A oyag to orth ric , vol ( Tr blin, seri of

e s n v m l tter written begin ing with his arri al in A e rica in June ,

1 720 .

lar H : v l . C k J. V. O a a o . S a use , . nond g , I ( yr c , * o e H N Ne G d n s the e a a s . w k l , i tory of Fiv Indi n tion ( Yor ,

s A. o. 2 s. E s is ed S . es C dition u ed that publi h by Barn , in vol , N w 1 904 e . York, e - e a n L eu e a - of the Colden, a S urv yor G ner l a d i t n nt Governor P New s M V me e wa a o a a . rovinc of York, h wk by doption olu one of his History is an account mainly of the external relations

the o s V me wo e s the m n s s of Ir quoi . olu t r print i ute of undry i - i s . The k s a e s s council wor nti Fr nch, but tru tworthy for Iro

qu ois customs . * o ver e : n Le New S ta e s . C n s H M . M s a d e s of the , . yth g nd York t Iroquoi

A n E e nd a e A. C . P a e and a ( lba y, dit d a annot t d by rk r p I a N . . 1 25 . ea s . . S . M s e e e M rs . C e se p ring Y Bull xc ll nt . onv r was a a e ma e the s was an a e cqu int d inti t ly with Iroquoi , dopt d S e e a and a mem e of an a e se e s n w ne n c b r nci nt cr t ociety, a d as o h s he ix N s of t e Chief of t S ation . i : m ’ a Cus ck D . S ee ea a s s a . , ( B uch p Iroquoi Tr il bove ) Donck A van der: D s of e NewNe e . e th a . New k , cription th rl nd ( Yor ,

. J s I a a e J N H . s . . s S oc. CO L Tr n l t d by ohn on in Y i t , - se ser. 1 25 242 m th f 1 65 6 V r d e e . an e con , I , , fro dition o d D e e in he NewNe 1 642 He onck , a lawy r, arriv d t therland in . was untrained for the task of studying the Indians and as a result his treatme nt of their religion and morals is incomplete n Hi e e of e a d sa s a . s a h e a un ti f ctory ccount, how v r, t g ogr phy of h i t e country s good .

Donohoe Thos. : The s and The es s . B ffa A , Iroquoi J uit ( u lo , re liable digest of the Jesuit R elations with especial emphasis th m ss s upon e i ion .

Am. Dou as J C s a of the o s e e a . Jour. gl , on olid tion Ir quoi Conf d r cy Geo S c 41—5 4 o . g . XXIX , * G ldenweiser A In e . S e of an a R e f n hr. o , . G ol urv y C ad , port o the A t - Div. S e s P a e . 26 . 464 475 ess . P a e , s ional p r no , pp S p r 26 3 5-3 72 A e e e e k no . ; 6 r liabl r port upon ﬁ ld wor am the s at G a d R e O a 1 9 1 1 1 91 2 and ong Iroquoi r n iv r, nt rio , in , 1 9 13 T m s i s a z at h s s u a . . e e pha i pon oci l org ni ion H of ree al h : s ve he Doc. s G nh g , W . Observation Gi n in t i t . — N Y 1 1 1 4 is e s L . H . M a in . . , I, . It quot d copiou ly by org n ’ House-Life Greenhalgh s description of the Iroquois

hou se as he sawit on his visit is trustworthy .

1 0 E 8 IROQUOIS R LIGION .

is every indication that this collection will b e one of the best e ma y t de . ) Th e Hai-Hai s M n C s e T rm of Iroquoi ourning a d ondolence S ong . m An r 28 6—28 7 1 89 A . th . . 8 , XI, ( ) * Hod e P . W ed : Ha k Ame a a s 2 o s B g , . ( ) ndboo of ric n Indi n , v l . ull .

of Bu r. B u . 1 9 07 Enc clo mdic a a te XXX th ( , y p in ch r c r e and authoritativ . * Je uit Re ations. e e a 1 896 E o G. s l ( Cl v l nd, diti n prepared by R . wa e an as a s T R e 7 Th it s d sist nt . he lations are presented in 3 volumes both in the original languages and in English transla

s tion . These Je uit reports are the monumental work on the o s and e a s the se e ee and e een h Iroqu i , oth r Indi n , of v nt nth ight t

e e s . e are s e sa e V me e e e in c nturi Th y indi p n bl . olu s r f rr d to e are : V V XXV X XI V t xt III , X , XXIII, XXI , , X , XXXI , X XL XLI L L L V LV LI L LI V XXIX, , , X II, X III, X I , X II , , III, , V L LV . II, III Johnson H : Le e s a s and La s the o s L ck , g nd , Tr dition w of Ir quoi ( o Y H P an N . s k e w port, . , John on, li e ewitt and ark r, as

Iroquois. * Laﬁtau P : M oe s des S auva es meri u ains P a s , . ur g a q . ( ri , ’ ” C a e s V e N h es R s h rl voix oyag to orth Ame rica, t e J uit elation and the se two volumes by Laﬁtau are the three superior works dealing with the Iroquois of the seventeenth and eighteenth

centuries. ’ La Hontan NewV N Am s a es e a e e R . oy g to orth ric , dit d by . G

a s 2 o s . a Thw ite in v l ( Chic go , These volumes are a

e of the E s e 1 703 . L Hon n r print ngli h dition of a ta , a cynical a e h Ca a a m young b ron, join d t e n di n ar y in 1 683 and remaine d in

h s c m n ea s H t i ountry for al ost te y r . e re counts hi s Observa ” s hi N tion in s ewVoyage s . La Houtan had an active ma i gination . Lescarb ot M : H L N - . st e de a e e a e 3 s . 1 61 2 Edi , i oir ouv ll Fr nc , vol ( )

se is 1 8 66 P r s tion u d that of ( a i ) . A pompous work by a lawyer who says he had Ocular testimony O f a portion of the ” s V l — es e . o . . 623 85 1 has s me a e thing d crib d III , bk vi , o v lu

for this study . A detailed table of contents is tucked away

853 s . in vol . III, q Loski el G G : H f h B , . . istory o t e M is sion of the Unite d rethren among

the a s N Ame a. 1 788 a s ate L Indi n in orth ric ( ) Tr n l d , ondon,

1 794 P a i e r s nd i s s t . . rt I s us ful fo this tudy a tru twor hy

r an L s an H h Ame a A o es . M o g , . Hou e d ouse Life of t e ric n b rigin

m thn 4 . E . S n . S e s Contrib s . A . . U . Ge . d Ge . og a ol urv y , to , no

as (W hington, * Y The Le e f the s 2 s. N . h s agu o Iroquoi , vol ( T i ’ M a s wk H. L . edition is annotated copiously by M . loyd org n or is reliable for the nineteenth century Iroquois and is the

s e sa e . greate st work dealing with the Iroquois alone . Indi p n bl BIBLIOGRAP HY . 1 09

’ alla han E . D m H O C B . e d e ta w g , ( ) ocu n ry istory of the S tate of Ne A a e Al C s e M an 4 s. York rr ng d by hri toph r org , vol ( a b ny , Documents R elative to the Colonial History of the S tate of New

r J . R . dh 1 4 A ea Yo k by Bro ead vols . ( lbany ) Tr t ment of the Iroquois is mainly of the ir wars and othe r external

r a s . I 1 8 61 XI 2 9 s e n the e 5 . has he e l tion dition of , vol . , q t ind x

for he t Iroquois . A P ark er Ce a M hs n Am An hr. . s m s . ee a d S . t , rt in Iroquoi Tr yt y bol , — . XIV 08 0 1 s . 6 62 . 1 9 2 n , , ( ) *C f H s m L e t e Se P . e a e a h . N . . o e a . S M e . od nd o k , n c roph t Y Bull 1 63 A s a m s . ( lbany, Tran l tion ade by William Blue ky,

a s la ea e m the S e e a E a B pti t y pr ch r, fro n ca ccount of dw rd Corn a 1 903 pl nte r begun in . * The Constitution of the Five Nations or the Iroquois Book of he L w N 1 4 A t G e a . . . . a a S M . 8 . r t . Y Bull ( lb ny , ’ P arker s version shou ld b e compare d with the work of S cott ’ and f H P a e s i s n th f ew e e s a s o ale . rk r o e of e exc ll nt tran l tion

f he D n wid M h ass of e a es the o t e g a a a yth . With t e p ing d c d M yth of nece ssity has undergone change s so that agreement in ’ e P a e s the details of the variou s versions can not b e expect d . rk r

e se a es s wo ma s ts one e a e a pr nt tion r t upon t nu crip , pr p r d by

M a S e Ne se and e A e C s an oh wk , th whou , edit d by lb rt u ick,

O a a- s a Th P a e e s was nond g Tu c rora. e othe r , which rk r r print , compile d by chie fs of the Council of the S ix Nations and was

e ise some em an e me su r v d by of th d writt n down, with so g

es s g tions by Albert Cu ick . * U z n a N M . . M P s S . Iroquoi s ses of ai e a d Other Food l nt . . Y . Bull 1 44 A s a a . ( lbany, Authoritative discus ion of gricultur l

life of Iroquois . A ae The Origin of the Iroquois as S uggested by The ir rch ology . A n 479— 07 9 1 6 i e re A t . 5 . 1 P e m. hr V a s s . , n . , X III , ( ) rk r v ry

liable and deeply verse d in the life and lore of the Iroquois . i r a e At H s remarks a e always worthy of c r ful consideration .

m . N . . M se pre sent he is the archaeologist of the Y S . u u Am An r 1 6 - 1 5 M . 1 S e e a e e S e es . th . s . 8 . n c dicin oci ti n , XI , The f H a H e M a nd a works o le, witt, org n a particul rly

P k e e e e re a a t of ar r, in th ninet e nth c ntury, a inv lu ble to a s udent

of the Iroquois . - — P enna M a az ine of Hi stor s I II I . P a. 1 8 7 7 1 8 79 Vol . . g y, vol . hil ( ) — - 1 63 1 67 and . 407 409 a a e te e I , vol II , , cont in l t r writt n by O l e 1 746 a e a a a . Vo . Conrad Weis r in ft r trip to nond g III, ’ 6- 64 a of s S an enb er s a f his and 5 , reprints a p rt Bi hop p g g di ry o ’ 1 745 Weiser s trip to Onondaga in .

a r P G : d a a a. 1 63 6 E t se is a S ga d, . . Histoire u C n d ( ) di ion u d th t of

8 6 6 2 Dea s the e m 1 6 1 5 1 P s s . ( ari ) , in vol l with p riod fro on , and is an account of the work of the M inor Re collects in Canada

one em by of th . 1 1 0 E IROQUOIS R LIGION .

S anb orn J. W . : Le e s C s ms and S a ~ , g nd , u to oci l Life of the Seneca In Y a s G a a N . . S a di n ( ow nd , , nborn, a preacher, lived m h q a ong t e Iro uois .

S cho lcraf H . R : N es n Y o t . o the s. N . . e , ot Iroquoi ( , M ust b s a e u ed with c r . M t H a a a P a y h of i w th ( hil . , * S cott D a a His h C , . Tr dition l tory of t e onfe deracy of the S ix Na

s . O a a s e of he D n wid M tion ( tt w , Thi v rsion t ega a a yth was prepared by a committee of chie fs and was presented by

S cott to the Royal S ociety of Canada. It is printed in their - Transacti ons ser. 3 . V sec 2 1 9 5 246 , vol , . , . eaver L M m S J : a Je 5 . , . H ife of ry ison , th edition ( Buffalo , mi D m o r h De m M J u . S t W a and e s the e s. , itchcr ft oni of od rn Iroquoi - — - 1 1 8 88 m. F L 1 84 1 94 277 8 A 2 . . . , I, ; II , ( ,

mi L a s . S th M rs. E. The s ms and the a e the , Cu to ngu g of Iroquoi XIV 2 4-2 3 1 84—1 885 our Ant I . 5 8 J . hr. nst , , 4 . ( ) * E e - 1 1 6 1 8 80 M s h t R . 47 Am . hn t t e s . . . y h of Iroquoi Bur p II , , ( I Am n 0 Jo n z . w A . a s summari ed by the author in the . d , IV 3 1 —3 9 Th s e s of m s are se , . e be t coll ction yth tho d m ﬁ d n M rs . S m . The C t an ade by Can el , Converse a d ith ur in

Hewitt collection will s oon b e added to these .

Stites S ara H : E m s the s . n M a , . cono ic of Iroquoi ( Bry wr, m ne B M a M on . Ser. . 3 . An a e a o ryn wr , I , no bl onogr ph but which overemphasiz es the economic interpretation of Iroquois s e oci ty. A S tone W . L : L se B a 2 s. a , . ife of Jo ph r nt, vol ( lb ny, L d me R ed a e A a B a i es ife an Ti of J ck t . ( lb ny, oth biogr ph r u a e thoro gh.