Seki Kowa, Takakazu
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Occasion of Receiving the Seki-Takakazu Prize
特集:日本数学会関孝和賞受賞 On the occasion of receiving the Seki-Takakazu Prize Jean-Pierre Bourguignon, the director of IHÉS A brief introduction to the Institut des Hautes Études Scientifiques The Institut des Hautes Études Scientifiques (IHÉS) was founded in 1958 by Léon MOTCHANE, an industrialist with a passion for mathematics, whose ambition was to create a research centre in Europe, counterpart to the renowned Institute for Advanced Study (IAS), Princeton, United States. IHÉS became a foundation acknowledged in the public interest in 1981. Like its model, IHÉS has a small number of Permanent Professors (5 presently), and hosts every year some 250 visitors coming from all around the world. A Scientific Council consisting of the Director, the Permanent Professors, the Léon Motchane professor and an equal number of external members is in charge of defining the scientific strategy of the Institute. The foundation is managed by an 18 member international Board of Directors selected for their expertise in science or in management. The French Minister of Research or their representative and the General Director of CNRS are members of the Board. IHÉS accounts are audited and certified by an international accountancy firm, Deloitte, Touche & Tomatsu. Its resources come from many different sources: half of its budget is provided by a contract with the French government, but institutions from some 10 countries, companies, foundations provide the other half, together with the income from the endowment of the Institute. Some 50 years after its creation, the high quality of its Permanent Professors and of its selected visiting researchers has established IHÉS as a research institute of world stature. -
Historical Development of the Chinese Remainder Theorem
Historical Development of the Chinese Remainder Theorem SHEN KANGSHENG Communicated by C. TRUESDELL 1. Source of the Problem Congruences of first degree were necessary to calculate calendars in ancient China as early as the 2 na century B.C. Subsequently, in making the Jingchu [a] calendar (237,A.D.), the astronomers defined shangyuan [b] 1 as the starting point of the calendar. If the Winter Solstice of a certain year occurred rl days after shangyuan and r2 days after the new moon, then that year was N years after shangyuan; hence arose the system of congruences aN ~ rl (mod 60) ~ r2 (mod b), . ~ ' where a is the number of days in a tropical year and b the number of days in a lunar month. 2. Sun Zi suanjing [c] (Master Sun's Mathematical Manual) Sun Zi suanjing (Problem 26' Volume 3) reads: "There are certain things whose number is unknown. A number is repeatedly divided by 3, the remainder is 2; divided by 5, the remainder is 3; and by 7, the remainder is 2. What will the num- ber be ?" The problem can be expressed as x --= 2 (mod 3) ~ 3 (mod 5) ~- 2 (rood 7). SUN ZI solved the problem as we do, giving x ~ 140 + 63 -k 30 ~=- 233 ~ 23 (rood 105). 1 Shangyuan is a supposed moment that occurred simultaneously with the midnight of jiazi [v] (the first day of the 60 day cycle), the Winter Solstice and the new moon. 286 SHEN KANGSHENG In speaking of the algorithm yielding these addends in the solution he continued: "In general, for G1 ~ 0(mod 5) ~ 0 (mod 7) = 1 (rood 3), take G1 = 70, G2 ~ 0(rood 3) ~ 0(mod 7) ~ 1 (mod 5), take G2 = 21, G3 ~ 0 (mod 3) ~ 0 (mod 5) ~ (1 rood 7), take G3 = 15. -
ON MATHEMATICAL TERMINOLOGY: CULTURE CROSSING in NINETEENTH-CENTURY CHINA the History of Mathematical Terminologies in Nineteent
ANDREA BRÉARD ON MATHEMATICAL TERMINOLOGY: CULTURE CROSSING IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY CHINA INTRODUCTORY REMARKS: ON MATHEMATICAL SYMBOLISM The history of mathematical terminologies in nineteenth-century China is a multi-layered issue. Their days of popularity and eventual decline are bound up with the complexities of the disputes between the Qian-Jia School who were concerned with textual criticism and the revival of ancient native Chinese mathematical texts, and those scholars that were interested in mathematical studies per se1 (and which we will discuss in a more detailed study elsewhere). The purpose of the following article is to portray the ‘introduction’ of Western mathematical notations into the Chinese consciousness of the late nineteenth century as a major signifying event, both (i) in its own right within the context of the translation of mathematical writ- ings from the West; and (ii) with respect to the way in which the tradi- tional mathematical symbolic system was interpreted by Qing commentators familiar with Western symbolical algebra. Although one might assume to find parallel movements in the commentatorial and translatory practices of one and the same person, nineteenth-cen- tury mathematical activities will be shown to be clearly compartmen- talized. In fact, for the period under consideration here, it would be more appropriate to speak of the ‘reintroduction’ of Western mathematical notations. Already in 1712 the French Jesuit Jean-François Foucquet S. J. (1665–1741) had tried to introduce algebraic symbols in his Aer- rebala xinfa ̅ (New method of algebra). This treatise, which was written for the Kangxi emperor, introduced symbolical 1 In particular, the ‘three friends discussing astronomy and mathematics’ (Tan tian san you dž ) Wang Lai (1768–1813), Li Rui (1763–1820) and Jiao Xun nj (1765–1814). -
A History of Japanese Mathematics
A HISTORY OF JAPANESE MATHEMATICS BY DAVID EUGENE SMITH AND YOSHIO MIKAMI CHICAGO THE OPEN COURT PUBLISHING COMPANY 1914 , Printed by W. Drugulin, Leipzig PREFACE Although for nearly a century the greatest mathematical classics of India have been known to western scholars, and several of the more important works of the Arabs for even longer, the mathematics of China and Japan has been closed to all European and American students until very recently. Even now we have not a single translation of a Chinese treatise upon the subject, and it is only within the last dozen years that the contributions of the native Japanese school have become known in the West even by name. At the second International Congress of Mathematicians, held at Paris in 1900, Professor Fujisawa of the Imperial University of Tokio gave a brief address upon Mathematics of the old Japanese School, and this may be taken as the first contribution to the history of mathematics made by a native of that country in a European language. The next effort of this kind showed itself in occasional articles by Baron Kikuchi, as in the Niemv Archief voor Wiskunde, some of which were based upon his contributions in Japanese to one of the scientific journals of Tokio. But -the only serious attempt made up to the present time to present a well-ordered history of the subject in a European language is to be found in the very commendable papers by T. Hayashi, of the Imperial University at Sendai. The most important of these have appeared in the Nieuw Archief voor Wiskunde, and to them the authors are much indebted. -
Muramatsu's Method Aryabhata (499 AD) Brahmagupta (640 AD
π in Other Eastern Countries Japan India In the Edo Period of Japan (1603 to 1868), 3.16 was used for π. But Aryabhata (499 AD) as people recognized that this value was not accurate, different values for π were calculated. Wasan scholars such as Muramatsu Shigekiyo, Seki Takakazu, Kamata Toshikiyo, Takebe Katahiro, and Matsunaga Aryabhata usedp the perimeter of a 384-sided poly- Yoshisuke all made calculations of π, and accomplished results gon to find π ≈ 9:8684. Later Aryabhata would comparable to their European mathematician counterparts. publish an “approximation” for his square root value, 3.1416. Note that his approximation is Muramatsu’s Method more accurate than his official value! Shigekiyo Muramatsu published Sanso in 1663. Muramatsu served the Asano family and possibly had a math insti- Brahmagupta (640 AD) tute in Edo (present day Tokyo). In his Brahmagupta used a pattern of inscribed polygons that work, Sanso, Muramatsu arranged prob- increased in the number of sides to calculate the perime- lems published earlier in Japanese math- ter of a circle.p Using these data points, he came to believe ematics texts without answers. Mura- that π = 10: matsu classified these problems into dif- ferent levels according to how difficult he thought they’d be to learn. Asano Crest It is in this book that he also showed the calculation of π from the regular inscribed polygon of 32,768 sides. He correctly obtained the Ramanujan (1887-1920) value 3.1415926. Thus, this book was the first to contain a mathematical calculation of π in Japan. 1 Srinivasa Ramanujan found several formulas for π. -
Mathematical Philosophy of Takebe Katahiro
数理解析研究所講究録 第 1831 巻 2013 年 57-65 57 Mathematical Philosophy of Takebe Katahiro Morimoto, Mitsuo 1 Seki Kowa Institute of Mathematics, Yokkaichi University Professor Emeritus, Sophia University Abstract Takebe Katahiro (1664-1739) was a Japanese mathematician, who exposed his philosophy on Mathematics itself and on Mathematical Research. In the Taisei Sankei (1711), he wrote Chapter 4 entitled the “Three Essentials” describing four classes of mathematical problems, the status of parameters in a problem and the classffica- tion of numbers. Note that his thought was based on Chinese traditional philosophy and on the achievement of Japanese mathematics in the early Edo period. Note also he recognized some numbers are not algebraic. In the Tetsujutsu Sankei (1722) he recommended the inductive heuristic method in mathe- matical research and recognized a mathematical research would be successful once the character of a mathematical object and that of a mathematician were accommodated to each other, com- paring his method of calculation of the circular $co$ efficient with that of his master Seki Takakazu and citing his own discovery of the infinite power series expansion formula of an inverse trigono- metric function. The Meiji Restoration (1868) was a tuming point in the history of Japan from the feudalism to the constitutional monarchism. The “ordinance on school system” (1872) of the new gov- emment defined mathematics in Japanese schools to be of “European style” thus abandoning the Japanese traditional mathematics. This policy was proved to be efficient at least for a half century and Takebe’s philosophy on Mathematics was buried in the complete oblivion. 1 Takebe Katahiro Takebe Katahiro 建部賢弘 (1664-1739) was one of great mathematicians in the Edo Period (1603- 1868) of Japan. -
A Review of the History of Japanese Mathematics
Revue d’histoire des math´ematiques, 7 (2001), p. 137–155. A REVIEW OF THE HISTORY OF JAPANESE MATHEMATICS Tsukane OGAWA (*) ABSTRACT. — This review aims to introduce Japanese mathematics to a non- expert and a non-Japanese readership. It briefly characterizes mathematics in Japan, surveys its history, as it developed over the last century, and provides a large (if not exhaustive) bibliography of works in the primary European languages. RESUM´ E´.—APERC¸ U SUR L’HISTOIRE DES MATHEMATIQUES´ JAPONAISES. Le but de cette note est de pr´esenter les math´ematiques japonaises `a un public non sp´ecialis´e dans le domaine. Les math´ematiques au Japon sont bri`evement caract´eris´ees, leur histoire, telle qu’elle s’est d´evelopp´ee durant le dernier si`ecle, est pass´ee en revue et finalement une importante bibliographie dans les principales langues europ´eennes est propos´ee, mˆeme si elle ne peut pr´etendre `a l’exhaustivit´e. 1. INTRODUCTION – NOT ONLY SANGAKU The custom of hanging sangaku ( ), wooden plates on which are inscribed mathematical problems and their answers, under the roofs of shrines in the Edo period (1603–1867) in Japan is familiar enough to have been illustrated and described in Scientific American, May 1998 [Rothman 1998]. It is, however, obvious that sangaku is not all there is to Japanese mathematics. It would be fallacious to consider that the essence of Japanese mathematics reveals itself in sangaku. As a beginning, this essay attempts briefly to introduce Japanese mathematics to a non-Japanese readership. It will answer the following questions : 1) What kind of mathematical disciplines developed in Japan ? 2) How were mathematical expressions written in vertical typesetting ? 3) How did the Japanese calculate ? 4) Is it true that, lacking proofs, Japanese mathematics was not logical ? (*) Texte re¸cu le 7 mars 1999, r´evis´e le 11 novembre 2000. -
The Gion Shrine Problem: a Solution in Geometry
The Gion Shrine Problem: A Solution in Geometry Melissa Holly Virginia Commonwealth University June, 2018 © the author ii Table of Contents List of Figures ……………………………………………………………………… iv Abstract …………………………………………………………………………....... v 1. Introduction …………………………………………………………………….. 1 2. Historical Background ………………………………………………………… 3 2.1. Edo Period Japan ……………………………………………………………. 3 2.2. Intellectual Aspects of Edo Period Japan ………………………………… 5 2.3. Edo Period Literature and Arts …………………………………………….. 6 2.4. Wasan – Japanese Mathematics …………………………………………. 8 2.5. Sangaku ……………………………………………………………………… 11 2.6. Sangaku Translation ……………………………………………………….. 16 3. The Gion Shrine Problem …………………………………………………….. 19 3.1. The Gion Shrine Sangaku History ……………………………………….. 19 3.2. The Gion Shrine Sangaku ………………………………………………… 20 3.2.1. Modern Interpretations: The Problem – The Design …………….. 21 3.2.2. Modern Interpretations: The Problem – The Description ……….. 22 3.2.3. Modern Interpretations: The Answer ………………………………. 24 3.2.4. Modern Interpretations: The Formulae …………………………….. 25 3.2.5. The Gion Shrine Sangaku: My Interpretation ……………………… 28 4. The Solution In Geometry ……………………………………………………… 33 5. The Gion Shrine Problem Author …………………………………………….. 40 6. Justification ……………………………………………………………………… 44 iii 6.1. Justification of Solution ……………………………………………………… 44 6.2. Justification of Author ……………………………………………………… 47 7. Conclusion and Sangaku Author’s Wider Message ……………………… 54 8. Bibliography …………………………………………………………………….. 56 iv List of Figures and Tables Figures: 1. "A -
A Comparison of the Spread of the English Translation of Euclidean Geometry in 19Th Century China and Japan†
A Comparison of the Spread of the English Translation of Euclidean Geometry in 19th Century China and Japan† ∗ ∗∗ SARINA and Ying WANG Abstract In this paper, the authors compare the similarities and differences in the understanding and acceptance of Western geometry during the transformation of mathematics in China and Japan from the traditional mathematics model to the Western one. First, it starts with a detailed introduction to Euclidean geometry as it spread to the late Qing dynasty during the second half of the 19th century and early 20th century. Second, it compares the translations of Chinese and Japanese versions of Euclidian geometry and discusses the history of Western mathematics when it was introduced into the two countries. Third, we compare the relationship between the source books introduced into China and Japan, analyze their impact on the West, and offer reasons as to why the translators chose those particular source books in China and Japan. Finally, this paper ends with a discussion of the concrete influence of the Chinese and Japanese versions in spreading Western geometry and the transformation from the traditional mathematics model to the Western one. Key words: Euclidean geometry, Henry Billingsley, Robert Simson, late Qing dynasty, Meiji era 1. Introduction The famous ancient Greek geometer, Euclid, was the founder of Western mathemat- ics. In the 17th century, Euclidean geometry spread with the Jesuits to China, Japan, and other Asian countries. During the late Ming and early Qing dynasties, the Jesuit Matteo Ricci (1552–1610) and Xu Guangqi (1562–1633) jointly translated Jihe Yuanben, which comprised the first volumes of Euclidean geometry in the East. -
Mathematics, Art, and the Politics of Value in Twentieth-Century United States
The Subjects of Modernism: Mathematics, Art, and the Politics of Value in Twentieth-Century United States by Clare Seungyoon Kim Bachelor of Arts Brown University, 2011 Submitted to the Program in Science, Technology and Society In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History, Anthropology, and Science, Technology and Society at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology September 2019 © 2019 Clare Kim. All Rights Reserved. The author hereby grants to MIT permission to reproduce and distribute publicly paper and electronic copies of this thesis document in whole or in part in any medium now known or hereafter created. Signature of Author: Signatureredacted History, Anthr and Sc'nce, Technology and Society Signature redacted- August 23, 2019 Certified by: David Kaiser Germeshausen Professor of the History of the History of Science, STS Professor, Department of Physics Thesis Supervisor Certified by: Sianature redacted Christopher Capozzola MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OFTECHNOLOGY Professor of History C-) Thesis Committee Member OCT 032019 LIBRARIES 1 Signature redacted Certified by: Stefan Helmreich Elting E. Morison Professor of Anthropology Signature redacted Thesis Committee Member Accepted by: Tanalis Padilla Associate Professor, History Director of Graduate Studies, History, Anthropology, and STS Signature redacted Accepted by: Jennifer S. Light Professor of Science, Technology, and Society Professor of Urban Studies and Planning Department Head, Program in Science, Technology, & Society 2 The Subjects of Modernism Mathematics, Art, and the Politics of Value in Twentieth-Century United States By Clare Kim Submitted to the Program in History, Anthropology, and Science, Technology and Society on September 6, 2019 in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History, Anthropology, and Science, Technology and Society. -
14Th International Conference on the History of Science in East Asia (Paris, 6-10 July 2015): Book of Abstracts Catherine Jami, Christopher Cullen, Sica Acapo
14th International Conference on the History of Science in East Asia (Paris, 6-10 July 2015): Book of Abstracts Catherine Jami, Christopher Cullen, Sica Acapo To cite this version: Catherine Jami, Christopher Cullen, Sica Acapo. 14th International Conference on the History of Science in East Asia (Paris, 6-10 July 2015): Book of Abstracts. 2015, pp.2015-07. halshs-01220174 HAL Id: halshs-01220174 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01220174 Submitted on 25 Oct 2015 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. SOURCES, LOCALITY AND GLOBAL HISTORY: SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGY AND MEDICINE IN EAST ASIA BOOK OF ABSTRACTS 6-10 July 2015 EHESS, Paris 14TH ICHSEA PARTNERS & SPONSORS INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY FOR THE HISTORY OF EAST ASIAN SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGY AND MEDECINE GDR 3398 « Histoire des mathématiques » 14TH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN EAST ASIA SOURCES, LOCALITY AND GLOBAL HISTORY: SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGY AND MEDICINE IN EAST ASIA BOOK OF ABSTRACTS Designed by Sica Acapo Edited by Catherine Jami & Christopher Cullen 6-10 July -
The New Temple Geometry Problems in Hirotaka's Ebisui Files
The New Temple Geometry Problems in Hirotaka's Ebisui Files Miroslaw Majewski (馬裕褀) [email protected] Jen-Chung Chuan (全任重) [email protected] Nishizawa Hitoshi (西澤 一) [email protected] Abstract: For quite a while we are witnessing development of Hirotaka files. These are PDF documents with hundreds of geometry problems developed by a Japanese mathematician Hirotaka Ebisui. At the same time there are very few mathematicians, or even geometers, aware of existence of these files, and even less people who recognize their value. The objective of this paper is to make a brief analysis of these files, examine roots of the geometry problems in the Hirotaka files, and point out their value. 1. Introduction Let us start with a question to the reader, or even two questions. Can you imagine a mathematician who proved a nice theorem, then wrote it down or painted it on a wooden tablet, went with it to a church, or a temple, and hung it there? If you are a teacher of mathematics, can you imagine that you asked some of your students to take their mathematics homework, and carry it to a local shrine? Certainly most of you cannot imagine such practices and, I believe, never heard about such things. However, there is such a country where mathematicians and enthusiasts of mathematics used to carry their best theorems to a shrine, and hung them somewhere on the wall, or under a roof. This practice happened long time ago, and sporadically it happens also today. Such theorems were usually painted on a smooth piece of wooden plank, and sometimes they were even framed.